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ttbe IRecorbs of tbe Cit^? of Utorwicb. 



Citg of Homncfy, 



(Ho ft. Editorial Secretary of the Norfolk and Norwich Archceological Society, 
formerly Vicar of St. Peter Parmentergate, Norwich], 


(Hon. Archivist of the City of Norwich]. 




I / 

11 -7/1 

on&on: JARROLD & SONS, 10 & n, WARWICK LANE, E.G. 
(All Rights Reserved}. 











MARCH, 1910. 


THE Preface to Volume I. sufficiently indicates the plan which 
has been followed in the execution of this work. As there stated, 
the present Volume deals with the Social and Economic life of the 
Citizens as revealed in their Records. Such a field of investigation 
is so wide that it is impossible adequately to cover it in a limited 
volume, and the extracts selected are not to be looked upon as in 
any way exhaustive. They have been chosen with a view to 
illustrating the main branches of the economic progress of the City 
in such manner as the development of its municipal government was 
treated in the previous volume, and it is hoped that in a few 
instances the introduction will supplement the extracts as well as 
indicate where some of the connecting links may be found. 

In the first volume it was explained that Mr. Tingey agreed to 
undertake the compilation of the second. He, in turn, takes the 
opportunity to express his thanks to his co-editor, Mr. Hudson, for 
his constant advice and assistance in the compilation and execution 
of the work ; to Mr. Richard Hewlett, F.S.A., for identifying many 
of the various goods on which duties were charged ; to Mr. W. R. 
Rudd, for similar help with the manufactures and their technical 
terms ; to Mr. F. R. Beecheno, for elucidating numerous obsolete 
words, and to others for assistance with the proofs, especially Mr. S. 
Cozens- Hardy, who has also most kindly supplied the information 
relative to the present condition of the Municipal (General) Charities. 

The miscellaneous character of the materials dealt with in this 
second volume made the question of how best to present them 
somewhat difficult. After considerable thought and many attempts, 
the Editors decided that it was advisable to arrange the Records 
according to the sources from which they were drawn, placing the 
materials in each class as far as possible in chronological order, 
and also to keep together the contents of the various Books of 

Finally, the Editors desire to thank the Chairman and Gentlemen 
of the Records Committee and the Town Clerk for their support and 

Corrigenda to IDoL I. 

Page xc., line 5, for the next day, read on the 24th. 

xciv., line 13, for demensions, read dimensions. 

39, line 13, for Earl Warren, read Earl of Warwick. 
,, 143, line 17, for le o, read leso. 

204, n. 3 (and elsewhere) for Wright-Wulcher, read Wright- Wulcker. 
., 258, n. I, for brennium, read biennium. 
,, 287, lines 19 and 20, for feoflors, read feoffees. 

to IDoL II. 

Page 5, line 25, for Nicholao, read Nicholai. 

,, n, line 5, for 1829, read 1289. 

23, line 3, for John Gilbert of, read Sir Gilbert de. 

,, 23, same line, for John Bolour, read Sir John Bolour. 

23, line 23, for domino, read dommis. 

,, 29, line 17, for John Lynsted, read Robert Lynsted. 

42, line 27, for farmes, read fines. 

,, 96, line 19, for William, read Walter. 

101, line 36, for Hamo, read Hamon. 

105, line I, for 12 June, read 13 May. 

108, line 7, for Tuesday, 9, read Friday, 19. 

,, 112, line 15, Marche is a clerical error for May. 

123, line 25, for Georg, read George. 

,, 212, line 18, for de Fulton, read Fulton. 

213, line 21, for Jocelin, read Joscelin. 

,, 223, line 30, for Verby, read Verly. 

,, 223, line 36, for ordeined, read ordained. 

,, 227, line 22, for Stock, read Stok. 

250, line 9, for tke, read the. 

,, 312, line 12, for 1453, read 1543. 
359 l me 39> f r phisician, read physician. 

Gable of tbe Contents of IDol U. 


Introduction - i- 


I. to XLI. Enrolments of Deeds in the City Court, 1286 1508 i 

Accounts of the Bailiffs, Treasurers, and others. 

XLII. The Accounts of Peter Flynt, 1293 to 1305 30 

XLIII. XLIV. Bailiffs' Accounts, 13501 and 13978 38 

XLV. A Pipe Roll, 1357 42 

XLVI. A Treasurers' Roll, 13756 43 

XL VI I. Extracts from the Treasurers' Roll, 1378 9 44 
XLVI 1 1. Extracts from the Accounts of Divers Citizens in the room 

of the Treasurers, 1381 to 1383 46 
XLIX. to XCIII. Extracts from the Treasurers' Accounts, 1384 to 

H45 47 

XCIV. to XCVII. Extracts from the Accounts >f William Aubry, 

Common Sergeant-at-Mace, 1445 to 1449 70 

XCVIII. to CX. Extracts from the Chamberlains' Accounts, 1449 to 

1545 73 

CXI. Account of Terry's Chest, 1623 4 76 

CXII. Extract from Girls' Hospital Account, 1653 4 - 77 

CXIII. The Alnage Account, 1584 5 77 

Proceedings of the City Assembly. 

CXIV. to CXLV. Extracts from Assembly Rolls, 1372 to 1426 - 79 
CXLVI. to CLXXXVI. Extracts from First Assembly Book, 1436 to 

1490 87 

CLXXXVII. to CCXXVI. Extracts from Second Assembly Book, 

1495 to J 55 2 I0 4 

CCXXVII. to CCXLVIII. Extracts from Third and later Assembly 

Books, 155410 1681 - - 13! 


Extracts from the Book of Miscellaneous Matters before the Mayor. 
CCXLIX Petition of the Commons in Parliament with respect to 

the Worsted Weavers (1442) 149 

CCL. Scheme for Amalgamating St. George's Gild with the Cor- 
porate Body (1449) T 5 2 

Proceedings in the Court of Mayoralty. 
CCLI. to CCLX. Extracts from First Book of Worsted Weavers, 

1496 to 1497 153 

CCLXI. to CCCLXXXIII. Extracts from the Court Books, 1520 to 

1686 157 









Extracts from the Book of Customs. 
The Bailiffs of Yarmouth ordered not to interfere 
with merchants passing to the Staple at Norwich 

Tolls paid on goods coming to the City 

Orders concerning Swine and Dogs (1354) 

The Assize of Measures (1225) 

The Recipe for the Herring Pies - 

Agreement between the Citizens and the Woad 

Merchants of Amiens and Corbie (1286) 
A Fine between the Prior and the Citizens touching 

the Common Pasture in Eaton and Lakenham 

Order for the Prior to permit the Citizens to have 

a Free Fishery in the River (temp. Hen. III.) 

CCCXCI 1 1. 






* CCCC. 

Extracts from the Old Free Book. 
An Examination of the City's Liabilities in 1344 
The Account of Richard Spynk's work upon the Walls 

The Community agrees to keep the Walls and Ditches 

in repair (1344) 

The King's Writ touching the Vacant Grounds (1330) 
The Franchise granted to the sons of Citizens (1348) 
The Enlargement of the Church Yard of St. Peter 

Mancroft (1368) 

Extracts from the Pipe Roll of 1349 
The Procession on the Feast of Corpus Christi (c. 

The Norwich Pageants (i6th cent.) 







22 ? 



Extracts from Nonvich Domesday Book. 


CCCCI. A Warrant authorising certain persons to receive offer- 
ings with which to purchase Lands and Tenements 
for the Common Benefit, and the Ordinances there- 
upon issued (1378) - 231 
CCCCII. An Extent of the City Property (1397) 237 
CCCCIII. Rents paid by the Community (c. 1397) - 250 
CCCCI V. Farms paid by the Community (c. 1397) 250 
CCCCV. Salaries of Officials (c. 1397) - 250 
CCCCVI. Rents received from Religious Bodies and others (c. 

1397) - 251 

CCCCVII. Licence in Mortmain (1392) - 252 

Extracts from Norwich Liber Albus. 

CCCCVIII. Date of the Book, 1426 254 

CCCCIX. A Composition between the Prioress of Carrow and 

the Community of Norwich (1290) 254 

CCCCX. The Sheriffs of London summoned to answer the 

Citizens of Norwich on the Plea of Trespass (1301) 258 
CCCCXI. A Writ of Henry VI. notifying that the Citizens of 
Norwich as of Ancient Demesne are free from all 
Tolls (1433) 258 

CCCCXI I. An account of the Dispute with London respecting 
the sale of Norwich Commodities at Blackwell 
Hall in 1638 259 

CCCCXIII. The Citizens' Petition to be allowed to deduct certain 
sums from the payment of the arrears of the Fee 
Farm Rent (c. 1280) - 266 

CCCCX IV. The Decree of the Privy Council relative to the sale of 

Norwich Commodities in London in 1579 - - 268 

CCCCXV. An account of the Burning of the Priory by the Citizens 

in 1272 - 269 

CCCCXV I. The Composition made with the Prior in 1306 - 271 

CCCCXVII. The Ordinances for Crafts made in 1449 - 278 

CCCCXVIII. The New Ordinances concerning Occupations and 

Crafts made in 1543- - 296 

CCCCXIX. The Gild Days of the Crafts (c. 1543) - 310 

'CCCCXX. The Order of the Procession on Corpus Christi Day 

(c- 1543) 3!2 

CCCCXXI. The Oath of the Strangers Goldsmiths 313 

CCCCXXII. The Agistment for the Walls (1451) - 313 

CCCCXXIII. The Charge of the Masters of Crafts - 315 

CCCCXXI V. The Mayor's Proclamation - - - 316 


CCCCXXV. Another Form of the Oath of the Masters of Crafts 317 
CCCCXXVI. A Commission for cleansing the River and Ditches 

and repairing the Walls (c. 1452) 318 







Extracts from the Book of Pleas. 

Pleas of the Crown before Henry de Bath in 1250 

Pleas of the Crown before Gilbert de Preston in 
1257 - 

Pleas of the Crown for the Liberty of Yarmouth 
before Nicholas de Turri in 1268 - 

Pleas of the Crown before Salomon de Rochester 
in 1286 - - 

Writ authorising the Bailiffs to rate all holders of 
tenements, whether Foreign or Native for the 
repair of the Walls (1308) - 

The Distraints taken from certain Citizens at Boston 
Fair for the non-payment of Pavage and Pontage 
are returned upon the production of their Charter 

Commission to enquire throughout the Realm as to 

persons feigning to be the King's Minstrels (1429) 

Letters Patent of Edward III. concerning Alien 

Workers of Cloths (1352) - 

Extracts from the Book of Dutch and Walloon Strangers. 






The Introduction of Strangers from the Low 
Countries in 1564 - 

Objections to the Orders for the Walloon Manufac- 

tures (1571) 

The Orders for the Strangers Russell Weavers (1578) 

Orders concerning the Plague (1579) - 

Introduction of the Art of Dyeing in Green (1590) 

Orders for Sealing the Dry Cloths usually made by 

the Walloons, and the Greasy Cloths usually made 

by the Dutch (1607) - - 

Extracts from the early Poor Books. 












CCCCXLI. The Census of the Poor in the Small Ward of St. 

Steven (1570) 339 

CCCCXLI I. The Proceedings taken upon the Census - - 343 

CCCCXLIII. The Orders for the Poor (1571) - - 344 

CCCCXLIV. Orders for the Select Women (1571) - 356 


Some Miscellaneous Documents. 


CCCCXLV. The Will of John Bonde (1248 ? ) 358 

CCCCXLVI. The Will of William de Dunwich (1272) - 360 

CCCCXLVII. A Rental of the Property of the Community (1346) - 363 
CCCCXLVIII. An Accord between the Prior and the Citizens 

respecting the River and Bishop's Bridge (1331) - 366 
CCCCXLIX. A Rescue effected by the Prior and Monks (1506) - 368 
CCCCL. The Refusal of the Common Assembly to permit 
the Priory, Holmstrete, &c., to be transferred 
to the County of Norfolk (1524) - 370 

CCCCLI. An Agreement with the Dean and Chapter respecting 

the Jurisdiction within the Precinct (1539) - 371 

CCCCLII. The Ordinances for the Worsted Weavers in 1511 - 376 
CCCCLIII. Replies to certain assertions made by the Citizens 
of London in support of their design to abolish 
the Norwich Sale Halls (c. 1578) - - 379 

CCCCLIV. A Statement made to the Lords of the Council 
respecting the sale of Norwich Commodities in 
London (c. 1578) - 380 

CCCCLV. The Preamble of the Hatters' Book (1543) 381 

CCCCLVI. Ordinances for Crafts by which they are united into 

Twelve Grand Companies (1622) 382 

CCCCLVII. The Form of the Freeman's Certificate in the isth 

Century - 386 

CCCCLV A Report upon the Conduct of the Inmates at the 
Great Hospital, suggesting methods of reforming 

it (155) ' 387 

CCCCLIX. The Purchase of the Bridewell in St. Andrew (1583) 389 
CCCCLX. The Contract for re-building the Common Quay in 

Conesford (1432) 389 
CCCCLXI. The Clauses peculiar to the Second Charter of 

Edward IV. (1461) - 391 

CCCCLXII. An Agreement relating to the Waterworks at the 

New Mills (1584) - 392 

CCCCLXIII. An Order respecting the Width of the River (1663) 395 

The Gild of Si. George. 

CCCCLXIV. An early Account Roll (ante 1420) - 395 

CCCCLXV. An early Inventory (ante 1420) 396 

CCCCLXVI. An Account Roll (14201) - 397 

CCCCLXVII. An Inventory of the effects of the Gild (1442) 399 



CCCCLXVIII. Items in the Inventory of 1469 differing from those 

described in 1442 - - 400 

CCCCLXIX. The Oath of the Brethren 401 
CCCCLXX. The Rules for St. George's Company instituted in 

1548 - 401 

Some of Kirkpatrick' s Notes. 

CCCCLXXI. Extract from the Pipe Roll of 12723 - 404 
CCCCLXXII. Extracts from the Accounts of the Sacrist of the 

Priory - 406 

CCCCLXXIII. The Sunday Market on Tombland (1380) - 406 

CCCCLXXI V. The Assize of Cloth (1327) 406 

CCCCLXXV. The Alnage of Worsteds (1349) 407 

CCCCLXXVI. Sale of Worsteds (1389) 408 

CCCCLXXVII. Extracts from the Russell-Weavers' Book - - 408 

Xtet of 3I(U6tration0. 




IN 1524 










facing p. xxxii. 

,, Ixxiv. 

,, cxxxviii. 



I. Origin and Early Growth i. 

II. Early Prosperity at its Zenith xv. 

III. Reorganisation and Municipal Control of Trade - xxxiv. 

IV. Woollen Trade and Worsted Manufacture lix. 
V. Alien Immigration : The New Drapery - Ixx. 

VI, Poor Relief: Municipal Charities xciv. 

VII. Various Matters of Interest - ... cxviii. 

I. Origin and Early Growth. 

i. Britons and Romans. 

In tracing the municipal history of Norwich in our first volume 
it was not necessary to go further back than the Danish Settlement. 
The possession of a mint about 925 implies a fairly developed 
organisation, but we have no evidence by which we may trace its 
previous progress. 

With regard to the economic history of the city, which forms the 
subject of our second volume, it is essential to enquire what tribes 
or races had previously occupied the spot, and how far the inhabitants 
at the time our definite knowledge begins, were mixed with and 
influenced by their predecessors. 

The site of Norwich was included in the territory of the Iceni, 
the British tribe made famous by the courage of their Queen 
Boadicea. When the earthworks on the Castle Hill were supposed 
by students to be Celtic it was easy to imagine a Celtic predecessor 
of the city. But even so it was impossible to point to any relics of 
a settled community. 

ii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

After the Britons came the occupation of the country by the 
Romans. Some writers have held that Norwich was the Roman 
station of Venta Icenorum. Modern students, however, have almost 
unanimously agreed to place Venta at Caister, and to conclude that 
there was no actual Roman town at Norwich. A few traces of the 
Romans, pottery and coins, have been found, and probably a Roman 
road may be detected in the names of two of the streets when our 
records commence in the 13 th century. While the great majority 
have the Danish termination "gate," meaning a way, two of them 
have the Roman termination " strete." They were called the 
streets "of Berstrete" and " Holmstrete." They might mark a 
Roman roadway passing from the top of what afterwards became 
the Castle outworks, under the future Castle mound 1 to Tombland. 
There it would possibly divide, one road, Holmstrete, passing east- 
wards over the Cow Holm and crossing the river by a ford at Bishop's 
Bridge, the other running northwards and crossing the river either 
by a ford or a timber causeway at Fibridge. 

2. Angles. 

The Romans left the country about 410, and for half a century 
or more the spot would be deserted. Then came the first permanent 
settlers who were, undoubtedly, the founders of what afterwards 
became the City of Norwich. These were the Angles. Unfor- 
tunately our knowledge of what took place during their settlement 
is hopelessly scanty, and we are practically driven to base our 
conclusions on two district-names occurring in our earliest records, 
names which plainly carry us back to this period, Conesford and 

It may be as well to refer in passing to two matters on 
which an opinion must be expressed. The first is the date of the 
foundation of the Castle. As mentioned in Vol. I. 2 it has hitherto 
been recorded as the most important work of the Angles, forming 
in fact the nucleus of the future town. The Compilers of these 
volumes, however, considering the evidence recently adduced in 
favour of the Norman origin of these artificial castle-mounds too 
strong to be disregarded, must conclude that there was no castle- 
hill here in the times of the Angles or Danes. This would of 

1 We have Sir John Perm's authority that he saw something of the kind when a well 
was being sunk within the Keep in 1784. Norfolk Archaeology, Vol. XII. p. 30. 

2 p. ii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. iii. 

itself dispose of the second point, the old story that, about the 
year 677, Tombert, prince of the Girvii, with his wife, Ethelfleda, 
daughter of Anna King of the East Angles, granted lands to the 
Monastery of Ely on the tenure of Castle-guard service to the Castle 
of Norwich. The unfounded character of the argument, on which 
this assumption of the early existence of the Castle was based, has 
long ago been pointed out by Kirkpatrick 1 and others. 

It would appear, then, that we must confine ourselves to the 
two names already mentioned. The first, Conesford, was originally 
Kyningesford, or the King's ford. The ford, if within the district 
called Conesford, must have been not far from the site of the present 
Foundry Bridge. In our entire ignorance of the circumstances of 
the time when the name may have first come into use, it is not 
altogether easy to account for the ford or its connection with a 
king. 2 Still, however obscure the origin of the name may be, the 
existence of the settlement in the earliest times cannot be doubted, 
and it will be observed that it contains several distinctively English 
dedications, to St. Etheldreda, St. Ethelbert, St. Edward, and 
St. Cuthbert. 

The other presumably Angle settlement, Coselanye, presents 
no difficulty. Its termination, "eye" or island, corresponds with 
the known condition of the district 3 The name would, of course, 
start from the river, and more than one island existed there till 
quite recent times. 

The existence of these two Angle settlements will probably 
not be disputed. But the question arises, How far can they be 
considered as the substantial foundation of the future city ? Did 
they in any true sense form one community ? Only a conjectural 
answer can be given to this question. On the one hand they were 
topographically separated from each other by the river, and apparently 
their natural tendency was to extend in the direction away from 
each other. Conesford extended southwards and Coselanye north- 
wards from its nucleus. On the other hand there must always have 
been fairly convenient communication at the site of Fibridge, even 
though the river may at times have been a good deal wider than 
now, and the intervening riverside meadows frequently impassable. 

1 Religious Houses in Norwich, p. 248. 

2 In later times it may have led from Thorpe to the Castle. But apart from this 
name there is no trace of any passage over the river at this spot. The present line of 
communication by a bridge and a connecting road on the Thorpe side is quite modern. 

3 See extract No. VII, 

iv. Selected Records of the City of Nonvich. 

We may also reasonably suppose that as they developed they would 
more and more tend to union. In this connection, we may note the 
characteristic English dedication of St. Edmund in Fishergate, not 
far from Fibridge. The street finally assumed a Danish name, but 
the dedication of its church to the King who was martyred by the 
Danes, must surely imply an existing English population strong 
enough to hold its own in spite of predominating Danish influence. 
Moreover, the fact that the name Conesford retained a permanent 
hold over the south-eastern district of the burgh and that of 
Coselanye over the north-western, and that their principal streets 
always preserved these names, while the side streets were called 
" gates," is a strong indication that the settlements so called must 
have included their whole extent before Danish influence became 

While therefore we hesitate to attribute to these two Angle settle- 
ments the status of a combined and organised community, yet the 
evidence seems to warrant our regarding them as two kindred 
communities which were in the course of coalescence when a new 
and stronger element coming amongst them hastened and con- 
solidated the process. 

On the supposition that these two settlements during the greater | 
part of the Angle period consisted practically of two separate villages 
there is no difficulty in picturing the daily life of the inhabitants as 
that of those of other contemporary villages, especially such as were 
situated by the riverside. To the necessary pursuits of agriculture 
and tending their cattle they would add fishing and perhaps a little 
trade in salt, herrings, and other sea fish. Yarmouth had not yet 
risen to block the estuary and command the river. The sea flowed 
far more freely over the marshes, so that even at the time of the 
Conquest Norwich was popularly described as only 14 miles from 
the sea. 1 

3. Danes. 

We are thus brought to the period of the Danes which, if we may 
include in it the 200 years preceding the Norman Conquest, found 
Norwich scarcely developed into a combined unit and left it one of' 
the very largest boroughs in the kingdom. The Danish invasions 
took the form of a more permanent occupation of East Anglia soon 
after the middle of the 9th century, and in 878, by the Peace off 

1 See Vol. I. p. vi. and also p. 142 n. i. The sea would be at Reedham. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. v. 

Wed more concluded between Alfred and Guthrum, it was formally 
handed over to the Danes and became part of the district of the 
Danelaw. It has hitherto been generally assumed that Norwich was 
at once made the centre of Danish administration in East Anglia. 
The idea of course arose from the supposition that there was a strong 
castle available for the chieftain's use. Apparently, however, Thetford 
was as yet the principal place in East Anglia and the Danes wintered 
there in 870. But there is every reason to suppose that from the first 
they favoured Norwich. It was far more accessible to the sea and 
was just in a condition for new settlers to occupy and develop. 

We have seen in our first volume 1 that some 5 years later 
Norwich was an organised burgh with a mint of its own, and more- 
over that in this connection we have the first known use of the name. 
With the exception of this important piece of knowledge, our 
evidence with regard to Danish development is still derived almost 
exclusively from place-names. But our information from that source 
is very much fuller and more definite. We may notice, first, a third 
district, Westwyk. This, like Conesford and Coselanye, must have 
been originally a separate settlement, for like them it gave its name 
to its principal streets, and was evidently settled before the final 
unification of the Anglo-Danish burgh. 

Besides the addition of Westwyk we find traces of the Danes all 
over the city. Attention has been already called to the prevalence 
in Norwich of the Danish termination "gate" or way. It is fair to 
assume that, as a general rule, the streets and lanes so called have a 
Danish origin. Thus we learn that from the riverside district of 
Conesford the Danes spread upwards to the high ridge of Berstrete, 
marking their progress by three "gates," Sandgate, Holgate, Skeythe- 
gate. In Westwyk, parallel to its main street, was Pottergate, or 
Potter's Way. Two lanes, Smalegate and Stongate, issuing south- 
wards from this road may indicate the spreading of the Danes in the 
direction of the future district of Mancroft. A northern extension 
of Conesford Street across the river was named Fibriggate, from 
which immediately over the river branched off Fishergate to the east 
and Colgate, towards Coselany, to the west. It is not of course 
possible to say definitely when all this development took place. 
Some of these localities may have previously had a scanty Angle 
population. Nor is it certain that the termination "gate" may not 
have been newly given some time after the Conquest. But we must 

1 p. ii 

vi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

remember the very large population we have to make room for in the 
time of Edward the Confessor before the Conquest. It must have 
fairly occupied all the above districts. 

During this period, as has been pointed out in Vol. I. p. v., the 
centre of the combined burgh was plainly " Tomland," vacant 1 space. 
To it all the main streets converged and here would be held the 
common market and the assemblies of the burgh and the hundred. 

We have no means of knowing how far the progress of the 
burgh may have been affected by political changes. Early in the 
io th century Alfred's son Edward the elder recovered the sovereignty 
of East Anglia, but in 1004 to revenge the massacre of the Danes, 
as the Chronicle tells us, " Swegen came with his fleet to Norwich 
and altogether wasted and burned the burgh." Blomefield 2 speaks 
of the place as being then left desolate for six years when the Danes 
returned and rebuilt it, etc. There really seems no ground for this 
assertion. The re-settled inhabitants were not all Danish warriors 
nor is anything said about a massacre of the population. Wooden 
and mud cottages are easily rebuilt and when things settled down, 
though once more under Danish rule, progress would resume its 
course as before, probably all the more with an influx of new blood. 
In confirmation of this, we find the Norwich mint in active operation 
during the reigns of Canute and Edward the Confessor. 

4. Time of Edward the Confessor. 

This brings us to the close of the period we are considering and 
to the really remarkable account of the burgh on the eve of the 
Norman Conquest as we find it described in Domesday Book. The 
account has been given in full in the first volume. 3 The burgh 
contained no fewer than 1320 burgesses. Local historians may 
dwell with some pride on the fact that no other city mentioned 
in Domesday Book except York 4 had so many. 

It is even more interesting to consider under what economic 
conditions so large a population, organised in one community, could 
have lived and prospered at that time. A large population is a 
necessary assumption with so many burgesses. A later custom 
required a " citizen " to be holder of a fairly stocked house as a 
guarantee that he could bear his share of the common burdens. It 
is difficult to see how the earlier " burgesses " could have been free 

1 Tom, vacuus. Prompt. Parv. 196. 2 Vol. III. p. 7. 

p. 1. 4 London is omitted. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. vii. 

from some such condition. If an average family be set down at five 
persons and allowance be made for the clergy, '' bordarii " or cotters 
(of whom there were 480 in the time of King William), and others 
who were not recognised burgesses, 7000 persons is a moderate 
estimate for the resident inhabitants. How were they supported ? 

No doubt many of them were still engaged in agriculture, in 
tilling lands held under their respective lords. Besides the 80 acres 
which the burgesses held in the hundred of Humbleyard there was 
within the circuit of the future walls and in the immediate suburb a 
large extent of land under cultivation to a much later time. Chapel 
Field Croft, part of the New Burgh, was arable land in the 13 th 
century. Surrey Street, which is just about a furlong in length and 
whose curve suggests the ancient mode of ploughing, had (before it 
was called Newgate) been " Thedwardscroft," which the monks 
declared had sometime formed part of Lakenham. The Gilden 
Croft was still being cultivated in the i8 th century, and Braun's Map 
of the city at the commencement of our first volume displays 
numerous enclosed lands inside the wall and river extending from 
the Gilden Croft all round to and within Conesford. Comparatively 
early documents speak of lands without S 1 Augustine's Gates, and 
in the neighbourhood of the Magdahen Hospital, and there was also 
a south field 1 outside the walls in the quarter it indicates. 

But manifestly besides the tillers of the soil, a large portion of 
the population must have been either handicraftsmen or traders and 
some merchants. On this matter Domesday Book gives us no help. 
The names of certain persons from whose houses the King had no 
custom, as the " arbalister," the " lorimer," the " watchman," the 
"ditcher," rather suggest that their custom was commuted for castle- 
guard services. The annual render to the King of a bear implies 
oversea intercourse, probably with Norway. The similar render of 
honey (an obligation laid upon several other large towns) 2 points to 
local trade. Honey, the chief sweetener of food, and the basis of 
the popular drink of mead would be obtained from the country- 
men in exchange for iron, fish, salt and other things which the 
country farm did not produce. We might draw a picture of this 
interchange between country and town and between Norwich and 
some foreign lands, and we might not be far from the truth. But in 
the absence of authentic evidence it is better to wait till our records 

1 Rot. Pa-/. Vol. V. p. 590. 

2 Ballard, Domesday Boroughs, p. 78. 

viii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich, 

furnish us with abundant details 200 years later. Meanwhile we are 
justified in concluding that the development of trade and merchandise 
must have made no little progress, or otherwise so large an aggrega- 
tion of people could not have subsisted in so limited an area. 

5. The Norman Conquest and its Results. 

The effect of the Norman Conquest on the municipal develop- 
ment of the burgh has been dealt with in our previous volume. Its 
effect on the economic progress was rather more indirect and is not 
quite so easy to estimate. 

It did not, except in connection with Earl Ralph's rebellion, 
displace the existing population or interfere directly with their 
customs and modes of life. But it added two new elements, which, 
while increasing the size of the combined community, must un- 
doubtedly have introduced for a time considerable rivalry between 
the old and the new. 

The two new elements were due (a) to the building of the 
Castle and the concurrent formation of the New Burgh and (3) to 
the transference of the Episcopal See from Thetford to Norwich 
which led to the foundation of the Cathedral and Priory. In both 
these cases the disadvantage was that the ktiights and soldiers cf the 
Castle together with the burghers of the New Burgh, and also the 
clergy and monks of the Cathedral and Priory were almost entirely 
aliens in race and language, and the former were organised under 
different customs. This very seriously affected the municipal 
development of the burgh. But the economic life of the people 
would not be affected in the same way. The change would rather 
be one of control and administration than the displacement of one 
race for another. If, as is probable, a Norman market was at once 
established in Mancroft it is most unlikely that Norman traders 
were attracted in sufficient numbers to carry it on. The Normans 
who settled in England were knights and nobles with some soldiers. 
Afterwards merchants in small numbers may have come to the 
town, and some of the higher classes of craftsmen, especially with 
the advent of the monks and the building of the Cathedral and 
Priory. But the great mass of the traders, artizans and labourers 
must have remained as they were. English traders would pocket 
their patriotism to gain profit in the Norman market. So long as 
the old market continued on Tombland the old traders would not 
refuse to deal with their country customers because the manors had 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. ix. 

passed into Norman hands. There is, moreover, no reason to 
suppose that after the first influx of Normans the first settlers as 
they died out were replaced by others of the same race. On the 
contrary there is evidence, as has already been noted, 1 that in 
Norwich, as in other towns on the east coast, the Norman element 
after two generations or little more had become socially absorbed 
into that of the conquered race. 

On the whole then we may conclude that, although Norman 
control at once superseded Anglo-Danish, and although by degrees 
the old Tombland centre of burghal life had to succumb to its rival 
in Mancroft, yet practically the economic action of the burgh 
remained in the same hands, and by the middle of the 12 th century 
was flowing with a free course in one united stream. 

For a time, it is true, the Rebellion of Earl Ralph in 1075 
caused very serious hindrance to the progress of the burgh. At the 
time of Domesday Book, some eleven years afterwards, only 665 of 
the King's 1,238 burgesses were found in residence. Thirty-two are 
accounted for as having fled. With regard to " mansure," presumably 
burgage tenements, there is a curious difference made between those 
of the King's burgesses and those of the burgesses belonging in 
King Edward's time to Harold and Stigand. In the two latter cases 
a house and a burgess are treated as identical. Stigand had 50 
burgesses, now 39 of them are there, and 9 (no doubt correctly u) 
houses are vacant. Harold had 32 burgesses. Now there are 15 
and 17 houses are vacant. In the case of the King's 1,238 burgesses, 
665 were found, and there should be 573 houses accounted for. 
Mention is made of 190 being vacant, and 81 being "in occupation 
of the castle." Even if we add the 50 houses "of which the King 
has not his custom," that still leaves 252 houses less than the 
number of burgesses. Can we suppose that while each of Harold's 
and Stigand's burgesses had a house, such was not the case with the 
burgesses under the jurisdiction of the King and the Earl, or 
could it be that the sites of 252 burgage tenements could not be 
identified ? That seems very improbable, for the exact record of the 
numbers indicates that a list was kept of the tenements liable to 
burgage-rent as afterwards of the landgable rent which was the same 
thing. However this may be, in time most of the vacant tenements 
would be re-occupied and their tenants would resume their privilege 
and burden. 

1 Vol. I. p. xviii. note. 

x. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

6. Some indications of Progress. 

In the remainder of this section, it is proposed to deal with the 
period between the Norman Conquest and the latter part of the 
13 th century. We are still without much definite information on our 
special subject and must content ourselves with isolated facts and 

(a) The earliest Fair. In connection with the foundation of 
the Cathedral Priory the Whitsuntide fair is first heard of. Bishop 
Herbert de Lozinga assigned it to the monks saying when he did 
so that King William had given it to him. The charter of William 
Rufus, however, does not mention it, so it was perhaps inseparable 
from the land of S l Michael, meaning Tombland, which that 
king confirmed to him. The compiler of the Fundatio Cathedralis 
Ecclesie 1 calls attention to a yearly gathering and procession on 
Whitsunday to the church of S l Mary in the Marsh, which stood 
near Tombland, and he may be giving it as his opinion that the 
fair was instituted a long time before the conquest. Henry I. granted 
a charter of confirmation for the fair and prolonged it until 
the Monday evening after the octave of Pentecost. 2 The octave 
of Pentecost came to be celebrated in after years as Trinity Sunday, 
but if it was designed that the fair should cover the nominal 
dedication festival of the Cathedral (which was actually assigned to 
24 September), it is a very early instance of the observance of 
the feast in this country, for it did not become general until 
1334. As a matter of fact it was assumed in later times that 
another fair had been granted, possibly through the latin equivalent 
Feria being a plural word, and though there was no interval 
between the two, they were frequently spoken of as Pentecost 
and Trinity fairs, and were surviving until quite the middle of 
the last century. 

(b] The Jews.Qnz result of the Conquest is said to have 
been the introduction of Jews by order of and under the protection 
of the King. Though no record of their immigration is known 
it must have been early in such an important place as Norwich. 
Kirkpatrick 3 interpreting a statement of Stowe 4 thinks that they 
may at first have settled in Holdtor Lane on the north of the 
market, but there seems to be no sufficient ground for his 
statement. They were the King's special property and no more 

1 Vol. I. p. 52. 2 Norwich Liber Aldus, f. i86d. 

3 Streets and Lanes of Norwich, p. 48. 4 Sun*. Loud. Bk. I. p. 19. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xi. 

secure site or more convenient for commercial purposes could 
be found than that which we afterwards find them occupying. 
They dwelt in the New Burgh between the Castle enclosure and 
the Market. The " Scola Judaeorum," their chief official building 
and Synagogue, was there. Across the road at the south end 
of the market stood at a later time the dwelling of one of 
the wealthiest of them, Abraham "dives" as he is called in an 
old rent-book of S l Giles' Hospital. For centuries after their 
expulsion it was known as " Abraham's Hall." No vestige of 
this ancient structure now remains, yet it was doubtless on a 
par with Moyses' Hall at Bury S l Edmund's and other similar 

In 1144 there seems to have been a purpose to massacre 
the Jews in Norwich, which was frustrated by the Sheriff. An 
incredible story was invented how they had crucified and murdered 
a boy, afterwards canonised as S l William, and hidden his body 
in a wood. The manuscript containing the tale has within the 
last few years been brought to light, and published, 1 and in the 
endeavour to bolster up a fiction, we may be positive that the 
author, Thomas of Monmouth, a local and contemporary monk, 
pictured Norwich very much as he saw it, so that something may 
be gleaned from the pages of the social condition of Norwich 
at an obscure period. 

The Jews are depicted as pawnbrokers and general money 
lenders, while, excepting numerous physicians, the Christians are 
following those trades one expects to meet with everywhere, 
such as bakers and chandlers. A few trades demand special 
attention. There is a wine-merchant from the town of Cologne, 
just then becoming famous for its hanse and cloth manufactory. 
It was, moreover, the forerunner of the German Hanse which 
originated in the next century with its centre at Lubeck. 
Evidently the merchant imported wine and carried home wool. 
Nor is it likely that he was the only one of his class trading 
with Norwich, for there was sufficient foreign trade to afford a 
livelihood to at least one money-changer (trapezeta). Fishermen 
are noticed, and the only artizans mentioned who could be 
manufacturing anything for the outside world are the skinners 
(pelliparii), to one of whom S' William was apprenticed at the 

^ St. William of Norwich, by Jessopp and James. 1896. Rye, Norf. Aiitiq. Miicel. I. 312. 

xii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

early age of eight. The narrator does not affect to see any- 
thing unusual in this, in as much as he says that S 4 William 
soon surpassed the lads of his own age in efficiency. 

(V) Norwich Renders in the time of King Stephen. Blomefield 1 
has given his sanction to an impossible statement about the wealth 
of Norwich in 1153, namely that Stephen had granted to his son, 
William of Blois, " the Castle of Norwich with 700 librates of land." 
This is interpreted to mean that " the rents of the City of Norwich 
were then valued at 700 per annum." Whatever " rents " might be 
understood such a value is out of all reason. The true explanation 
appears to be that the "redditus" were the royal dues described in 
Domesday Book, where they amount to 9$ gs. 6d. blank, or 
100 IO.T. by tale plus the falcon in either case. When to this 
is added an unknown sum for the profits of the court and for 
tolls, the total would fairly correspond with the 108 blank paid 
for the farm of the city in 1157. The lands, in various places, 
granted with the Castle, included the Burgh of Norwich, and 
William was obliged to account for its renders in the 700 he 
gathered from them all. They would be those lands in Norfolk 
and elsewhere owing Castle-guard service, which services would 
naturally follow the grant of the Castle. 

(d} Norwich Weavers in 1174. A curious reference to a 
Norwich industry is made in connection with a catastrophe which 
befell the town in 1174. In that year Hugh Bigot, who had 
taken the part of the eldest son of Henry II. against his father, 
attacked the place with a band of Flemings. Little defence was 
offered and Matthew Paris says that a vast amount of money 
and captives were taken away. The French Chronicler, Jordan 
Fantosme, explains the easy capture of the town by saying that 
the Norwich men " for the most part were weavers, they knew 
not to bear arms in knightly wise." Whether there was any 
actual truth in this statement we cannot say. It does not 
accord with our evidence of a somewhat later date. It appears, 
however, from the Pipe Roll of 1202 that the citizens were then 
carrying on a trade in dyed cloth and apparently had been doing 
so for several years. 

A reliable conclusion may be arrived at about another industry. 
King Henry II. enacted that no tanner or bleacher of hides 
should dwell in the forests outside a borough. 2 Now one of the 

i Vol. III. p. 25. 2 Stubbs' Select Charters, p. 159. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xiii. 

old city churches is called " S 1 Peter de Parmentergate " meaning 
" in the street of the parmenters " or leather dressers. But our 
records after the middle of the 13 th century show no parmenters 
there any longer. Their place was occupied by tanners, whose 
surnames in many cases denote their original immigration, 1 perhaps 
in obedience to King Henry's order, from Norfolk villages situated 
upon the rivers. 

(e) Norwich a Sea-port. From Danish times onwards Norwich 
must have had a share of foreign commerce. The Pipe Roll of 
1204 includes Norwich in a list of sea-ports, and the claim was 
urged against Yarmouth in I332. 2 It seems strange, however, to 
find that a writer of the 14* century in assigning a special 
characteristic to various towns of England gives " Hauene de 
Northwyz." 3 

Perhaps a reflection of it 4 may be seen in the annual render of 
25 herring pies to the King, 5 the origin of which is lost in obscurity. 
This service was last performed in 1816, and Blomefield 6 states that 
it was the old fee farm rent of the city 7 before it was incorporated. 
In that case it is surprising that no mention of such a rent is to be 
found in Domesday Book. However some 30 acres of land in East 
Carlton, a village about four miles from Norwich, were burdened 
with the obligation that their owner should carry the pies to the 
King, and Domesday Book under the demesnes of the Kings men 
does show a similar extent of land there apparently charged with 
some personal service. 

(f) The City and tlie Priory. It was inevitable that the 
establishment of the Cathedral Priory should lead to more or less 
friction between the monks and the old English burghers on some of 
whose land they no doubt encroached. It belonged to the King, and 
the monks (rightly or wrongly) asserted that it never had formed 
part of the Domesday Hundred of Norwich but was included in the 
Hundred of Blofield and the parish of Thorpe. 8 So long as the 
New Burgh continued in antagonism to the Old, the monks would 
have the support of the Norman burghers, which perhaps prevented 
the English burghers from pressing their claims too strongly. But 

1 See Norfolk Archceolog-y. Vol. XII. p. 56. 

2 Vol. I. No. XXXVII. 3 Bodl. Lib. Douce MS. 98. f. 195. 

4 N. and Q. Ser. i. Vol. VI. p. 430. 

5 Testa de Nevill, p. 283, etc. 

6 Vol. III. p. 375. ' See No. CCCLXXXVIII. 
8 Vol. I. p. 52. 

xiv. Selected Records of the City of Nonvick. 

when under the Charter of 5 Richard I. the whole city (as thence- 
forward it was called) was granted to the control of the citizens, the 
latter began to assert that the grant included the Priory. For a 
time, however, the disputes did not touch this part of the question 
but only the right of commonage on certain lands at Eaton and 
Lakenham. On these the citizens had immemorially enjoyed right 
of commonage, but the fee had come into the possession of the 
Prior. The contending interests of the parties in this direction were 
for a time settled by a final concord in I2O5- 1 

The ill-feeling between the disputants was greatly intensified by 
the licence which the citizens obtained to enclose the city with a 
bank and ditch in 1252, the river being the defensive bound on the 
east. Thereupon the citizens began to argue that everything within 
this circuit must belong to them. The monks on their part had all 
along enjoyed a protected enclosure within which they could easily 
have defied the citizens to interfere. But they claimed (and with 
good reason) that the Cowholm purchased by Bishop Herbert of the 
King and the land of S l - Michael obtained by exchange from Roger 
Bigot included lands outside their enclosed circuit, especially Raton- 
rowe and Tombland. 2 This land of S l Michael is said to have been 
attached at the time to the palace of " Roger Bigot Earl 3 of 
Norfolk." It had been at one time the centre of the Anglo-Danish 
burgh. It must have appertained to the church of S' Michael which 
in the time of King Edward the Confessor had been held by 
Stigand. Presumably on Stigand's disgrace it had been forfeited to 
the King and by him been attached to the Earl's palace. 4 Although 
the Prior's rights were beyond doubt, the citizens would resent what 
they would consider encroachment on their ancient heritage. More 
than once during the 13 th century serious conflicts had arisen. But 
the climax was reached in 1272 when the riot took place which 
proved almost as disastrous to the city as the rebellion of Earl 
Ralph. The details of this riot have been given at such great length 
by Mr. Walter Rye 5 and other writers, that it is unnecessary to 

1 No. CCCXC. 2 Vol- L p S3 . 

3 The ' ' Earl's Palace " stood at the south end of Tombland afterwards called Raton- 
rowe. It has been supposed to have been the residence of the Earls of East Anglia 
outside the Castle. If the Castle was founded by the Normans, the palace must have 
been the residence of the Norman Earl, perhaps Earl Ralph. Roger Eigot was not Earl 
of East Anglia but Earl of Norfolk. 

4 See Blomefield, Vol. X. p. 470. 5 Norf. Anliq. Miscell. II. p. 17. sq. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xv. 

repeat them here. Starting at the Prior's Whitsuntide fair the 
disturbances culminated in August with an attack on the Priory } 
which resulted in great damage to the Cathedral, the destruction of 
the Belfry and many of the Monastic buildings. 1 The city was put 
under a Papal interdict, the citizens finally had to pay 3000 marks, 
and they did not set themselves fully right with the King and 
receive his formal pardon till the year 1286. At the time the 
questions in dispute were not discussed, but 19 years later, in 1306, a 
composition was entered into between the Citizens and the Prior 
which to some extent effected a modus Vivendi? 

(.) The Friars. One more change affecting the social 
condition of the city about this time may be briefly mentioned, the 
coming of the Friars. The Dominicans or Black Friars established 
themselves in Norwich in 1226, and the Franciscans or Grey Friars 
a little later. Before the close of the century the Austin Friars and 
Carmelite or White Friars, together with several minor orders, were 
settled here. At first they would come in such small numbers and 
live such simple lives that their economic influence would be very 
slight. But by degrees, perhaps not entirely till the next century, 
they became separate communities, like the monks, shut into their 
own enclosures with their conventual buildings. As these enclosures 
involved the absorption of no small number of family holdings, and 
the friars were nominally mendicants and lived upon charity, it may 
be questioned whether they added much to the economic strength or 
progress of the city. 3 

II. Early Prosperity at its Zenith. 

i. Public Revenue and Expenditure. 

Hitherto in tracing the economic progress of the city we have 
had to rely upon isolated scraps of information. As we draw near to 
the close of the 13 th century our sources of information become 
voluminous and explicit. A very large number of private deeds, the 
enrolments of conveyances and other transactions in the Roll of the 
City Court, the Rolls of the Leet Courts, the Custumal and an early 
Chamberlain's Roll furnish us with the means of drawing a very fair 


3 In 1488 the Mayor, Sheriffs, Aldermen and Commonalty were accepted as the 
perpetual founders of the Carmelite Convent. 

xvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

picture of the social and commercial life of the citizens during the 
last quarter of the 13'" and the first quarter of the 14* centuries. 

In considering this matter we must remember that the expen- 
diture for which income was required was of two kinds one to 
meet the demands of the King, the other to meet necessary expen- 
diture at home. This may explain the very scanty details of the 
early accounts. They tell us next to nothing about home expendi- 
ture. There was, in fact, next to none. It consisted chiefly in 
payments to officials and repairs to one or two public buildings. 
Drainage, paving, lighting were unknown luxuries. What necessity 
demanded individual householders were ordered to supply by their 
own labour. On the other hand, the fee farm rent of jio8 and 
more must be paid or the city liberties would be seized. So also 
must the numerous fines and forfeits that from time to time fell 
upon the citizens. For all these items the Bailiffs of the city had 
to answer, and at this time they were apparently allowed to take 
the greater part of the annual incomings. If they were out of 
pocket they got the balance back when and how they could. 

Our earliest Account Roll is one containing the accounts of 
Peter Flynt, 1 who cannot well have been other than the city 
Chamberlain. His accounts (which concern the community only and 
not the bailiffs and the fee farm rent) begin in 1293 and end in 1306, 
the years 1299 and 1300 being omitted; most likely the roll contain- 
ing them is lost. For this reason they fall into two series largely 
differing from one another, for the financial position of the city is 
decidedly better in the last than in the first. In both the fines paid 
for admission to the freedom form the important item of receipts, 
and in the latter series the rents of assize amount to 48^. Sd, while 
the woad market contributes 405"., and the Nedler-row a like sum. 

In the first year, 1293, and in 1294, the rents of the town are 
accounted for at 63^., but they do not occur afterwards, and the 
other two items are not mentioned as receipts previous to the hiatus, 
although the agreement with the woad merchants dated from 1286, 
and the Nedler-row had been reconstructed in 1293. On the other 
hand, in 1295-6 40^. was paid to the Bailiffs on behalf of the woad 
stalls, and another 40^. for the arrears of the instalment ; moreover 
the sums received annually for admission to the liberties are, in the 
second period, quadruple those in the first. Again the arrears of the 
salaries of officials accumulating in the earlier period are being paid 

1 No. XLH. P . 30. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xvii. 

off in the later one, so it is evident that something was done or 
occurred to improve the city's finances in the interval for which 
no accounts exist. 

The murage was being collected throughout the whole time 
under consideration, so the expense of constructing the walls must 
not be advanced as the cause of the city's embarrassments. We 
know, however, that there had been considerable difficulty in 
meeting the charge of the fee farm rent for several years past, and 
Flynt's mention of the debt attermined and the instalment most 
likely refers to the payment of the arrears which had accumulated, 
and had been attermined to be paid by instalments of 10 per 
annum, as will shortly be more fully explained. The Bailiffs are 
clearly appropriating all the city income, except the whole or part 
of the admission fees, for this purpose, and handing to Fiynt the 
surplus after they had satisfied it. In consequence Flynt is com- 
pelled to spend the money delivered to him for the repayment of 
a debt due to Geoffrey de Bungeye. Even then he has an annual 
deficit, which he seems to have made good from his own pocket, 
seeing that he reimburses himself in the later and more prosperous 

During the period of depression the annual average of Flynt's 
receipts is only 14, whereas during the last few years it 
reaches 29. The proportionally large increase is in some 
measure accounted for by the addition of 6 6s. 6d. for various 
rents, which he is now permitted to receive, but by far the 
greater augmentation is the improvement of the admission fees, 
which average four times the sum contributed in the earlier 
years. Naturally the individuals wishing to become citizens 
would be more numerous in prosperous than in depressed 
periods, and if other disturbing influences could be eliminated, the 
number of entries would be some index of the city's position at 
all times. In this instance it may be that the Bailiffs no longer 
required any of the fees, or that defaulters were compelled to take 
up their freedom, or again that the admission fee was increased. 
Among the chapters of customs is one fixing the minimum fee for 
admission to the liberties at 13^. ^d. for apprentices and at 1 for 
foreigners, 1 which was to be paid to the community in either case. 
At the close of the reign of Edward III., however, half was paid 
to the Bailiffs and half to the community. 

1 Vol. I. p. 179. 

xviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

The disbursements include legal expenses and salaries of 
officials, while presents given to the King's Justices are also an 
annual charge. Parchment, too, is invariably one item, though a 
small one, and in 1300-1 a chest with two locks was purchased, 
most likely to receive the city muniments or treasure. Varying 
sums are paid for repairing the Tolhouse, the Murage Loft, built 
about this period, and perhaps the same as the house near the Tol- 
kouse? constructed in 1303-4, and the Gates, in such form as they 
existed before the stone walls were commenced. Allusion is also 
made to repairs done at the Common House, which appears to have 
stood in the parish of S l Mary the Less 2 on the south side of Tomb- 
land, and questionably on the site of the ancient Tolhouse of the 
English Borough, for Blomefield 3 makes the site that of the Earl's 
Palace. At the date of these accounts it appears that the King's 
Justices either held their courts or were lodged there. 

A further account of annual income of a slightly earlier date is 

available. 4 In connection with the seizure of the city liberties in 

1272, there is in the Pipe Roll for the succeeding year an account of 

the sums received by the Gustos who was appointed to take charge 

of the city. A copy of it by Kirkpatrick yet remains among the 

city muniments. It runs from 25 Septr. 1272, to 25 Jan. following, 

the total sum received being 38 15^. *>\d., and all the items are 

given. As this sum represents the revenues of the city for four 

months, and closely corresponds with one-third of the annual fee 

farm rent, it shows how that rent was raised. The landgable, that 

is land-gafol or -rent, was a charge dating from a time long past, 

and consisted of a quit rent of \d. from the site of certain houses t 

the whole of which amounted in after years to the fixed sum of 

3 5^. 4.d. These rents continued to be collected until I744, 5 

when a committee was appointed to make arrangements for selling 

them off. The earliest list of these landgable rents is found in the 

Norwich Domesday. It was drawn up in 1397, and it is clear that 

many of the original holdings thus charged had then been split up 

and others united. Moreover, it was not unusual for the Bailiffs 

when conveying property to encumber it with landgable, presumably 

to recover amounts which had been lost. 

The custos returns no account of fines for admission to the free- 
dom in 1272, nor is it likely that any would accrue when the liberties 

1 P- 36. 2 pp. 3<<; 246 infra. 3 Vol. IV. p, 117. 

4 No. CCCCLXXI. 3 Assembly, 18 June. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xix. 

of the city were in abeyance. Neither would they form part of the 
forfeits, which would be the rents, tolls and other issues for which 
the fee farm rent was supposed to compound. Allowance, however, 
must be made for them when estimating the ordinary revenue of the 
city. The farms of various occupations were lump sums paid by the 
trades named in the place of market tolls, and should be compared 
with the later account of them in the Book of Customs made after 
the fee farm rent had been increased. 1 

It is when we come to look at the demands of the King's 
exchequer that we find the real financial burdens which the citizens 
were being called upon to bear, and we can estimate the substantial 
prosperity which could meet such exactions and yet, as it seems, 
continue to make forward progress. 

In 1275 the citizens redeemed their liberties by agreeing to 
pay a sum of 3,000 marks [2,000] towards rebuilding the Cathe- 
dral Church, which was to be paid at the rate of 500 marks 
yearly one half in the quinzaine of Pentecost the other in the 
quinzaine of Martinmas [il Nov.] and in addition they were to 
give a gold cup worth ioo. 2 Naturally the city's finances were 
crippled by so great a drain upon them, and by way of some 
relief a reasonable sum was granted to the citizens out of the 
rents possessed by foreigners. 3 Blomefield 4 through misreading 
his reference was persuaded that, in 1281, when the payment to 
the Priory ought to have been nearly acquitted, the liberties were 
seized for the arrears of the fee farm rent. Though no proof of this 
has been found, evidently some pressure was being put upon the 
citizens, since they are then found successfully petitioning the King 
to be allowed to deduct from their debt the 6 for the deficiency 
of moneyers together with the 25^. paid to the nuns of Carrow, 5 
annual abatements extending over a period of 43 years, namely 
from the 18 Hen. III. The total amount thus deducted was 
311 15.?. and with this help it is presumed they were able to 
satisfy the King for a time. In 1286, however, twelve leading 
citizens were arrested for not keeping the terms assigned for the pay- 
ment of their debt 6 , and judging from the order to the Sheriff to 
ward the city during the seisure of the liberties in 1290 it amounted 
to ^595 which had been attermined to be paid by instalments 

1 p. 204. 2 Rot. Clans. 3 E. I. m. 3. 3 Town Close Evidences, p. 10. 

4 Vol. III. p. 63. 5 No. CCCCXIII. 

6 Madox, History of the Exchequer, Vol II. p. 212. 

xx. Selected Records of the City of Norwich, 

of 10 per annum. At the same time there was a further 
deficiency of over 20 in the fee farm rent besides the complaint 
that the citizens did not observe their terms. 1 Having paid this 
sum they petitioned parliament for the return of their franchises 
and terms, which was done in consideration of the payment of 
a further fine. 2 In 1305 10 was added to the annual fee farm, 3 
in return for the new liberties then granted. Possibly the sum 
paid for the attermination of the debt was about to cease and it 
was altered to a permanent charge. Edward II., being in want of 
money in 1311 made void the atterminations of debts, granted 
to his fermours, all over the realm. 4 

At Michaelmas 1321, it being found that 45 8s. of the fee 
farm due at the previous Michaelmas was still owing, the Bailiffs were 
ordered to recover the amount from the real or personal property 
of the Bailiffs for the past year. If these had not sufficient for 
the debt the residue was to be raised from the property of the 
citizens, and the new Bailiffs were to be ready with the sum at 
the Exchequer on 12 Nov. following. 5 

Again in the Old Free Book f. 2. is an account of the financial 
liability of the city in I344- 6 The total amount due to the 
crown was 237 \2s. gd, all of which was paid during the year 
apparently without any difficulty. The items are g i?s. &d. in 
estreats from divers places; 101 13^. gd. for several debts, while 
the fee farm rent amounts to 126 is. ^d. The items again of 
this last are given in a document calling itself a pipe roll for 
I 357/ which is perhaps a copy of the one returned into the ex- 
chequer, as follows : 

J. d. 

Fee farm of the town [by tale] ... ... 113 8 o 

New increment of the town ... ... ... 200 

Rent to be paid in increase of the city ... 10 o o 

Several small farms ... ... ... 95 

Rents of divers Jews' houses ... ... n 

Annual rent of the moniers' house ... ... 3 o 

i 4 

1 Madox, Fir ma Burgi, p. 161. 

2 Rot. Parl. Vol. I. p. s8a. 3 Vol. I. p. 19. 
4 Hist, of the Exchequer Vol. II. p. 213. 

8 Firma Burgi. p. 187. No. CCCXCII. 

7 No. XLV. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxi. 

2. Public Control. 

If the authorities did not attempt much in the way of public 
comfort, they nevertheless claimed, as was common in medieval 
times, a very exhaustive exercise of public control. We learn 
much on this point from the "Custumal," the substance of which 
may certainly be dated as far back as about 1286. The customs 
(we should now call them by-laws) which the citizens were bound 
i to obey embraced not only such matters as tenure and disposition 
of property, but almost every detail of daily life and work. The 
community as represented by their Bailiffs did not yet allow any 
devolution of their authority to gilds or societies, nor in Norwich 
did the central authority ever cease to maintain control over the 
subordinate associations. 

To watch over the Assize of Bread and Ale was a duty laid 
on them by Statute. The Statute 51 H. III. c. i. appointed the 
i assize of bread, that is the weight in proportion to the price of 
corn. The weight of the loaf was always computed in pounds, 
shillings and pence, in other words in troy weight, with the 
difference that instead of 20 dwts. making i oz., 12 dwts. made 
i shilling, the weight of the silver penny being equal to that of 
32 grains of wheat taken from the middle of the ear. 

A more difficult task was the management of the Crafts. The 
charter of 1256 ordered that no gild (evidently referring to crafts- 
men) should be held to the detriment of the city. It was doubtless 
this charter which was referred to when the cobblers were said to 
.have a gild "contrary to the prohibition of our lord the King," 1 
and long afterwards, namely in 1495, the governing Assembly 
sheltered themselves behind it when complaints arose that the 
poorer brethren of the gilds were constantly chosen feastmakers 
at the annual feast, and in the exercise of their authority proceeded 
to lay down rules for the future appointment of the feastmakers. 2 

The old family system under which every household manu- 
factured its own requirements as far as possible was at the close 
of the ijth century rapidly breaking up, giving place to the gild 
system. At an earlier period it may be said that "citizen" and 
merchant are convertible terms, but as the population increased 
it is supposed that the younger sons applied themselves to handi- 

1 Leet Jurisdiction in Norwich, p. 42. 


xxii Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

To draw a sharp line through the descending scale of the 
crafts showing which could be considered as consisting of merchants 
and which not is hardly possible. The dyers occupied a high 
place yet surely they were men with dirty hands. Perhaps they 
owed their position to the early existence of their trade, and the 
like may be said of the fullers. Below these were such manual 
trades as carpenters, masons and others, and the connection between 
these and merchants is not easy to see. Moreover, it is extremely 
doubtful whether they were eligible for citizenship during the 13 th 

One and all were showing a disposition to unite into gilds 
very similar to modern trades unions and were regarded with 
much suspicion as desiring to make corners in their several 
callings in order to force up the prices of their wares and labour. 
Besides, not only did they punish offenders against their necessary 
regulations, but they also inflicted fines and penalties in cases which 
ought to have come before the Bailiffs' court so that the city 
revenues were diminished. The tanners were fined for having a 
gild in 1288 and again in 1291, as were also the fullers, the 
saddlers and the cobblers in I293- 1 It should be noted that 
three of these adulterine gilds are connected with the sale of 
leather and leather goods, affording additional proof that that 
was the staple trade of the city until worsted weaving sup- 
planted it. 

Shortly afterwards the authorities must have considered it 
expedient to have the craft gilds, or crafts as they were beginning to 
be called, under the common scrutiny, for by the 46 th chapter of the 
Custumal the Bailiffs are to choose two or more persons for each 
craft, not necessarily from its members, to search for faulty work and 
present it to the Bailiffs and 24 so that the offence may be punished 
by them. It is not clear whether each craft was to be searched by 
those selected for it or by the whole body of the inquisitors. 

In addition to the other gilds mentioned above, there was also a 
fraternity of girdlers which possessed real property in the shape of 
a stall in the Nedler-row of the market in 1 292.2 Since it does not 
occur in the presentments contained in the Leet Rolls it was 
evidently a purely religious gild. It is only heard of in connection 
with this stall and about this date, after which it disappears. 

1 Leet fui isdiction , pp. 13, 39, 43. 2 N O< XXVI. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxiii. 

With one association of foreign workers a special agreement 
was made. It will be explained hereafter that weaving for the 
outside world was but little practised in Norwich before the latter 
half of the next century, still many persons were at this time 
already occupied in the arts of cloth finishing. The fullers have 
their place in the pipe roll just dealt with, and the dyers, who are 
indirectly noticed in King John's reign, always ranked high among 
the city crafts. There exists in admirable preservation an agree- 
ment in the form of a cyrograph between the citizens and the Woad 
Merchants of the London Hanse Towns 1 of Amiens and Corby in 
Picardy. 2 It was executed in 1286 and its importance is attested by 
the fact that it was immediately entered in the Court Roll, and later 
copies of it are also met with in other places. The woad was 
brought in casks and in frails and with it barrels of ashes and 
another vegetable dye called wold. The former were probably 
similar to the barilla of the present day, an impure carbonate of 
soda used as the alkali in dyeing, and the latter resida lutiola was 
formerly largely cultivated for its brilliant yellow dye. The 
merchants agreed to submit to certain dues and regulations and in 
return were permitted to trade freely and to stay within the city as 
long as they pleased. The usual term allowed to merchants was 
forty days, and it was possibly the attempt of the Londoners to 
enforce this regulation that drove away the woad merchants from 
that city as is related in the London Liber Albus? 

3. The Market and various Occupations in the City. 

The Market and its regulations were naturally reckoned of 
great importance. All buying and selling was invariably carried on 
in the market place, where not only could the authorities easily keep 
an eye upon what was going on but the citizens themselves could 
see that no transactions were made contrary to their general interest. 
Moreover the dealers in the several wares were grouped together in 
definite spots, the fishmongers all in one place, the drapers in 
another, and so on, for the double purpose of ensuring competition, 
and also that the supply of any particular goods or wares might be 
readily seen. A series of ordinances for the regulation of the 
market was framed. 4 No one was allowed to buy edibles before the 
bell was rung for the Lady Mass at the Cathedral, nor might he go 

[' Ashley. Econ. Hist. I. pp. 106, 109. - No. CCCLXXXIX. 

s Riley, Vol. III. \,. 157. 4 Vol. 1. p. 161. et seq. 

xxiv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

out of the city to meet such goods, and buy them with intent to 
enhance the price, an offence known as forstalling and liable to heavy 
penalties when detected. Again, since every citizen present at the 
time had a right to claim a share in favourable bargains, a man was 
prohibited from going to market with more than one servant in order 
to prevent him from obtaining more than one share in these 
transactions, for by permitting each of his attendants to represent 
themselves as his equals, he could obtain as many shares as he had 
voices. The butchers, brokers and tiplers were not to buy goods of 
the country people unless they were prepared to pay for them 
forthwith, so that the vendor might not be kept in waiting for his 
money. No goods might be hidden away in houses or yards in 
order to escape toll, nor might a citizen bring the goods of strangers 
into the city avowing them as his own and thus assist the stranger 
in avoiding the toll. All weights and measures were to be examined 
twice a year at least and the defective ones destroyed, and no one 
might buy or sell heavy goods, such as wool and lard, by wholesale, 
without using the King's tron or balance, while those who were not 
citizens were not permitted to purchase even a small quantity of 
such goods without so doing. Neither was any other than an 
admitted citizen allowed to merchandise, that is, to carry on a retail 
business in the city. 

The rule could hardly be applied to the country people who 
supplied the necessaries of life, and the payment of toll at the gates 
took the place of the fine in their case. It also hindered merchant 
strangers from disposing of their wares to any other than Norwich 
merchants. On the other hand, a master was not suffered to take a 
servant as a partner in merchandising before the servant was 
admitted to the freedom, neither might an apprentice make gain for 
himself or share it with his master. 

The Leet Rolls furnish numerous examples of offences against 
the above rules. In 1288, one Simon de Belaugh was presented 
because he had made a stall by his shed to the nuisance of passers- 
by and had let it to strangers. In 1290 John de Fransham was 
presented for buying corn outside the city and conveying it by 
night to his house so that he escaped the market toll, and John de 
Causton also for permitting foreigners to merchandise secretly in his 
shed. John Trukhe bought a drowned cow and sold it in the 
market in little pieces in 1296, and in the same year Robert Suffield 
fraudulently sold oil of one kind for oil of another kind. Again, in 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxv. 

1300, eight chandlers were amerced for agreeing that none of them 
should sell a pound of candles at less than another. At a somewhat 
later date, viz. 1375, there is an amusing case of a man bringing in 
oysters by the boat load from no greater distance than Thorpe, 
where he kept his stock of them, thus concealing the actual amount 
of the supply. 1 

The Market Place of the 13* century was not identical with 
that which may be seen to-day. The present Fish Market and 
the Municipal Buildings occupy the site of the former Fish 
and Meat Markets, but several stalls were no doubt removed to 
make room for the Gild Hall, which was erected in 1411. In the 
opposite direction two rows of stalls, the Drapery and the Linen- 
drapery, were absorbed into S l Peter's church yard 2 in the 14 th 
century. The two flights of steps there possibly yet mark their 
position. The passage now lying on the north of the church 
yard was the Spicer Row, where were also the stalls of the mercers 
and afterwards those of the worsted sellers. From this branched 
the Nedler Row, to the west of which were the markets of the 
bread sellers and white tawers. The great market was always 
the open space it is now, and round it were the shops of the cordwainers 
on the east, of the goldsmiths and hatters on the north, and on the 
west and behind the Fish Market were shops of miscellaneous 
dealers. The south end of this side was the Omansete Row, so- 
called from a kind of cloth offered for sale there. To the south of 
the church were the markets for cattle, sheep, poultry, and cheese, 
while the Cobler Row still remaining but known as Weavers' Lane 
was on the east side of the church yard. 3 

From the abundant records of the last half of the 13 th century 
it has been possible to compile a long list of the various trades and 
occupations then exercised in Norwich. They are : 

Apothecary, Unguentarius. 

Axsmith, exsmith [axe-smith]. 
Baker, baxter, pestour, pistor. 
Barbor, barbour, barbitonsor. 
Basket-maker, skepper. 
Bell-founder, belleyetere, bellge 
makere, 4 campanarius. 

Bleacher, blekester. 

Boatman, battilarius. 

Book binder. 

Brevetur. 5 

Brewer, braciator. 

Bridle-maker, lorymar, lollimar, 

Bukmongere. 6 

1 See Lett Jurisdiction, p. 65. 2 No. CCCXCVII. 

3 See Kirkpatrick, Streets and Lanes of Norwich, pp. 23-42. 

4 Perhaps a bellows maker. 5 A bearer of brevetts or briefs, possibly a pardoner. 
6 A dealer in venison or game. 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 


Butcher, le macecref, carnifex. 


Carter, carectarius. 

Chaloner [blanket maker]. 

Chamberlain, camerarius. 

Chaplain, capellanus. 


Chandler, candelar, candle-maker. 

Chaucer, hosier, caligarius. 

Cheesemonger, schesemonger, 

Clerk, clericus. 
Clubbere [club maker] . 
Cobbler, souter, sutor. 
Combere, 1 combester. 2 
Coner. 3 

Cook, coc, cu, keu, cocus. 
Cooper, cupere, cuvere, cuur. 
Co-opertor [thatcher]. 
Cordwaner, allutarius. 
Coteman [cottager]. 
Currier, coureur, coriarius. 

Dauber [plasterer]. 

Dubber, dubbator. 4 
Farrier, farrur, mareschal, mares- 


Felter, feutrer. 

Fisherman, fecherrrian, piscator. 
Fishmonger, pessoner, piscenarius. 
Flecher [fletcher]. 
Forester, parker. 
Fripperer, feliper, pheliparius. 
Fuller, fullonarius. 
Furbur, furbeshur [burnisher]. 
Ganyer. 3 

Gardiner, leekman. 
Gelman. 3 

Gelmer. 3 

Gerneys. 3 

Gerth- maker. 

Girdler, ceynturer, zonator. 

Glazier, verrer. 

Glover, le gaunter, cirotecarius. 

Goldsmith, orfevre, aurifaber. 

Gracer, (? grater). 3 

Harper, minstrel, harpeur. 

Hatter, chapler, capellarius. 

Hirdeler [hurdle maker]. 

Horner, cornuarius. 

Ironmonger, ferun. 




Latoner. 6 


Leather cutter, letherkervere. 

Leather dresser, scouder, scouther. 

Leadbeater, ledbeter. 

Leech, medicus. 

Limner, lomynour, luminur. 7 

Linen "draper, lindraper. 

Lymer [lime burner]. 

Mason, machun, maschun, mazoun, 


Messenger, messager. 
Miller, milnman, meunier, mouner, 

Monye, monk, moyne. 

Nedler, agulier, acuarius. 

Painter, peyntur, pictor. 
Panter-maker [bird-snare-maker]. 
Parcheminer, parcamentarius 

[parchment dealer]. 

1 A maker of bowls (Leicester Records, Vol. II. p. 142.) See p. 311. n. 2. Possibly 
a wool comber. 

2 This, with such terms as " bakester," "brewster," and so on, perhaps indicates a 
female operator. Compare " spinster." s Meaning unknown. 

4 Renovator of old clothes. 3 Dealer in old clothes. 

B Worker in latten. ' Illuminator of manuscripts. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxvii. 

Parmenter, paramenator.i 


Plumber, plumbarius. 

Porter, portarius. 

Poulterer, henne monger, pulliter, 

Pudding wife. 
Punder-maker, pundreys. 2 
Quilter, culler. 
Reeder, reidere. 
Sadler, seler, sellarius. 
Salt man, sauser, salsarius. 
Sanetur, sanur. 3 
Scrivener, clericus. 

Servant, sergeaunt, serviens. 
Shearer, tundur, tonsor. 
Skinner, pelliparius. 
Skirmischur [fencing master]. 
Sloper, sleper, slepe. 4 
Smith, fevre, faber. 

Spicer, specer, especer, especiarius. 

Sponer [spoon maker]. 

Spurrier, sporier. 

Surgeon, le sursyen. 

Tanner, barker, tannator. 

Taverner, tabenarius. 

Tailor, talyeur, cissor. 

Temester [sifter]. 


Tiler, tueller, tyweller, tegularius. 

Tinker, tinchere. 



Waxmonger, cyrer, cirer. 

Wayte. 5 

Weaver, webster, textor. 


White-tawer, qwittower. 

Woadman, weydere. 

Wollemonger, lanator. 


4. Wealth of Individuals. 

Our records occasionally furnish some insight into the 
circumstances of the wealthier citizens. No. LI 1 1. in the first 
volume gives a curious description of a citizen's house in 1263. 
This house stood round a courtyard into which would open all the 
doors and probably the windows of the various apartments, the 
principal of which was the hall where meals were taken and visitors 
received, and here also the male portion of the household slept at 
night. To the south, and entered from the hall, was the private 
chamber where the more valuable possessions were kept. This 
would also be the attiring room for the women during the day 
and their sleeping quarters at night, for there is no mention of 
an upper floor. Cooking was probably performed in the court 
yard at least in summer, and the side next the street was most 
likely occupied by the store room for the stock-in-trade or the 
workshop. For the remainder there may be allowed a bake-house, 
brew-house, fuel store, stable, and perhaps a cow byre with their 
necessary adjuncts, and over some of them there may have been 
lofts, while all were doubtless constructed of wood, with mud and 

1 Most likely the same as pelliparius, a skinner. 2 Balance maker. 

3 Meaning unknown. 4 Dealer in smock-frocks. 5 Watchman or minstrel. 

xxviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

plaster walls, and covered with thatch. The whole curtilage was 
often surrounded with a wall of rough stone. Robert Scot (Vol. I. 
P- 359- n - 3-) hacl to climb the " murus" or outer wall, but he could 
poke through the " paries " or house wall. With the exception of 
plate, of which in some cases there was a great show, the furniture 
of such a dwelling was extremely poor, consisting of little besides 
a trestle table, some benches, one or two beds and coffers, and a 
few necessary cooking utensils. 

The wills of John Bond 1 and others give some idea of the 
citizens' goods. The former is undated, but Blomefield places it 
in 1248, and since it contains legacies to the Black and Grey 
Friars and none to the White Friars, it was most likely executed 
before their arrival in 1256. The executor, Goodwin, warden of 
St. Giles's Hospital, may have been a kind of locum tenens previous 
to the appointment of Hamon, the first master there. Goscelin 
Goodale bequeathed to his wife some thousands of herrings in I288, 2 
and the will of William de Dunwich, I2/2, 3 is remarkable as 
displaying his exceptional wealth. It must not be imagined that 
many other citizens were affluent to a like degree. 

Among numerous legacies to friends, churches and religious 
houses, William de Dunwich also bequeathed sums to all the leper 
houses round Norwich, and also to all the bridges in the city, 
excepting Bishop's Bridge, which as yet was the private property 
of the Bishop. Moreover, he left further sums to Trowse, Harford, 
Cringleford, and Earlham Bridges, which shows that these were 
then existing ; whereas the less important ones of Lakenham and 
Hellesdon were, it would seem, not yet built. The agreement to 
keep Fye Bridge in repair 4 explains that it was let to farm, as 
probably were also the others. The farmer received all such 
bequests as the above with the rents belonging to the fabric, one 
of which arose from a shop upon the bridge, and other liberties 
were allowed to him. For all which he undertook to maintain the 
bridge so that there might be free and convenient passage for 

5. Freemen. 

Something must here be said about the admission to the 
freedom and the numbers admitted from time to time. The 36 th 

1 No. CCCCXLV. 2 No. XV. s No. CCCCXLVI. 

4 Vol. I. No. CLII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxix. 

chapter of the Custumal enacts that no one, though residing in 
the city, may merchandise there unless he is at lot and scot and 
contributes to the common aid, to which end he must be admitted to 
the freedom. By merchandising must be understood all buying and 
selling for profit, that is, trading. For instance, in the case of a fuller 
being an admitted citizen, he might buy cloth in the cheapest 
market he could find, full it, and then sell it for the best price he 
could get. The non-free might dwell in the city, but if he went 
to any of the great fairs or markets, there was no one to look after 
his interests, and he was obliged to pay any tolls that were 
demanded, whereas the citizens escaped them. If he chose to face 
such unfair competition, as he might if he paid toll as a foreigner, 
he was still hampered (at least previous to the Statute of York, 1335, 
which gave liberty to all persons to trade with whomsoever they 
pleased), by being compelled to deal with none other than a free 
citizen in buying and selling, or get into trouble, for there was little 
hope of secrecy in a small community, where everybody's business 
and condition was common knowledge. On the other hand he 
escaped the liability of being arrested for the defaults of a Norwich 

No doubt the most usual way of making a living by the unfree 
was to take work of the citizens who paid for it according to mutual 
agreement. As regards callings and good workmanship, of which so 
much is made at a later time when the craft gilds had to be reckoned 
with, nothing is said in the Custumal so far as qualification for the 
freedom is concerned, though a later chapter shows that all work 
was to be scrutinised in order to avoid fraud. 

Naturally, too, a candidate was examined for the purpose of 
ascertaining that he was capable of supporting the freemen's burdens 
and could be distrained for his share of them, or for fines arising 
from any offences he might commit. With this end in view he had 
to provide himself with a house and furnish it. Strangers could 
not be compelled to become freemen until they had resided in the 
city for a year and a day, and during this term they were allowed 
to carry on their craft freely, that is, without being liable to a 
periodical fine. 

The fees for admission are given at their lowest figure, and 
evidently " those assigned for the purpose " had power to raise them 
at their discretion, possibly even to make them prohibitive when it 
was considered that the freemen were too numerous, or that a given 

xxx. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

craft would not be able to afford employment to more members than 
it possessed. In this manner impediments may have been placed 
in the way of apprentices and foreigners, but it would not appear that 
there was any means of preventing the son of a citizen from taking 
up his freedom when able to do so, still it was necessary that the 
father's freedom at the time of the son's birth should be proved. 

From the point of view of the unfree, admission to the franchise 
sometimes presented greater advantages than at others. With this 
wavering influence at work it is not surprising to find, when the 
lists of freemen begin in 1317, considerable variations in the numbers 
of those annually admitted. It is necessary to remember that the 
earlier lists in the Old Free Book are not contemporary. The name 
" Worthstede " occurs at the top of the folios, so no doubt the lists 
were compiled by Thomas de Worthstede, who was common clerk 
about 1384, very likely from Assembly Rolls now lost. The chapter 
of the Custumal quoted above enjoins that two separate rolls of the 
entries should be kept, and Worthstede would certainly have had 
access to these had they been in existence in his day. 

Between Michaelmas, 1317, and the same day, 1318, 28 
persons took up their freedom. There is no entry for the next 
year, but for the one after that 24 names are given. This 
is a total of 52 in three years, and though the callings of nearly 
half the number are not stated, three bakers, chandlers, drapers and 
mercers, two fishermen, painters, smiths, and taverners, and also 
a butcher, a chaucer, a clerk, a cook, a cordwainer, a dyer, a leekman, 
a leyner, and a tailor are found. For several years after this the 
occupations of the freemen are not given except at intervals, which 
are insufficient to prove anything. For the year ending at Michael- 
mas, 1321, there are no names, and only four for the year following. 
This is surely owing to the great scarcity, and consequent high 
price of corn, few persons being then able to afford the expenses 
incurred when admission to the freedom was obtained. Nor is 
this a solitary instance of the entries being affected by the price of 
grain, for it fell during the next year, and 27 freemen were 
chosen. For some reason or another no admissions are recorded for 
the year ending at Michaelmas, 1324, but for the two following years 
their number is about normal. It rises to 36, however, in the 
next year, and even to 5 1 in the year after that, that is, the year 
ending at Michaelmas, 1328. At this date the price of corn 
was very low, and an additional reason for the large increase 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxxi. 

may be discovered in the fact that the wool staple was then granted 
to Norwich among other towns. 

The staple was, nevertheless, cancelled when the last year had 
closed, and there follows a gap of ten years in which no entries are 
mentioned. It may be that Worthstede was unable to find the 
records, for it is hardly possible that no one was admitted in all 
these years. Still, there may well have been an excess of citizens in 
the earlier, and a dearth of them in the latter part of the time. The 
staple was restored in 1332 for a short while, but its effect cannot be 
ascertained. On the other hand, would-be candidates were dis- 
couraged by the legislation of 1335, of which we have already 
spoken. 1 

A start is made again in 1338-9 with no less than 74 admissions. 
The quantity was no doubt due in some measure to a scarcity 
of citizens, though once more corn was very plentiful. Then 
for some years the lists are intermittent, and it is not easy to draw 
any inferences. In 1340, however, Parliament found it necessary to 
enact that merchants, both denizens and foreigners, should pay 
customs and other profits so that the franchises of cities and other 
good towns should be saved. 2 Soon after, namely during the five 
years between Michaelmas, 1343, and Michaelmas, 1348, for all of 
which the lists are extant, the annual average of entries was 35. 
The walls had been finished by Richard Spynk in 1343. The 
grant of the Castle Fee and the office of Clerk of the Market had 
soon followed, and the increasing prosperity of the city is perhaps 
demonstrated by the fact that as many as 52 persons took up 
their freedom in the last of these five years. As might be expected 
the number falls to 18 in the year of the black death, which for 
present purposes may be said to have ended at Michaelmas, 1349. 
Immediately afterwards 22 new freemen were admitted, and 
on i6 th October following, 17 more, and again on 2 nd January, 
1350, as many as 70, making a total of 109 in about three months. 
The occasion was an exceptional one, and, no doubt, eligible 
persons were sought out, and the fees and other conditions were 
very possibly relaxed. 

The numbers fall off after this, and the check may be again 
traced to legislation, for the Parliament of I35i, 3 passed an Act 
throwing open the retail trade of the kingdom to all merchants 

1 p. xxix. 2 Stat. 14 E. III. st. ii. c. 2. 

3 Stat. 25 E. III. s. 4, c. ii. 

xxxii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

whether natives or aliens, thus rendering the greatest privilege of 
citizenship nugatory. The result is the more conspicuous when it 
is discovered that only one citizen is known to have been admitted 
between Michaelmas, 1353, and the end of 1363, although Norwich 
had been a staple town during most of the time. From this time 
onwards the lists are continuous, showing that the freedom of the 
city was once more in request, and the reason will most likely be 
discovered in legislation. They give an average of 24 entries 
per annum to the end of the reign of Edward, inclusive of the 
small number of five for the plague year, or 1369. 

6. Enclosure of the City with Foss and a Wall. 

The enclosure of the city in 1253 by an earthen foss and the 
subsequent building thereon of a stone wall may be included in 
our present section, for although nominally a military defence it 
certainly added greatly to the control of trade by hindering access 
except through the gates and by facilitating the collection of tolls. 

If the plan of Norwich is examined, it will be noticed at once 
that the walls do not form a continuous circuit round the city. They 
consist of two portions, one on either side of the river, where their 
respective terminations by no means correspond. That portion on 
the south and west has twice the length of that on the north, the east 
side of the city being undefended except by the river. For con- 
venience the two portions may be distinguished as the north and 
south walls, and we may be sure that their site was the older 
bank, thrown up in 1253. 

Blomefield 1 has it that the walls were begun in 1294. He gives 
no reference, however, and the source of his information has yet to be 
ascertained. Still he is quite correct when he goes on to say that in 
1297 the city obtained a murage grant which was to endure for seven 
years, and that when it expired in 1305 it was renewed for another 
five years. 2 There is nothing to show that this license was imme- 
diately renewed for a second time, and perhaps the work remained 
almost at a standstill until a further murage, to run for three years, 
was obtained in 1317. Like the former it was upon all wares 
brought to the city for sale, and the actual dues imposed upon the 
various goods are preserved in the Patent Rolls. Blomefield 3 asserts 
that by the help of this last grant the walls were finished, but it will be 
seen from what follows that it can only have been the south wall. 

1 Vol. III. p. 67, /. p. 71. 3 Ib. p, 77. 

Portion of a Page of the Old Free Book. 

It begins "Of the entries in the xxxviii year [of King Edward III. 1364], in the time 
of Nicholas de Blakene and his fellowes, Bailiffs." Then follower a list of the names of 
27 persons who took up their freedom, that is between Michaelmas 1364 and Michaelmas 
1365, the Bailiffs' year of office. 

Next comes a similar heading for the next year, when William de Gnatishale, Thomas 
de Bumpsted, John de Tilneye and John de We (1) bourne of Tombland were Bailiff*. 
Thirty-one individuals were admitted to the freedom during the year. 

On the opposite side are the entries for the 4Oth year when the Bailiffs were John de 
Gnatishale, Peter de Bliclyngge, Bartholomew de Appilyard and Hugh de Holond, in 
whose year 48 citizens were admitted. 

\Vorthsted " in either corner at the top, refers either to William de Worthsted who 
was Common Clerk in 1375 (pp. 44, 47) or to Thomas de Worthsted who succeeded him. 
One of these men, no doubt, wrote up the lists. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxxiii. 

The north wall was either in progress or just completed between 
Bargates and Fibridge Gates in 1331, for in that year the Prior 
released his right to his ground outside the walls in that locality, 
where the citizens had made an encroachment in enlarging the 
ditch. 1 At the same time the citizens recognised the Prior's right 
to build and make gates upon Bishop's Bridge. Another murage 
was granted in 1337 for five years, and though Blomefield 2 gets over 
his difficulty by saying that it was for the repair of the walls, there 
is ample evidence that Richard Spynk built some 250 yards of the 
north wall 3 about this time. As it is stated that he bought up the 
rate for five years it is reasonable to conclude that the two records 
relate to one and the same thing. 

Besides the north wall Spynk found all the city gates in a 
more or less unfinished state, and with the help of 100, granted 
to him by the Bailiffs, he completed them and added their arma- 
ment. He also made a draw-bridge and built the arches and the 
gate at Bishop's Bridge, so it appears that until this time it had only 
consisted of stone piers with a timber roadway. By erecting a wall 
at Roscelyn's Stathe he seems to have done something to strengthen 
the defences of the city towards the east. He also built the tower 
on the east of the river in Conesford, where he placed two iron 
chains across the river, which were raised or dropped by a windlass 
in the tower opposite, so that no vessels could approach the quays 
without paying the tolls. In spite of Spynk's munificence, the 
assistance which he was guaranteed by the Bailiffs pressed heavily 
upon the citizens. The Close Rolls inform us that certain wealthy 
individuals withdrew from the city in the hope that they would 
escape the payments assessed upon them for discharging the debt. 4 

The majority of the citizens, however, were perfectly satisfied 
with Spynk's work. To express their gratitude they made an 
agreement with him promising that neither he nor his heirs should 
be unwillingly sworn to any office, and also that they should be 
quit of all taxes and tolls forever. Moreover in default of male 
heirs these advantages were to remain to the female line. 5 

At Spynk's request it was also agreed that a surveyor of the 
walls and ditches should be appointed whose duty it was to see 
that no damage was done to them, and to attach all beasts found 
in the city ditches in accordance with the 44'"' chapter of the 

1 No, CCCCXLVIII. 2 Vol. III. p, 83, ' 3 No. CCCXCIII. p. 217. 
4 17 E. Ill, pt. ii. m. 6. 5 No. CCCXCIII. pp. 220 sq. 


xxxiv. Selected Records of the City of Nonvich. 

Custumal. 1 The fossage, or tax for the repairs of the ditch was 
farmed out to a body of citizens, who most likely undertook to 
perform the necessary repairs. 2 The gates also and their, tolls were 
farmed out, and an amusing side light on the result is seen in an 
entry in the Leet Roll of 1391. We gather from it that the toll- 
farmers tried to intercept people and get them in through their 
particular gate. 3 

III. Re-organisation and Municipal Control. 

i. Extensive Changes at the close of the 14"' Century. 

In our preceding sections we have traced the economic progress 
of the city as far as the middle of the 14 th century. It has hitherto 
been that of a prosperous community engaged mostly in local trade 
but with a not inconsiderable addition of foreign commerce. 

We now come to the commencement of the special manufac- 
turing industry in woollen and other textile fabrics with which the 
name of Norwich was chiefly associated in public estimation for 
several succeeding centuries. 

In order not to interrupt our sketch of this special Norwich 
industry, it will be well first to deal with two important 
developments in the economic history of the city which ran parallel 
to and were closely connected with the municipal changes at the 
close of the I4 th and during the first half of the 15^ centuries. 
These were (a) the re-organisation of municipal control over trade 
and industry, and (b) the organisation of the gild system. The later 
history of the gilds will also be described. 

In the last section 4 when speaking of the freemen it was shown 
that at the close of the reign of Edward III. the number of those 
willing to become citizens showed a tendency to increase. The Leet 
Roll of 1374-5 affords instances of fines inflicted upon persons who 
had not taken up their freedom, for buying or selling, so it is clear 
that some means of avoiding the statute of 1351 had been discovered. 
Perhaps the non-free residents were not permitted trade with one 
another. The exclusive class of freemen, which had the entire 
management of the city in its hands, must have been a small one, 
amounting to about one-fourth of the adult population. 

1 No, CCCXCIV. p. 224. 2 Norwich City Domesday, f. Ixxviii. 
3 Leet Jurisdiction in Norwich, p. 75. * p. xxxii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxxv. 

After Edward's death the citizens lost no time in petitioning 
Parliament 1 that strangers to their franchises might be prohibited 
from buying and selling by retail within the city. They were 
ordered to abide by the Statute of Gloucester 2 just enacted, which 
permitted wholesale and retail trade as before in small wares, as 
spiceries, coverchiefs and such like, but allowed citizens and 
burgesses alone to retail wines, linen-cloth and so forth in their 
own cities and boroughs. 

Again with so many unoccupied stalls in the market owing to 
the repeated visitations of the plague the value of all was depre- 
ciated. So much so that after the third great outbreak in 1369 the 
site of two rows of stalls was enclosed within the churchyard of S l 
Peter of Mancroft, as already stated. 3 Then things began to improve, 
and after nearly 20 years' immunity from the great scourge values were 
doubtless showing an upward tendency. The opportunity for a forward 
movement had arrived and the citizens seized the advantage. Whether 
they were satisfied or no with the Statute of Gloucester is of no 
consequence, certainly they set to work before their charter embody- 
ing the clause was obtained. The control of trade was probably the 
primary motive and for this purpose it was decided in 1378 to buy 
up the market stalls. To obtain the necessary funds a body of 
sixteen citizens was appointed to whom a warrant to collect offerings 
from both citizens and strangers for a common aid was directed with 
power to distrain from those who refused to contribute. 4 

An assessment of 128 ^s. 8d. apportioned among the four 
great wards was laid upon the, city, and three-fourths of the total 
sum was raised during the current year. 5 By these means 3 
messuages, 18 shops, 42 stalls and 54^. rent were acquired. The 
body of sixteen next ordered that all flesh and fish should be sold 
at the common stalls, and that no stall belonging to the community 
should be leased for a longer term than three years. 6 They further 
enacted that all ships and boats should be laden and unladen at the 
common stathes and not elsewhere. Moreover, a tariff of tolls to be 
paid on various kinds of merchandise landed there was drawn up, 
and all goods for import or export were to be lodged in the houses 
of the community there, provided they were not already full. 7 

The "Common Stathe" probably consisted of two parts, one of 
which was the freehold of Hugh Holond, the other that of the Abbot 

1 Rot. Par/. Vol. III. p. 41. 2 2 R. II. c. i. 3 p. xxv. 

4 No. CCCCI. a Treasurers 1 Accounts, 2 R. II. 6 No. CCCCI. 7 Ib. 

xxx vi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

of Wendling. When the city made the purchase the whole was in the 
occupation of Hugh Holand who held a lease of the Abbot's part for a 
term of 100 years. This he assigned to the body of the Sixteen, who 
purchased his freehold at the same time and who subsequently 
obtained a lease for 600 years from the monastery. 

The above estate was purchased towards the end of January, 
1379, and was known as the Old Common Stathe to distinguish it 
from another, a little below it, called the New Common Stathe, 
which was purchased at the beginning of the following August. In 
the extent of the city property which was drawn up in 1397 after the 
King had amortised the new acquisitions, the New Stathe occurs 
immediately after the Old Stathe, 1 but it is not described as one, so 
that bought of Hugh Holland seems to have been the principal, still 
both were furnished with a crane and there can be little doubt that 
both were used. The Quay at Fybridge, which had always belonged 
to the community, was still in existence and was in after years, and 
very likely at this time also, used by boats bringing shellfish. 2 

Undoubtedly the most extensive acquisition was the great 
messuage and tavern of John de Welbourn with one or two 
smaller tenements adjoining it. It stood on the north side of the 
Market Place, and stretched as far as Pottergate, comprising a large 
portion of the block of buildings between Goat Lane and Dove 
Street. The purchase money paid to Welbourn alone amounted to 
6j 6s. 8d., and the payment of that sum extended over many 
years, beginning in 1384. 

For some years the house was called Geywods from one John 
de Geywod who seems to have been the occupying tenant at the 
time of the transfer. Although he remained in possession paying 5 
per annum for the farm he conveyed all his personal property there, 
the inventory of which has come down to us, to Nicholas de Blakene, 3 
one of the Sixteen in 1383, so it is almost certain that the community 
obtained not only the tavern but all the furniture and utensils as 
well. It is first called "The Inne " in 1394 and in 1407 25 8^. Jci 
was laid out in repairs there, no doubt owing to a law passed in 
1404* compelling all merchants and aliens to lodge with hosts 
assigned to them by the authorities in the various towns. In 1409 
it begins to be called the " Common Inn," and this is its usual 
designation in after years. 

i p. 244. n. 3. 2 Assembly 5 Jan. 1453. 

a No. XXXVI. 4 Stat. 5. H. IV. c. 9. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich, xxxvii. 

The northern part of Welbourn's messuage was of still greater 
importance, for it was converted into what was called the Worsted 
Seld. Blomefield, 1 quoting from an Assembly Roll now missing, 
says that in 1388 an ordinance was made that citizens might only 
buy worsteds of those country weavers in the city liberties who 
set their chests in the messuage, late John de Welbourn's, now 
called the Worsted-Celde. This statement 2 is most likely correct, 
for in that year the name first occurs in the treasurer's accounts, 
and the order is repeated at a later time. 3 It would have 
been scarcely possible to find a better site. The country people 
could obtain the necessary refreshment for man and horse at the 
Common Inn, which was part of the same building facing the other 
across the same court yard, nor was the dividing line between them 
very pronounced for the hay loft belonging to the tavern was well 
within the Seld, where was also a stable. 4 Opposite to the great 
gates of the Common Inn stood the Tolhouse, and beyond that was 
the market, while in the contrary direction the quarter of the 
shearmen and fullers was within easy distance, and, if needful for 
the consideration, the river was but little further away. 

The extent already spoken of in connection with the stathe, 
though not very precise as to where the tavern, the principal part 
of the Inn, stood, describes the whole range of buildings as occupying 
the south, west, and north sides of the court, mentioning the various 
apartments and their annual value. 5 It says nothing about the 
east side, and therefore there were certainly no rent-paying 
structures there. It can be filled by assigning to it the necessary 
offices and the outhouses, sheds and so forth, of the Common 

As with the market stalls, the purchase of the stathes and 
Welbourn's messuage indicates that the predominating motive was 
the control of trade. The reason given in the warrant, however 
was that the common tallages should no more be levied in the 
city, and there is no cause to suspect the truth of it so far as it 
goes. There is a treasurers' roll for 1375-6, 6 the earliest now 
remaining, and another for I378-9. 7 In the first the receipts for 
rents, fines for admission to the freedom, and a sum of only 33 
given by the Bailiffs for the fee farm rent amount to no more than 

1 3 j., while the expenditure reaches 182 \2s. 6d.,a\\ the deficiency 

1 Vol III. p. 113. 2 No. CL. 3 Seep. 90. 4 p. 243. ' Ib. 
No. XLVI. ' No. XLVII. 

xxxviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

being made good by a common tallage called a double tenth, though 
in reality it did not produce one-tenth. 1 The second tells much the 
same tale, except that it does not deal with the fee farm rent. 
Consequently the receipts are only 55 \2s. 8$d., and the expenses 
145 4-r. 7^., which were adjusted by a tax. There is also a small 
roll which nominally runs from Michaelmas, 1381, to the same day 
in 1382, and shows a deficit of 2is. n^d. It is, however, anomalous 
for on 6th November, 1381, the Sixteen deputed eight of their 
number to take over and manage the accounts, which they continued 
to do till Lady Day, I384- 2 This sub-committee, if the term may 
be allowed, completely revolutionised the accounts, and reduced 
them to a form which, making allowances for periodical expansion, 
can be recognized in the accounts of the Tudor period. 

They closed their first year with a small balance in hand, but 
by the end of the second they were out of pocket. However, as 
they continued to keep the accounts for another half-year, they were 
able to hand over 3 4-y. gd. to the auditors. It must be noted that 
during this time they never received any portion of the fines for 
admission to the freedom, while they paid all the expenses which 
remained at about the same figure as previously. The Treasurers' 
accounts commence again at Michaelmas, 1384, and the receipts for the 
year amounted to upwards of 177. The next year they reached 
over 208, owing chiefly to 47 los. received for admissions to the 
freedom, and ig odd remaining in the treasury from the last 
account. During the year this last sum was increased to over 31, 
and though in the following year, 1386-7, the fines for admission 
show a falling off, the total receipts reached ^310 and upwards. The 
amount was necessary in order to supply the demands of the King 
for ships and men in addition to the ordinary expenses, and to 
raise it, recourse was once more had to a tax which was aided 
by voluntary contributions. It was evidently an exceptional year, 
and is best omitted from calculations. There then remain ten rolls 
of accounts for the twenty years between 1384 and 1403, and the 
average of the receipts is 185. In the last five rolls the annual 
receipts correspond very closely with this figure. Thus it is seen 
that apart from the control of trade the Sixteen managed to increase 
the city's revenues three-fold, besides placing the finances on 
a sound basis. In 1384 a book of accounts was commenced, in 
which the sums received and paid during the year were entered as 

1 ^100 is rather more than one-tenth. a No. XLVIII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xxxix. 

they occurred, and at the end of the year the items were engrossed 
in a roll. 

The various properties acquired were not amortized until 1392, 
the necessary letters patent 1 costing 100. They state that the 
King was moved to grant them in order that the walls and ditches 
might be kept in proper repair, and other burdens sustained. To 
all outward appearances the removal of the burdens had been the 
sole object in view. 

All the proceedings of the Sixteen with their warrant 
were entered in a book to which was given the name of Domesday. 
In it are entered all the properties then purchased and also the 
title of several. Moreover the title of the citizens to estates 
which had belonged to them in previous years was added when 
it could be discovered. It further enumerates all the fixed 
charges of the Treasurers in rents and salaries, and all rents to 
be received by them including the items of the Castle Fee and 
Langable rents. 2 

Doubtless it was owing to this enterprise, coupled with the 
effects of the Statute of Gloucester, that the admissions to 
citizenship greatly increased during the two years ending at 
Michaelmas 1380, 128 persons then taking up their freedom. If 
additional proof is desired that the statutes relating to trade 
affected the freemen's roll, it may be stated that when the 
Statute of Gloucester was repealed by n R. II. c. 7, the number 
admitted falls to 13, and that afterwards when strangers were 
prohibited from engaging in retail trade by 16 R. II. c. I, a 
conspicuous rise, namely 140 entries in three years, is immediately 

The improvement in the finances permitted many works to 
be undertaken, one of the first of which was the building or 
rebuilding a tower, now known as the Cow Tower, in the Great 
Hospital Meadows, commanding a bend in the river where there was 
no other artificial defence. This was done in 1399 and it is possible 
that the peasants in Lytester's rebellion a few years before proved 
the spot to be a weak one. 3 The market cross was rebuilt in 1409, 
the murage loft in 1411, and the Gildhall the following year, nor is 
it unlikely that owing to the exertions of the Sixteen the city 

1 No. CCCCVII. 2 See Extracts from Domesday Book, pp. 231 et seq. 

3 Mr. B. B. Woodward spoke of the river as fordable at this point as late as the 
19 th century. A'orf. Chron. 10 Oct. 1863. 

xl. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

found itself in a position to obtain the charter of self government 

in 1404. 

Chamberlains and Treasurers. 

It is as well to make some attempt to distinguish between these 
two officials. The early accounts of Peter Flynt bear a strong 
resemblance to the treasurer's rolls of the latter part of the 14^ 
century. After Flynt the next two rolls are dated 1342 and 
1350 and are evidently of quite a different character. They 
enumerate sums apparently expended by the Bailiffs and name 
no other officers as responsible for them. Then as has just been 
stated a fairly perfect series of treasurers' rolls commences in 
!37S- The receipts consist of the rents of various properties of 
the community and the fines for admission to the freedom. 
Practically the Treasurers had nothing to do with the fee farm rent, 
but if their accounts could be thoroughly sifted an annual payment 
of 10 under the name of the new increment would most likely 
be discovered as handed to the Bailiffs for that purpose. As 
the accounts stand this payment is obscured in a lump sum, 
and only in one instance are the items of this sum declared, namely, 
in the bailiffs' roll of I39/, 1 the only one now extant other than the 
two just mentioned ; but when the account was a small one it was 
sometimes entered in the Assembly Roll. The other payments by 
the Treasurers are salaries, travelling expenses, expenses of burgesses 
in Parliament, with costs of repairs and improvements, in fact all 
expenditure that could be and doubtless was ordered by the 
assembly, for the option of the Treasurers was strictly limited, though 
doubtless they were frequently consulted upon the state of the city's 

The bailiffs' account roll for 1397-8 gives the information in the 
heading that it was one of expenses incurred for the honour and 
necessity of the city. That of I35O-I 2 has no heading but the entries 
are very similar, while that of 1342 professes to be an account 
of moneys lent to the community by the Bailiffs, a less courteous way 
of saying very much the same thing as the roll made 50 years later. 
In all the payments incurred are for the entertainment of justices and 
others, numerous presents or rewards, and apparently for everything 
which could not be deferred until a meeting of the assembly, but 
it seems that the approval of that body was necessary before the 
Treasurers might refund the Bailiffs. Enough remains to show that 

1 No. XL1V. 2 NO. XLIII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich, xli. 

the expenses of the Bailiffs varied considerably from year to year, 
as naturally they would since they were affected by visits of royalty 
and other distinguished persons, and in uneventful years there may 
have been something to hand over to the Treasurers in whose rolls 
entries somtimes occur which could be accounted for in this way. 

The Chamberlains are mentioned several times in the custumal 1 
and we find that officers so named were elected in 1344 and I346. 2 
Yet the earliest existing assembly rolls notice the election of 
Treasurers in 1366 and also of Supervisors who may or may not 
have been identical with the Chamberlains, while the few account 
rolls of the 14 th century which are extant were all kept by the 
Treasurers. May we say that these officers merely underwent a 
change of name about the time of the Black Death ? In any 
case there seems to have been no distinction between the Treasurers 
and the Chamberlains during the times of the Bailiffs. 

They appear as distinct officers in the period immediately 
following the charter of 1404. In the complaints before Sir Thomas 
Erpingham in I4I4 3 there is even a brief account of their respective 
duties, and in the Composition of the following year the manner 
of the election of the Chamberlains, Treasurers, Auditors, Common 
Sergeant and Chamberlains' Counsel is described. 4 Moreover 
Andrew Man and John Clerk, Treasurers for the year 1411-2, 
account for 20 paid to Thomas Ocle and John Bilhagh the late 
Chamberlains for building the Gildhall, which sum they had 
received of Thomas Benet and John Aleyn the late Treasurers. 
Thomas Ocle and John Bilhagh are the only two of the early 
Chamberlains whose names have come down to us. It is a little 
curious that they should be termed the late Chamberlains, for 
they were certainly then in office and so continued for at least 
two more years, as is plain from the fabric roll of the Gildhall 
which is compiled in their names, and is the only strictly chamber- 
lains' roll of this period remaining among the archives. 5 

Their title may imply that they were associated with the assembly 
chamber where they advised and estimated needful repairs, or that 
one of their duties was to see that guests were properly lodged 
and entertained. Probably both functions devolved upon them 

1 See Vol. I. pp. 149, 183, 185, 187, 192, 194. 

2 Ib. pp. 261-2. 3 lb. pp. 72-3. 4 Ib. p. 104. 

5 Edited by Mr. R. Hewlett in Norfolk Archeology, Vol. XV. p. 164. The roll 
itself after having been lost for many years was restored to the city by Mr. Walter Rye. 

xlii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

and they would be further responsible for the city's store, pledges 
and distraints. 

The Treasurers continued to keep their accounts until I444 1 
when they were superseded by the Sergeant at Mace for two years. 
Then, after the liberties were restored in 1447, the Chamberlains 
took upon themselves the duty- and from that time they are 
elected annually but no Treasurers. It may be thus inferred that 
the distinction between them had almost disappeared again. Both 
offices are named, however, in one line in the minutes of an assembly 
held 23 rd March 1464, and early in the i;" 1 century the Clavors 
asserted that they were the Treasurers of the City. 3 The Treasurer's 
oath 4 should also be considered in this connection. 

No further change was made till 1557 when only one 
Chamberlain was appointed. 5 He was however permitted to have 
a clerk under him, selected by himself, and in course of time 
this clerk developed into the subordinate or Under Chamberlain, 
and later still came to be chosen by the Mayor. 

2. Gilds in the 15"* Century. 

In Norwich as in other towns the craft gilds claim a good deal 
of attention during the 15 th century. All previous knowledge of 
them here is almost entirely derived from the gild certificates in the 
Public Record Office 6 , which were returned in 1389, and fortunately 
several of those surviving relate to Norwich gilds. 

For wealth, the Gild of the Annunciation is conspicuous as well 
as for the larger payment demanded in compulsory offerings and 
there can be little doubt that this was " The Gild of S l Mary called 
the Great Gild of Norwich," to which legacies were frequently 
bequeathed, and further it is quite possible that it was identical with 
the Bachcry Gild. 7 Its inception was unknown or forgotten in 1389. 
The next in order of date was the Gild of Corpus Christi, founded in 
1278 for parish priests, and except that it was held in the College 
in the Fields, as was the Great Gild, which also observed the 
Corpus Christi festival, it requires no further consideration for 
the present. Of much greater interest for the immediate purpose is 
the certificate returned by the gild of S l Michael, founded by divers 

1 See pp. 69-72. a No. XCVIII. 

3 Clavors'' Accounts. 4 Vol. I. p. 128. 5 No. CCXXXI. " 

6 Fur the Gild certificates see NorJ. Arch, Vol. XVI. p. 267. 

7 ^oL I. p. Ixxiv. 

Selected Records of the City of Nonvick. xliii. 

artificers and workmen who unfortunately when making the return 
either did not know when the fraternity was begun or if they did 
they said nothing about it. Clearly every honest inhabitant in 
the city was eligible to at least one of these three gilds and member- 
ship would doubtless elevate its possessors above others of their class, 
rendering artificers at least the more eligible for citizenship. Besides, 
the craftsmen when united into a gild could command greater 
respect from the governing body of citizens than was likely to be 
shown to the individual. 

There is a suspicion that the craft gilds in towns which could 
boast of a gild merchant were specialized branches of that gild, and 
since in Norwich there was no such thing, may it be conjectured that 
here they were offshoots on the one hand from the Great Gild, and 
on the other from the gild of handicraftsmen, that of S l Michael? 
If such were the case a reason is discovered why their influence in 
the management of city affairs was less than in other places. Let it 
be remembered, however, that London had no gild merchant. There 
the companies were incorporated, those in Norwich were not, nor is it 
safe to compare conditions prevailing in London with those in vogue 

As already pointed out, 1 the 46* chapter of the Custumal 
directs that certain persons should be appointed to search for 
fraudulent work in every craft, which may possibly mean that 
masters of crafts were already being chosen at the beginning of 
the 14 th century. At all events in 1363 two statutes 2 were passed. 
The first enacted that two merchants should be appointed for each 
branch of merchandising in every city, borough and county to see 
that the "merchants, vintners, wool merchants, drapers, chaucers, 
tailors, and all others" dealt exclusively in their peculiar wares, 
under the penalty of forfeiting merchandise of another kind. The 
second, in the same manner, enacted that two men should be elected 
from each craft to see that no one exercised more crafts than one, 
the penalty being six months' imprisonment or making fine. The 
former apparently did not bring about the desired result and was 
repealed the next year, 3 the second continued on the statute book 
until 5 th Elizabeth. 4 

The Book of Customs gives the information that not very 
long after this, namely in 1369, the Bailiffs, the Twenty-four 

1 p. xxii. 2 37 E. III. c. 5 and c. 6. \J 

3 Stat. 38 E. III. c. 2. * Stat. 5 Eliz. c. 4. 

xliv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

and the Treasurers were to be elected by the bones gents and the 
better of the crafts. There is, however, some reason to doubt 
whether the order ever took effect as is discussed at p. xlix., Vol. I. 

Next in chronological order come the certificates of gilds 
already partly dealt with. Out of the nineteen which survive only 
six relate to craft gilds exclusive of that of S' Michael. Of these 
the tailors' gild begun in 1350 is the most prominent, the tailors 
as has just been shown being considered merchants rather than 
artificers. The certificates of the barbers' and candle-makers' gilds 
do not say when they first came into being, and the remaining 
three are the carpenters' which seems to have embraced the 
masons, the peliters' or furriers', and the sadlers' and spurriers', 
begun in 1375, 1376 and 1385 respectively, all subsequent to the 
statute quoted above. Whether there were others cannot now be 
said, yet it seems strange that nothing is heard of the shearmen 
or fullers. 

The primary obligation and bond of union was the suppor 
of a light at some altar, and further it must have been felt 
imperative from the outset that all work performed by the crafts- 
men of any particular gild must come up to a uniform standard, 
and that a high one, if the gild were not to be brought to dis- 
credit. To ascertain that this was the case searchers would doubt- 
less be appointed, perhaps even independently of those prescribed 
by the governing citizens. Some fraternities had an annual feast, 
accompanied with a procession, in other cases nothing of the kind 
is heard of. The pageants belong to a later time, and it is by no 
means certain that the crafts made any processions collectively 
until after the final restoration of the liberties in 1447. 

In Norwich it seems that the crafts, beyond that their work 
was supervised, were almost entirely neglected until 1415. It was 
not till after the decay of the gild system that any were incorporated, 
and even then only the adolescent company of russell weavers, so it 
is not to be expected that disputes between the crafts and the 
governing body would reach any importance. Yet are we to see 
in the complaints and answers before Sir Thomas Erpingham 1 in 
1414 a desire on the part of handicraftsmen to obtain at least some 
voice in the administration of the city? Were theirs the con- 
federacies and assemblies of which the Sheriffs and 24 prud- 
hommes complained ? Whatever answers may be given to these 

1 Vol. I. p. 91. 


Selected Records of the City of Nonvich. xlv. 

queries it is certain that when the Composition was made in the 
following year it was considered expedient to include in it some 
ordinances for crafts. 1 The crafts were now permitted to chose 
their own masters and present them to the Mayor, who administered 
the oath to them, the Mayor being authorised to assign masters to 
those crafts which failed to nominate them among themselves. The 
masters' duties were to search for faulty work as hitherto, and after 
informing the Mayor, they with others of the same occupation were 
to assess the fines, half of which went to the Sheriffs and half to 
the masters presumably for the benefit of their craft. All crafts 
that had search in London were to have it in Norwich, and in 
the same form, excepting the privileges of the chartered companies, 
and any craft used in Norwich but not in London was to chose its 
masters to act as the others. 

These rules are followed by others principally relating to 
apprentices, and it is surprising to find a class of foreigners, that 
is non-freemen, not only "holding shop" but also "enjoying" 
apprentices. Although it was determined that a stop must be put 
to the practice, vested interests were recognised. Such shop holders 
and apprentices were not disturbed in any way. They appear to 
have submitted to a periodical fine at all times and for a like 
penalty they were allowed to remain as they were. For the future, 
however, they were to take no further apprentices unless they took 
up their freedom. The foreigners who in time to come might 
wish to start a shop were at liberty to do so for the term of two 
years and a day under the usual amerciaments, but they were not 
permitted to take apprentices. When that term had expired they 
were either to take up their freedom on warning being given by 
the master of their craft or close the shop. 

No freeman of the city was to take an apprentice for a less term 
than seven years, and his name was to be enrolled and also 
certain fees paid. At the expiration of the seven years the 
apprentice should take up his freedom, paying a noble, the 
equivalent of 6s. %d. to the chamber, another to the sheriffs, and 

I6d. to the clerk for making the entry. 
All the present and future citizens were to be inrolled under 
the craft to which they belonged as were also those who should 
henceforth be enfranchised. Any one who desired to buy his 
freedom, not having been apprenticed in the city, could not do 

1 Ib. p. 105. 

xlvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

so unless the masters of some craft notified to the chamber that 
they were willing to receive him, for the craft became in some 
measure responsible for his workmanship, and bad characters 
were a nuisance to gild life. Moreover any particular occupation 
would be in the best position to judge whether the new comer 
would be likely to be a burden to the city through lack of em- 
ployment. Such as were received paid qod. to the craft, 2Os. to 
the chamber or more if they could afford it and make the best 
bargain they could with the Sheriffs. 

The composition goes on to enact that all livery and clothing, 
as well as the names and privileges of gilds and companies, should 
be renounced. It is by no means easy to comprehend the drift 
of the order unless it can imply that purely religious gilds could 
no longer be tolerated except they were united to some craft gild. If 
that is the case it would seem that S l George's Gild obtained 
its charter of incorporation a few years afterwards partly with 
the intention of defying the order. The craft gilds which 
desired to have a livery were to be clothed in the same way as 
the corresponding craft in London was clothed, and associated 
crafts should have but one livery. 

As a result of the above orders 74 individuals took up their 
freedom in the financial year beginning at the following Michael- 
mas, and between 40 and 50 in the year after. For the new 
enrolment of existing citizens a book was procured. Its object 
was, however, never fulfilled, and it is of little interest for the present 
consideration. 1 It would appear that all the substantial citizens 
enrolled themselves as mercers for the list of them contains 106 
names, many of which are recognised as those of influential men, 
and not unlikely these were the men of estate from whom the 
governing body was chosen. In any case for fifty years after the 
great charter of 1404 the Mayors were all mercers or merchants, 
which were much the same, and of the 24 aldermen named in 
the tripartite indenture of 1424, 23 were certainly of the same 
designation. Very probably some of them were promoted to the 
mercery when elected to their office. Eleven other occupations 
are found in the book just mentioned, where seven sadlers and 
five goldsmiths occur, the remainder having fewer names. They 
might be taken for a list of crafts whose members were not 
sufficiently numerous to warrant them a separate existence. On 

1 See p. 149 n. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xlvii. 

the other hand it is very doubtful whether the lists, except that of 
the mercers, are anything like complete, and not a word is said of cloth 
weavers and finishers, who must have been numerous at this time. 

Though often insisted upon no enrolments of apprentices 
survive earlier than 1512, excepting one or two solitary instances. 
One belonging to the 13 th century will be found in the previous 
volume, 1 another also occurs in the "Court Roll" of I4O5, 2 that is 
ten years before the composition was made and the term of the 
service is nine years. Two more, dated respectively 1418 and 
1420, are in the " Book of Miscellaneous Matters " before the 
Mayors and Wardens of the city during the time of the troubles, 
that is in the same book in which the re-entries of citizens were 
intended to be recorded. On the whole it would appear that the 
authorities were unable to enforce the enrolment at the time, and 
naturally the parties were willing to escape the payment of the 
fees while the omission to register the indentures would not 
invalidate them at the Common Law. 

The oath administered to the masters, besides insisting upon 
the search for faulty work, required them to preserve peace and 
good rule within their craft, and to prevent any of its members from 
forestalling victuals. If any person procured more than his share 
of the goods needed by the whole craft the masters were to present 
him to the mayor for redress. 3 

An extract taken by Kirkpatrick from the Assembly Roll of 
6 H. V., now lost, shows how thoroughly all the gilds were sub- 
servient to the city's rulers. It enacted that all gilds and all 
gatherings of any mistery whatsoever should not for the future 
congregate in any part of the city nor hold their gild or any 
assembly without the leave of the mayor and sheriffs. How galling 
such an order would be to the leading members of S l George's 
Gild can be better imagined than described, and perhaps one may 
be allowed to question whether the order was aimed at that 
gild in particular. 

Apparently, owing to the assize of bread being entirely in the 
hands of the mayor, the bakers were not permitted to elect masters 
before 1436 and at the same time it was determined that bakers 
should not in future be empanelled before the Sheriffs because 
the populace suffered when they were unable to obtain bread. 4 

; No. CXXI, ~ No. XL. infra. 


xlviii. Selected Records of tke City of Norwich. 

No lists of the masters of crafts have been discovered 
previous to 1440, when sixteen occupations are named, all of them 
practically handicrafts, each of which appointed two masters 
saving the worstead weavers who chose six. 1 The reason for 
this is not quite clear seeing that it was two years before the 
statute 2 was passed enacting that the Norwich worsted weavers 
should elect four wardens who were then to elect two others 
from the country weavers. A few more lists of masters about 
this date are to be found, the number of crafts electing them was 
24 in 1446, and 26 two years later. It is not until the commence- 
ment of the minute books of the Court of Mayoralty in 1510 
that the annual lists are consecutive. 

Among the indictments brought against the leading citizens 
in I443 3 one was that they maintained the Bachery Gild though 
it was not incorporated, whereby daily riots occurred. On the 
other hand the citizens, presumably of Wetherby's party, are found 
grumbling to the Bishop and the Marquis of Suffolk about the 
gilds, 4 and in the petition to the latter they solicit that all should 
be put down. 5 The result was a compromise arranged by Judge 
Yelverton in 1452, by which the governing body became the 
members of S l George's Gild, into which the Bachery was 
apparently merged, there being no longer any need for it. 

In the petition to the Marquis of Suffolk it was further 
suggested that some rules should be made for crafts and the 
smaller crafts united. The seizure of the liberties prevented any 
action at the time, but in 1449, tnat * s tvvo y ear s after the liberties 
had been restored, the rules and ordinances for crafts were set out 
at great length, 7 many of the clauses being almost copied from 
the Composition of 1415. They begin with rules for choosing the 
wardens, each craft having its own common council who 
with the wardens were to determine upon faults, assess the fines 
and make ordinances for their companies, which could have no 
effect until ratified by the rulers of the city. 

Small misteries, by which we must understand the sub- 
divisions of the crafts, were to be united to crafts. Thus blade- 
smiths, locksmiths and lorimers are misteries of the smiths' craft. 
The misteries which contained seven or more members were to 
elect one warden and three common councillors to act as above. 

1 Norwich Liber Aldus, f. clxxx. 2 20 H. VI. c. 10. 8 Vol. I. p. 341. 

4 Ib. p. 116. 5 Ib. p. n8. Norf. Arch. III. 328. 7 No. CCCCXVII. . 

Selected Records of the City of Noiivich, xlix. 

Where there were less than seven the Mayor was to appoint 
the officers, and in all cases the wardens were to receive the 
oath of the common councillors. 

A search was to be made every quarter of the year and 
more often if needful. The faults to be investigated were of two 
kinds, those which pertained to the craft such as faults of work- 
manship, and those which pertained to the community as affecting 
the city's reputation. In the first instance the fine was to be 
assessed by the craft officers at the command of the Mayor, half 
of it going to the Sheriffs and half to the craft. In the second, 
by the Mayor assisted by six of the oldest Aldermen, one of 
whom must be of the craft in question, and other persons: If any 
officer was guilty of defective workmanship he should have no 
voice in assessing the fine, and all complaints of the severity of 
the fines were to be laid before the Mayor. 

Assemblies of the freemen of each craft must be called at 
least four times in the year, and the annual votive celebrations, when 
a feast might be made if desired, were to be held in some place 
which must unquestionably be within the city liberties. 

All the citizens of any craft who had the means were to have 
a livery provided by the wardens, the cloth for which must be woven 
within the liberties, and renewed every year, or more often if 
necessary. But when a member of any particular craft was elected to 
the estate of an alderman of the city, he was not required to wear 
more than the hood of the livery of his craft. Further, no man 
might take the clothing of a craft unless he were a citizen enrolled 
under that craft, and held a house or tenement, or a least a chamber, 
and resided in the city. To ensure that all crafts should have a 
different clothing and distinct from that of the Mayor and Aldermen, 
the colours selected by them must be passed by the Chamberlains, 
and the colours worn by the Mayor and Aldermen during two 
previous years might not be adopted. 

The wardens might compel their craftsmen to bring copies 
of their freedom to assemblies so that it might be ascertained who 
were freemen and who not, and those who refused to comply might 
be presented to the Mayor as foreigners. 

All the livery were expected to attend the procession of their 
craft on its festival day and also the civic processions. The principal 
occasions for these were the Mayor's Riding on the Tuesday after 
Trinity, All Saints' Day, Christmas Day and Epiphany, besides 

1. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

other days appointed by the Mayor. Whenever they took place 
the craft to which the Mayor belonged had its place next before him. 
The wardens were also to see that all the foreigners and citizens 
in their craft contributed to all taxes, and when a tax should be 
levied upon the crafts the wardens were to collect it. Again, 
they were bound to inform the Mayor of the foreigners who had dwelt 
and kept shops in the city above a year and a day, and also to see 
that the strangers had no apprentices, and which of them were in a 
position to buy their freedom. 

Should a craftsman become sufficiently wealthy to bear the 
office of Sheriff or Alderman, and the craft to which he belonged 
did not qualify him for the exalted position, he was to renounce his 
occupation and be enrolled under one of the higher crafts, for which 
he was to settle with his new wardens as best he could, nor might 
he ever again exercise his previous calling. 

Apprentices were to be bound for a term of seven years at least, 
and the orders for enrolment are repeated. No serf might be 
engaged, but the apprentice must be of free condition, and at the 
end of his term be received into the franchise. 

Citizens by right of birth should pay but 6d. to the clerk for 
enrolling their apprenticeships, and only \d. for the same purpose 
when admitted citizens. They must, however, be admitted within 
a year and a day after the expiration of their service. As for 
the children of persons of estate they might be enrolled under 
their fathers' crafts, but should they afterwards be apprenticed the 
first enrolment must be cancelled. 

Foreigners dwelling out of the city could be enfranchised by 
being enrolled under a craft with the assent of the wardens and 
on payment of 3^. ^d. to the craft, but those who dwelt in the city 
were only compelled to pay half that amount. 

For the future all persons were obliged to take out a copy of 
their freedom when enfranchised so that upon showing it they 
might be free from toll in all fairs and markets as the liberties of the 
city demanded. The wardens were to make search in their crafts 
every quarter of the year to ascertain whether this obligation had 
been fulfilled. 

When any member in the clothing died the other members of 
the craft were required to be present at the dirge and mass on the 
day of the interment, but their attendance at other services was not 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. li. 

By this ordinance an amount of self-government was granted 
to the crafts such as they had never before enjoyed, and the duties 
of the wardens, even when assisted by their council, must have made 
a considerable inroad upon their time, especially in cases where the 
craft stood alone. In 1448 a smith, a locksmith, a bladesmith, and 
a spurrier had been elected wardens of the smiths, and as each 
seems to have had charge of his peculiar mistery the division of 
their task facilitated their duties. One or two other instances 
parallel to this might be quoted. 

Then, although the persons of estate would not admit a 
member of the inferior crafts within their number, they should not 
on that account be charged with arrogance. For since some crafts 
were practically in the hands of wealthy citizens, it was only just 
that others should be open only to men of less or very small means, 
where affluent persons were out of place. Besides, though one 
would hardly expect it from the language used, those in authority 
were conceding rights rather than curtailing them. Up to this 
time no one but a mercer had held the office of Mayor, but the next 
year a grocer was elected, then a goldsmith in 1456, a worsted 
weaver in 1461, a dyer in 1466, and John Aubrey, draper, in 1469. 
This man had been admitted to the freedom as a butcher in May, 
1454, but in the next month he was transferred to the drapers, 
being elected an Alderman about 1461. Instances of such promotion, 
however, are very rarely met with. 

In 1463 one Thomas Antyngham, called a shoemaker, and 
probably the same as he who took up his freedom as a cordwainer 
in 1432, was chosen for the Common Council out of Mancroft 
Ward, and the question arose whether his occupation did not 
disqualify him from taking the oath. 1 How the point was settled 
is not recorded, still, as his name occurs as a council man during 
the next eleven years, the difficulty must have been surmounted. 
It may be that a compromise was effected by permitting him to 
take the Common Councillors' oath while he was debarred from 
entering the Gild of St. George, for he has not been found among 
the members of that fraternity. It was not until 1561 that it was 
decided that cordwainers and shoemakers were eligible to bear 
office. 2 

The Old Free Book* conveys the impression that these ordinances 
were inscribed in the books of all the crafts, and the fragment of the 

1 Assembly 13 June. 3 E. IV. 2 No. CCXXXTV. 3 Fol. liij. 

Hi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Mercers' Book yet remaining does contain an imperfect copy. It 
begins in the middle of a sentence, 1 but fortunately the rest is 
complete. As the copy in the Liber Albus ends in the middle of 
a paragraph of the Mercers' Book, it is practically certain that 
that is also imperfect. Besides, the clerk omitted to fill in his 
references and to give the order of the civic processions as he 
intended, or perhaps the folio upon which he did so has been cut 
out of the book. It is possible, however, that another copy exists 
in the Old Free Book? If this copy is not absolutely identical 
with the original, it was certainly transcribed about the same 
time, and cannot well be notably divergent from it. It purports to 
be the order of the procession of the crafts on Corpus Christi day, 
a festival which, strangely enough, is not mentioned in this con- 
nection in the ordinances. All the crafts were to walk according 
to precedence in advance of the Sheriffs, behind whom followed 
the Mayor, and consequently the position of honour being the rear 
of the procession, the more honourable crafts are to be found at 
the bottom of the list. The order of these would vary from year 
to year, for those from which the Mayor and Sheriffs were elected 
immediately preceded these officers respectively. Between the 
reeders, who head the list, and were therefore the lowest of the 
companies, and the mercers, who were the highest, every craft had 
its rank assigned to it, and it is noteworthy that those nearest to 
Mayor are just those from which the earlier Mayors were chosen, 
almost in the same chronological order in which they became 
entitled to that honourable privilege. 

The ordinances evidently worked smoothly, for, except that 
the shoemakers obtained the sanction of the Assembly in 1490 
for their bill restraining their journeymen and servants from idle- 
ness, 3 little or nothing is heard of the craft gilds for nearly fifty 
years. In 1495 it was considered necessary to pass some orders 
to check the inordinate feastings, 4 and it was enacted that in 
future all the expenses of the feast should be set down by a clerk, 
and those who partook of it were to subscribe towards the total 
cost in equal portions. It was also decided that no one might be 
compelled to become a member of a gild unless it was evident that 
he could afford to be one. It was said afterwards that many persons 
who had been compelled to bear the charge of feast-making were 

1 p. 149. n. a No. CCCXCIX. 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. liii. 

unable to recover from the expenses which were forced upon them, 
while others, profiting by the experiences of the former, dare not 
venture to practise their trades in the city. 1 

The liberty of assessing or imposing fines was withdrawn, and 
for the future all faults were to be presented to the Mayor, who 
should determine the fine with the assistance of some members of the 
craft presenting the offence. Further the crafts were again forbidden 
to enforce any rules of their own making before the Mayor had 
approved of them. 2 

The enrolment of apprenticeship indentures was once more 
ordered in I5I2, 3 and this time with effect, for from that date 
until they gradually die out in the i8 th century there is a complete 
series of them. The earliest roll, allowing for a few masons on the 
first membrane, is almost entirely taken up with the worsted weavers, 4 
and a large proportion of later enrolments relate to the same craft. 

Eight persons were appointed in 1522 to ascertain how crafts 
having no vows, that is having no religious ceremonies or gild 
properly so called, might be united with those which had, 5 and the 
result of their decision may have been the first step in the evolution 
of the pageants which must now be noticed. 

S* Luke's Gild, composed of the pewterers, brasiers, bell- 
founders, plumbers, glasiers and painters, was at first entirely 
responsible for the production of the pageants, although it is not 
known when it introduced them. In 1527 the gild is discovered 
petitioning the Mayor, that being unable any longer to bear the 
expenses entailed by the annual display on Whit Monday, it might 
be relieved by each craft producing one pageant on that day. 6 This 
request was granted and the twelve pageants assigned to the various 
crafts or groups of crafts are contained in the Old Free Book? Most 
likely it was owing to this that the pageant of St" George's Gild, by 
emulating the others, reached its culmination about this epoch. 

In August 1531, Sir Robert Dowe was fined 2os. "by reason of 
an act made for keeping of gild." 8 Perhaps he had contravened the 
Act of the Assembly passed in 1495, and the same act was renewed 
and extended shortly afterwards. 9 

1 p. 112. 

2 Assembly Book II. fol. i8d. Though the orders occur among the proceedings of an 
Assembly held on 12 June, 1495, they were evidently passed by that body at the previous 
meeting on 13 May. " Marche " p. 1 12 line 15 is a clerical error for " May." 

3 No. CXCVI. 4 See No. CCCCLII. 5 Assembly 26 June 14 H. VIII. 

6 Norf. Arch. Vol. III. p. 6. 

7 No. CCCC. 8 No. CCLXXI. 9 No. CCIV. 

liv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

3. Crafts and Gilds after the Reformation: Twelve Grand 

The general dissolution of the monasteries in 1539 and the 
progress of the Reformation had its bearing upon the gilds, some of 
which were already disbanded while others were in a tottering 
condition. The local authorities therefore, imbued with the high 
handed spirit of the age, resolved to appropriate the goods of such 
for the benefit of the city 1 and 2$s. the stock of S' Olave's Gild was 
immediately demanded. 2 The Chamberlains further account for 
22s. %d. received from other stocks, which are not specified, still it 
does not follow that this sum was entirely derived from purely 
religious fraternities, for in the next year icw. was handed in as the 
remaining stock of the thick-woollen-weavers gild. 3 

Owing to the changes of the times it was thought fit in 1 543 to 
revise the former ordinances for crafts, and the new regulations 
immediately follow the older ones in the Liber Albus* The preamble 
explains that no profit had accrued to the body politic nor to the 
occupations themselves owing to the absence of order and that the 
crafts had failed to enforce obedience from their apprentices and 
journeymen. Whether this was actually the case is uncertain and 
the first section of the orders does not in any way touch the subject 
The city had obtained from the King the monastery of the Black 
Friars, now S Andrew's Hall, in 1540, and at this time it was decided 
that the gild feasts should be held in the chapel of S' John there as 
well as the celebrations of the mass, on specified days assigned to 
each craft, 5 or for the most part to groups of crafts. These groups 
had some similarity to the twelve responsible for the pageants, but 
they are now subdivided into nineteen or according to Blomefield 6 
twenty classes. The old ritual was preserved for the time, still, most 
likely owing to the policy of the guardians of Edward VI. some 
attempt was afterwards made to reform the orders by altering the 
word gild to feast, and mass to service, the task however, when half 
accomplished appears to have been given up as impossible. 

An entirely new rule recognised that a craftsman might exercise 
two or more different trades. 7 In that case he must be contributory 
to all the craft gilds whose occupations he practised, and apparently 
if he had more than one workshop for the same product his payments 
were doubled, trebled, and so on as the case might be. 

1 No. CCXV: 2 Court Book. no. 3. ff. 162, 164. 3 16. no. 5. .551. 

No. CCCCXVIII. s No CCCCXIX. < Vol. III. p. 206. Compare No. CCCC. 

7 Seep, xliii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Iv. 

A yearly stipend, called a certen, was to be paid to the priest of 
S* John's Chapel and as the amount thus collected was handed over 
to the city Chamberlain, one sees where some of the profit to the 
body politic was to come in. The priest in his turn received a fixed 
annual salary from the Chamberlains. 

Whether the standing orders concerning feast-making were 
revoked is not clear, still they were certainly modified, for feast- 
makers were to be elected and if those who were chosen refused 
to undertake the duty they were liable to a penalty of 2os. In 
consequence, a few years afterwards, the feast-makers appointed for 
the cordwainers appeared before the Mayor with the bill of fare 
which they were requested to provide, hoping, doubtless, he would 
grant them some relief. It was not, however, considered unreasonable 
and they were advised to carry it out. 1 

About this time also it was decided to make the processions to the 
Black Friars, or the Common Hall as it was then called, 2 abandoning 
the old route to and from the Chapel in the Fields then in the last 
days of its existence. 

In the last year of Henry's reign the exhibition of the pageants 
was suspended 3 and also in the next year. 4 It may be that the body 
politic was unwilling that any part of the stocks should be wasted 
on these shows, since they were sure to fall into its hands sooner or 
iater, and the next year, that is in 1548, the expectation was gratified. 
Thereupon an order was passed in the assembly that all the gild 
stocks should be expended in cleansing the river with the excep- 
tion of that of S' George's Gild, which was set apart for the 
maintenance of the poor. 5 The pageants were not revived appar- 
ently until I565 6 - when the aliens were about to introduce new life 
into the city. 

IThe offerings of the several crafts received by the Chamberlains 
are regularly accounted for by them until Michaelmas IS47, 7 the first 
year of Edward VI. In this same year several crafts withdrew 
their contributions, and in the next the information is given that 
there was no income from this source because the gilds were all put 
down and destroyed. The authorities however graciously allowed 
John Kempe, the priest, to draw his salary during his lifetime. 8 

With the destruction of the gilds and shortly before the usual 

1 No. CCXCVIII. 2 No. CCCCXX. 3 Assembly, 4 June 38 H. VIII. 
4 Ib. ii May I E. VI. 5 No. CCXXI. 6 No. CCXXXVI. 
' Xo. CIX. 8 Chamberlains Accounts. 

Ivi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

day for the election of the wardens, the question arose as to whether 
their appointment was expedient. It was not settled at the time 1 
and seventeen crafts presented their officers in due course. Moreover 
the tailors, who it seems were doubtful of what ought to be done, and 
had failed to hold their annual meeting, were in August ordered to 
convoke it when they were to choose their wardens and have a 
breakfast if so disposed. 2 They evidently did so, for one of the 
occupation absenting himself from the breakfast was committed to 
prison by the Mayor. 3 

No lists of wardens can be found for the next two years, in the 
latter of which they may have been omitted through the excite- 
ment caused by Kelt's Rebellion, and it can hardly be said with 
certainty that none were appointed. The lists begin again with 
undiminished vigour in 1551, and yet in 1554, the first year of Mary's 
reign, the Mayor thought it necessary to command the crafts to 
choose their officers according to ancient custom. 4 Upwards of 
thirty occupations thereupon appointed their wardens 5 and for a year 
or two the lists of them are greatly extended. Nevertheless several 
crafts there named have no officers assigned to them. 

Perhaps some attempt was made to restore the gilds in Mary's 
reign, for in January 1557 some goods consisting of table linen and 
one or two writings, supposed to have belonged to the priests' gild, 
were delivered to the Mayor, who handed them over to the use of that 
gild in the following May. 6 

To reap the benefits of citizenship and to escape its burdens at 
the same time was an ingenious project devised at this period. In 
1554 it was stated that many pjrsons came to reside in the city for a 
season, sufficient to qualify them to take up their freedom, and 
having done so departed to the neighbouring villages where, 
presumably, they practised their various callings. By this expedient 
they would escape the supervision of their craft wardens, but that 
was a small grievance against them compared with the fact that they 
brought their wares to Norwich where they exercised the freemen's 
right of buying and selling, while by their non-residence they escaped 
the payments of taxes and tallages laid upon the city. This was a 
new departure and though no existing regulations were infringed it 
was impossible to allow it to continue. It was therefore decided 
that these persons might only engage in trade as foreigners, under 

1 No. CCXX. 2 Court Book, no. 5. f. 486. * Ib. f. 492. 

4 No. CCCXII. 5 Court Book, no. 6. f. 335 et seq. No. CCCXV. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ivii. 

the penalty of the forfeiture of all goods otherwise bought or sold, 
and their franchise was to remain in abeyance so long as they 
resided outside the city's liberties. 1 

With the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, the principle of one 
general set of rules for all the trades was set aside. We find the 
companies coming forward with their peculiar orders which they 
drew up for their own special government to be ratified by the 
assembly, and confirmation was seldom withheld. Sometimes these 
orders when put into practise did not work smoothly and required 
alteration, and many needed renewing from time to time as changes 
in circumstances and surroundings rendered them out of date. Quite 
a new series became necessary towards the close of the 17 th century 
and a number of these were engrossed in a book solely devoted 
to that purpose. 

There are many entries relating to apprentices all through this 
period 3 and on the whole they were subjected to much drudgery. 
Possibly it was with the idea of encouraging them and protecting 
them from the tyranny of masters and combinations that the general 
orders were renewed from time to time notably in August 1622. On 
that occasion it was ordered that the fine usually paid on admission 
to the freedom of the city should be demanded when the apprentice- 
ship indenture was enrolled and the master should be held responsible 
for it. It was further enacted that for the future only four 
unapprenticed foreigners might buy their freedom yearly beginning 
on the 25 th March following. Those who were already settled in 
the city were permitted to purchase it in the meantime, and existing 
apprenticeship indentures entered into under the old rules were to 
hold good. 

By the same orders all the occupations were divided into 
twelve grand companies and although the idea may have been 
taken from London there was no similarity other than the name 
between the grand companies of London and Norwich. In the 
former city a grand company was an unit, here it was a group, 
still each group is headed by an important craft, whose name is 
written large, and some of these actually correspond with the grand 
livery companies. Each of the groups was assigned to one of the 
petty wards the two Aldermen of which became the masters and as 
the list is given in a socially descending scale and the wards taken in 


2 Nos. CCLXXIII., CCLXXXV., CCCXVI., CCCXXVII. et seq. etc. 

Iviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

their usual order the arrangement was by no means inappropriate. 
Since the rules were not written for the uninitiated the following 
schedule may be helpful to those who are not familiar with the 
nomenclature of the wards. Only the leading company of the group 
is given here, the minor ones under it will be found without difficulty 
at p. 383 in the body of this work. 

Name of 
Great Ward 


Man croft 


Over the 

Name of Petty 

To South Conesford 
North Conesford 

S* Stephen 
S' Peter 
S' Giles 

,, West Wymer 
Mid Wymer 
East Wymer 

Fy bridge 

were assigned the 

The head of each 
Grand Company. 

Mercers etc. 
Merchants etc. 
Grocers etc. 

Apothecaries etc. 
Drapers etc. 
Goldsmiths etc. 

Worsted-weavers etc 
Hosiers etc. 
Tailors etc. 

Brewers etc. 
Inn-Holders etc. 
Cordwainers etc. 

Substituting the merchants for the London salters, who do not 
occur in the Norwich lists, it would have been quite possible to have 
made these twelve heads to correspond with the grand livery 
companies. That plan was scarcely suitable to the Norwich scheme 
which allotted the greater merchants to the aristocratic ward of 
Conesford, the smaller merchants and the superior handicraft of the 
goldsmiths to Mancroft, the cloth-makers and so forth, to the 
manufacturing district of Wymer, while the lowest on the list were 
assigned to the plebeian ward Over the Water. 

The merchants are united with a jumble of occupations but from 
the drapers downwards there is at least some connection between the 
various members of the groups. 

Each trade appointed its officers as of old, the whole body of 
whom in each grand company were to choose an indefinite number 
of assistants to help the masters in the discharge of their duties. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. lix. 

These comprised the holding an inquiry four times a year, imposing 
fines for breach of rules, seeing that the books of every occupation 
were properly kept, and generally relieving the Mayor of such 

The idea of the twelve grand companies was not altogether new, 
for many years before the crafts had been divided into twelve classes 
each of which was responsible for the production of a pageant, 1 as 
has already been shown. There are several points of resemblance 
between the two arrangements although they are by no means 
identical, while in a list of the wardens as far back as 1446 the trades 
are united into small bands by brackets 2 as though something of the 
kind was even then proposed. 

Sometime during the first few years of the eighteenth century 
a new list of the fines to be paid by the various foreign craftsmen for 
admission to the freedom was drawn up. It ranges from 2% 
for the mercers and most important trades to something below 3 
for a tinman. 3 The domestic system was by this time dying out. 
Little care was taken to swear in the masters, and the companies were 
left more and more to manage their own affairs, as capitalists and the 
factory system came into vogue. 

IV. Woollen Trade and Worsted Manufacture. 
Woollen Trade and Staple. 

There is very little reason to suppose that before the close of 
the 13* century, Norwich derived much of its wealth from the 
export of wool. The channels for the trade previous to this date 
led a great portion of it to Stourbridge Fair, near Cambridge, 
whence the natural outlet was by Lynn, and the wools coming from 
the Cistercian Abbeys in the north were stayed at the fairs of 
Stamford and Boston. Whatever quantity was dealt with at Norwich 
was the local product, and it is a noteworthy fact that there was 
practically no monastery of the Cistercians in Norfolk, an order 
which derived a great portion of its revenues from sheep breeding 
and wool. For these reasons, and seeing that the export of wool was 

1 No. CCCC. 

2 Book of Miscellaneous Matters, f. 43. Seep. 149. n. 
:1 Book of Apprentices, and Bonk of Orders for Crafts. 

Ix. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

forbidden in 1258, and again in 1271, though the order was revoked 
in I2/4, 1 it is not surprising that, whatever may have been the case 
in King Stephen's reign, 2 the lanator or wool merchant is seldom 
met with in our earliest records, or that the wool market is almost 
unmentioned. On the other hand, in 1286, the Cistercian Abbeys 3 
of Sibton, Garendon, Combe and Woburn, held property along the 
river bank in Conesford, presumably for the convenience of shipping 
the wool grown on their Norfolk estates, while four others of the 
same order had property in Norwich. Perhaps it was owing 
to them that the trade arose, and its increase is attested by 
subsequent events. 

By the statute of Acton Burnell, 1283, it was decreed that 
debts between merchants might be recognized before the Mayors of 
London, York or Bristol, who upon default of payment by the 
debtor on the stated day could distrain upon him for the amount. 
Two years afterwards, by the statute of merchants, 4 the debt might 
be acknowledged before the Mayor of London, or some chief warden 
of the city or town where the king should appoint. This was in 
1285, the very year in which the Norwich merchants are seen 
electing a new alderman for their hanse. 5 

The connection between the two facts is questionable, and, 
although it does not appear that Norwich enjoyed such a privilege 
under Edward I., one of the first acts of his son was to grant a seal 
for the recognizance of debts to Norwich and nine other towns 
including London. In 1311 the parliament confirmed the grant so 
far as Norwich was concerned, and included eleven other towns, one 
or two of the original recipients of the liberty being omitted 7 . By 
these means the trade of the country was forced into certain 
channels with a view to facilitate the collection of customs and thus 
to increase the revenue. 

Further, in 1313 it was ordered that all merchants buying wool 
and wool-fells for export should, under penalty, send them to a 
certain staple to be appointed by the mayor and community of the 
native merchants in either Brabant, Flanders, or Artois. 8 That 
body fixed upon St. Omer in Artois, 9 whereupon the society of the 
Bardi and other alien merchants complained that Magna Charta had 

1 Ashley, Economic History, Pt. II. p. 194. -i See p. xi. 

3 Vol. I. p. 214. 4 II E. I. s. iii. s Vol. I. p. 260. 

6 Rot. Pat. I E. II. pt. i. in. 19. ? KoL p ari Vo l. I. p. 285. 
8 Rot. Pat. 6 E. II pt. ii. m. 5. Rot. Clam. 8 E. II. m. I2d. 

Selected Records of the City of Nonvich. Ixi. 

been infringed, and that they had never consented to the foregoing 
order. The native merchants, among whom we find John de 
Causton and William de Hackford, individuals whose names have 
a suspiciously local sound, made answer that there had always been 
such a staple in the above places in the reigns of Henry III. and 
Edward I., but since there were no penalties against contravening it, 
the king had made the order, 1 which was therefore allowed to stand. 
The merchants of Bruges in Flanders, however, made jealous 
opposition 2 , and in 1325, the staple was transferred to that town. 3 
On i May in the next year the staple was appointed to be held 
within the king's realm and power, and at Norwich among other 
places. 4 Next, on 24 May, John de Flynt and John de Hales, two 
Norwich merchants, with four others of London, were deputed to 
obtain further information concerning the wool-staple. Two 
burgesses of Norwich and a similar number from other towns 
were summoned before them to elect a Mayor of the Staples. 5 

The establishment of the staples in England was confirmed by 
Edward III. when he had been but a few months on the throne. 6 
Before the end of the year, however, owing to the exigences of the 
Scotch war, he was compelled to permit merchants to buy wool 
anywhere and export it, provided they paid l$s. \d. on every sack. 7 
Shortly afterwards this fee was increased to 2Os., s and the parliament 
at Northampton abolished the staples altogether. 9 Notwithstanding 
the merchants were discovered with a staple at Bruges in January, 
I332, 10 and the following September all the staples were restored. 11 

(The ordinances then established are not quite the same as the earlier 
ones, and a copy of them is found in the Book of Customs, f. 61. In 
1340 the staple was ordered to be fixed in Brabant or Flanders for 
ever, 12 and accordingly for some years it is to be found again at 
Bruges. All the same, in 1353 the staples beyond the sea were 
recalled and reappointed in the usual English towns. The statute 
27 E. III. s. 10, c. i., contains the ordinances which are known as 
"the great ordinances of the staple." Every staple town had a port 
attached to it from which the wool was to be exported, and naturally 

1 Ib. 13 E. II. m. 5<L 

2 Ib. 18 E. II. m. 4d. 3 Ib. 4 Rot. Pat. 19 E. II. pt. ii. m. 8. 

5 Rot. Clans. 19 E. II. m. 6d. 6 Rot. Pat. I E. III. pt. ii. m. 24. 

7 Ib. i E. III. pt. iii. m. 21. s Rot. Clatts. 2 E. III. m. 38. 

9 Stat. 2 E. III. c. 9. Rot. Pal. 6 E. III. pt. i. in. 3id. n Ib. pt. iii. m. 15. 

12 /*. 14 E. III. pt. ii. m. 35. 

Ixii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Yarmouth was to serve as the outlet for Norwich. To this city 
was also assigned a Mayor of the Staple, assisted by two 
Constables, the Mayor receiving an annual salary of 20, and 
each of the Constables 5. The Mayor is found handing over 
86 is. 8d. received by him in I35/. 1 After this Calais became the 
almost permanent home of the staple. It was once more brought to 
England for a short time in 1369? when Yarmouth supplanted 
Norwich as the staple town of the eastern counties, but in 1376 it 
was fixed at Calais. 3 There were some thoughts of transferring it 
to England in I39O 4 , and in the "First Book of the Treasurers 
Accounts" there is a list of the subscribers with the amount each 
subscribed to a fund for procuring the old privilege for Norwich. 
As nothing came of it, it seems that the money or most of it 
was refunded. 5 

Some idea of the extent to which Norwich profited by the 
staple may be gathered from a petition to parliament, which, 
although of uncertain date, may be assigned, since Boston is 
mentioned, to a time shortly after the great ordinance. By it the 
inhabitants of the counties of Cambridge and Huntingdon, and parts 
of Suffolk, Northamptonshire, Bedfordshire, and Leicestershire, com- 
plain that Norwich and Boston are so far distant that they cannot 
dispose of their wool, and request that, on this account, a staple 
may be appointed at Lynn. The reply that things should remain as 
they were till it was otherwise ordained, 6 may imply that the 
removal of the staples from England to Calais was even then under 

2. Worsted Manufacture. 

The early history of the Worsted Manufacture, as its name 
implies, is more connected with the economy of Norfolk than of 
Norwich in particular, so much so that, notwithstanding the state- 
ment of Jordan Fantosme, 7 it may be questioned whether it was 
practised here to any extent before the 14''' century was drawing to 
a close, whereas we have evidence of its existence in the township 
from which it takes its name about a century earlier. 

There is little reason to doubt the usually accepted opinion 
that the art of worsted weaving was brought in by Flemings who 

x No. XLV. "Stat. 43 E. III. c. i. 

3 Rymer Vol. III. pt. ii. p. 1057. 4 Stat. 14 R II. c. I. 5 No. LIV. 

ti Rot. Parl. Vol. II. p. 369. * p. xii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixiii. 

settled in this country at some early period of which we possess no 
precise record. Baldwin the Young, Duke of Flanders, 061-989, 
introduced weaving for trade purposes into his Dukedom with great 
success, and it is well to remember that he was grandfather of the 
grandfather of Queen Matilda, the consort of William I. Moreover 
it is certain that many Flemings fought under the Conqueror in 
1066, while others came in their train, as well as Normans to supply 
the cultured needs of the victors for which the English were 
insufficient. Similarly it may be noticed in passing that Bishop 
Herbert could hardly have obtained the necessary skill or material 
for his extensive building undertakings except from across the 
Channel. Blomefield 1 supposes that men from the Low Countries 
were settled here when others of their countrymen were placed at 
Haverfordwest. King Stephen employed Flemish mercenaries 
under William of Ypres in the struggle with the Empress, and 
there can be little doubt of their presence in East Anglia seeing 
that Hugh Bigod gave so much trouble. Finally Norwich was 
sacked by the Flemings in 1174. 

Thus for upwards of 100 years there was a constant influx of 
Flemings into England. They came, for the most part, with no 
peaceful intent, still many of them were doubtless skilful artizans in 
their native country and here and there found and availed them- 
selves of openings for their dexterity. 

In the reign of Henry II. there were gilds of weavers in 
London, York and one or two more of the important towns, 2 though 
not in Norwich. Evidently, therefore, the trade had begun and Sir 
Matthew Hale considered that it flourished exceedingly in this 
reign, but was wholly lost during the troublous years of the 
succeeding sovereigns. 3 Quite possibly there was some falling off, 
still it was Richard I. who in 1196 first appointed the assize of 
cloth, viz. that woollen cloths should be made of the same width, 
that is of two ells within the lists and of the same goodness 
throughout, 4 and a reason for this must be admitted. This 
order was incorporated in Magna Charta, and occurs in the 
Book of Customs under the confirmation of the liberties of England 
by Henry III. 5 

Very few weavers are to be found among the earliest Court 

1 Vol. III. p. 83. 2 Madox, Hist, of the Exchequer. 

' J James, History of the Worsted Manufacture, p. 41. 
4 Roger de Hovedon. 5 No. CCCLXXXVII. 

Ixiv . Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Rolls, one at all events, Robert de Holveston, 1 was an influential 
man and twice bailiff of the city. Not that there is any reason why 
a weaver should not exercise his craft without taking up his 
freedom. He would, in that case, be only on the same footing as 
the country weavers, and so long as he complied with the regulations 
for the disposal of the cloth, none of the city's customs were 
infringed. It might be a little more convenient for him to live in a 
large town, but if the authorities annoyed him or refused to let him 
buy wool he could very easily depart. 

There is, however, the extraordinary statement made in the 
time of Queen Elizabeth 2 that before worsteds were made, cloths 
called Norwich Whites had been manufactured. This must be 
taken for what it is worth. If it is to be relied upon the date of 
these productions must be assigned to the very beginning of the 
14 th century. 

In the case of the county of Norfolk it is possible to speak 
with more precision. The roll of accounts of Peter Flynt for the 
year I3OI 3 mentions cloths of " Wrthsted and Alyesham " (the latter 
were perhaps linen fabrics), given out of courtesy to the King's 
Justices, which onfirms the opinion that the cloths of these towns 
were esteemed before the 13* century was out A few years later 
the history of the cloth manufacture centers on these two places. 

In 1314 the alien and native merchants complained to 
parliament that they were deceived in the Town of Norwich 
because there was no assize of the cloths called " Worthstedes and 
Ayleshams," for what was sold for 25 ells was only 20 ells, and what 
ought to contain 30 ells had but 25. They therefore petitioned that 
an assay and an assayer might be appointed so that the cloths which 
did not conform might be forfeited to the King. 4 Upon this a 
proclamation was made that no one should sell the cloths for a 
greater number of ells than they actually contained. 

In the next year it was thought expedient to appoint John 
Pecok as alnager of worsted of Northwys, Irelond and Causton and 
also of other cloths of Norfolk, Suffolk and elsewhere, 5 and this is 
the earliest contemporary notice of the Norwich manufacture. 
Causton adjoins Aylsham, but Irelond, placed as it is here 
cannot mean the Emerald Isle. 

1 Rye, Cal. of Deeds, p. 41. * p. 379. 3 p 35> 

4 Rot. Par/. Vol. I. p. 292. 

5 Rot. Pat. 9 E. II. pt. i. m . 25. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixv. 

The names given must be taken as referring to fabrics 
rather than places. At this period the materials afterwards 
known as " Worsteds " appear to have been called " Irelonds," or 
"cloth of Ireland," either from their resemblance to Irish fabrics, 1 
or possibly from their introduction having been originally due to 
Irish immigrants, 2 and this may account for the misleading name 
temporally assigned to Worstead. 

One of the ordinances of the staple, appointed in 1326, left the 
length of cloths to the weavers' discretion and this was confirmed 
by Edward III. on i May 1327, though the staples were withdrawn 
soon afterwards. 3 Yet previously, at the instance of Queen Isabella, 
Pecok resigned so much of his grant as related to the alnage of 
worsteds in Norfolk in favour of Robert de Poley. The grant of 
the alnage to Poley, who seems to have been a local man and to 
have held lands in Cringleford near Norwich, was executed on 
6 March 1327.* On 4 March a royal commission had been 
appointed to enquire into the assize of worsted cloths manufactured 
in Norfolk. The commissioners issued their report on the 14 th of 
the same month and besides quoting the assize which they found in 
vogue, volunteered the informations that many persons of North 
Walsham and thereabouts had broken it. 5 The next year we find 
the Norfolk worsted weavers complaining that Poley compelled 
them to keep the assize, whereas they had been used to make their 
cloths according to their liking, also that he exacted a penny or 
more for sealing each cloth according to its length, and retained as 
forfeit all that did not conform to the assize. 6 On 19 May the 
King appointed the Bishop of Norwich and others to make enquiries, 
but revoked the order during the following month, 7 and the next 
year, 1329, Poley in turn complained that seven weavers of Worstead 
with ten others of the neighbouring townships, viz. Sloley, Dilham, 
Walsham, Honing, Scottow and Tunstead, had conspired to prevent 
the execution of his office in Norwich, Bishop's Lynn, Worstead, 
Walsham, Catton, Scottow, Tunstead, Honing and other places 
unnamed. 8 

One of the malcontents at Worstead was William Alblaster } 

1 See Stat. 50 E. III. c. 8. 

2 See Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, Vol. I. p. 562. 3 See p. Ixi. 
4 Rot, Pat. I E. III. pt. \. m. 20. 5 No. CCCCLXXIV. 

6 Rot. Pat. 2 E. III. pt. i. m. 6d. 7 Rot. Clans. 2 E. III. m. 23d. 

8 Rot. Pat. 3 F. III. pt. i. m. 36d. 

Ixvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

whom we may imagine was a descendant of the Domesday tenant 
Robert Balistarius, and persons of the same family who were also 
weavers are found there many years afterwards. 

The resistance to Poley, however, was so determined that in 
July 1329, it was considered expedient to revoke his patent, and 
letters were sent to the Sheriff of Norfolk ordering proclamation to 
be made to that effect. 1 

About this time John Kempe came to England from Flanders 
with his family and servants to teach his system of weaving. His 
letters of protection are dated 133 1 2 when it appears he was already 
in this country. Miss Strickland has pictured him in Norwich 
without giving her authority for doing so, still in the tithing 
roll described in the previous volume, p. 377, one ot the names 
added at a later time to the tithing where John de Aschewell, 
junior, was capital pledge is John Kempe of Gaunt. Although the 
editors are not sure that the lists of names cover the period of 20 
years between 1311 and 1331, it is certain that one John Kempe, a 
Fleming, was dwelling in Norwich in the earlier part of the 
14 th century. His name is not found in the Freemen's Book, but 
the lists are perhaps imperfect, so that too much reliance must not 
be placed upon them. The first weavers there mentioned took up 
their freedom in the I E. III. 1327. 

A general invitation to aliens to come to this country was 
proclaimed in I338, 3 and it has always been supposed that as a 
consequence a large number settled in Norwich. Yet the local 
records scarcely bear out this opinion and moreover Fuller 4 suggests 
that the immigrants for the most part sought out the yeomen's 
houses in the country districts. Still some few undoubtedly found 
their way to this city for the Leet Roll of 1375 names 21 aliens and 
that of 1391, 25, nearly all of whom are found dwelling in the 
subleets of S< Gregory and S l Andrew, the cloth manufacturing 
district, and one or two unquestionably Dutch names occur in the 
lists of freemen in the latter part of the century. 

The workers of cloth and cloth merchants of Norfolk 
successfully petitioned parliament in 1348 for the confirmation 
of the close letters cancelling the grant of alnage to Robert de 
Poley, 5 and Blomefield 6 states that Bailiffs of Norwich then had a 

1 Rot. Claus. 3 E. III. m. 13. 2 R ott p a t. 5 E. III. pt. ii. m. 25. 

3 Stat. II E. III. c. 5. 4 Church Hist, of Britain, III. p. in. 
5 Rot. Par/. Vol. II. p. 204. 6 Vol. III. p. 92. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixvii. 

grant of it. He was most likely misled by an inaccurate summary 
of the above petition in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records, and by 
a statement in Norwich City Domesday about the alnage to be 
found at p. 235' of this volume, which probably relates to imported 
cloth. The sealing irons are also mentioned in I343- 1 

In the Book of Pleas is a copy of letters patent issued in 1352 
on the complaint of the aliens in England that they were disturbed 
in the exercise of their craft. By these letters security is granted to 
them and it was ordered that they should not be compelled to enter 
any gild of weavers against their will. They were further ordered 
to choose two men in every town to examine their work and punish 
defaulters. 2 We hear of assaults on Dutchmen in the Leet Rolls of 
1375 and I39I 3 and it may be presumed that the strangers were not 
well received here. 

In the reign of Richard II. many worsted weavers took up 
their freedom, which is proof of the growing industry. They are 
usually termed Irlonders at this date, possibly because their 
manufactures resembled Irish friezes. At all events the two names 
were interchangeable for in 1415-6 the Treasurers' Roll speaks of 12 
new citizens as Irlonders whereas the same individuals are described 
as Worstedwevers in the Old Free Book. 

A few years after the citizens had obtained their important 
charter from Henry IV. the governing body of the city procured a 
grant of the alnage for seven years. 4 This grant is the principal 
authority for the extent of the woollen manufacture in Norfolk at 
that period, which begins to be noticed shortly afterwards in 
the minutes of assemblies. 

It appears that until 1421 the weavers and fullers were united 
into one craft for at an assembly held on 3 April in that year it was 
enacted that either should in future elect two masters, also that no 
one residing in the city should employ weavers or fullers elsewhere. 5 
Again in 1440 the worsted weavers were to levy and answer for all 
the arrears of the custom of the Worste 1 Seld, 6 and the orders for 
that institution which, as we have said, Blomefield 7 gives under 
the year 1388, were renewed. 

In 1442 it was alleged that owing to the frauds of the 

1 p. 225. 

2 No. CCCCXXXIV. The patent was confirmed by succeeding sovereigns, including 
Ed. IV. in 1461. Rot. Pat. 7 H. VI. pt. ii. m. 7, and I E. IV. pt. vi. m. 25. 

a Leet Jurisdiction in Norwich, pp. 64, 72. 4 Rot. Parl. Vol. III. p. 637. 
5 No. CXLI. 6 No. CL. T vol. HI. p. 113. 

Ixviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

manufacturers the trade in worsteds had greatly fallen off. As a 
remedy an act of parliament to endure for three years was passed 
giving power to the worsted weavers of Norwich to elect four 
wardens within the city who were permitted to elect two others for 
the County of Norfolk. The assize of the various cloths was also 
appointed, and the wardens were to seize those which were 
defective. 1 This act was renewed in 1444 for another three years, 
the Norwich weavers being allowed to elect four wardens as before 
and those dwelling in Norfolk outside the city limits were allowed 
to elect four others, while the right of search was extended to 
Suffolk. 2 

The assembly, in 1452, fixed the duties to be paid on fabrics 
brought to the city by strangers 3 who were compelled to dispose of 
their cloths to the citizens alone and the country weavers were 
ordered to do likewise in 145 5- 4 

We hear of Norwich cloth or halfcloths in August 1458, 
when the Mayor appealed in vain for the reformation of the 
manufacture. 6 The following November a discussion was raised as 
to what should be done concerning the tokening, that is the sealing 
of worsteds. It was agreed to continue it till Easter and mean- 
while no untokened cloth might be finished by the dyers, shearers 
and so forth. 6 

We meet with Norwich cloth again in I46o, 7 and it should be 
noted that it is always called woollen cloth to distinguish it from the 
worsteds. Moreover the woollen weavers annually elected two 
masters, who were quite distinct from those elected by the worsted 
weavers. The orders now made relate to the tokening and they 
speak of a roll of the names of the woollen weavers. They also 
provided that the weavers, spinners and others engaged in the 
various branches of the business should receive ready money for 
their labour, that the tokened cloth should be sold for IDS. and that 
no middleman or agent should be employed in the selling. 

The payment of operatives in ready money was in 1464 
rendered compulsory by the statute 4 E. IV. c. i. which besides 
appointing the assize of cloths, also enacted that no lambs' wool or 
flock should be used in their manufacture. A leaden seal was to be 
attached to all cloths and those lawfully made were sealed with a 
double print in lead. 

1 Stat. 20 H. VI. c. 10, and No. CCXLIX. > Sta t. 23 H. VI. c 3 s No CLII. 

No. CLVI. No. CLIX. e No CLX . 7 No CLX li. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixix. 

In 1467, parliament having been petitioned, what amounted to 
a renewal of the act of 1444 was obtained and made perpetual. 1 
At the request of the worsted weavers the petition and the response 
were exemplified by letters patent, which were copied into the Liber 
Albus, 2 where we find that the wardens of the worsted weavers were 
empowered to make rules and ordinances, and the right of search 
was authorised not only in Norfolk and Suffolk but also in 

This act must have proved effectual for no more statutes were 
necessary for many years, and, except that the shearmen were 
forbidden in 1478 to use steel rubbers because they were liable to 
cut the cloth, 3 the local records are almost silent upon the progress 
of the manufacture. 

In 1502, however, the woollen weavers presented an important 
petition to the assembly, explaining that they were engaged in the 
manufacture of broad cloth and made use of two kinds of yarn, 
viz. rock spun and wheel spun. They endeavoured to fix the 
weaver's wages, implying that he was dependent upon a capitalist, 
and mentioned the various assizes which the cloths ought to observe 
before they were sent to the fuller. 4 

It seems that this industry was undergoing a change and 
getting into the hands of the clothiers, men possessed of some little 
capital, who found the materials and claimed the product. 5 This 
class was not regarded with favour and its rise was largely due to 
the agrarian revolution. Many serfs and labourers were thus 
rendered idle and the best of them were only too glad of the 
chance of employment in other ways. The system, was not so 
serious in Norfolk as in Suffolk where the enclosing principle 
was more extensive. 

The orders for the worsted weavers passed in 1511 rendered 
the existence of such masters of the trade as Jack of Newbury 
impossible in East Anglia. They were mainly aimed against 
the clothiers and enacted that no worstead weaver might employ a 
loom outside his dwelling place, and within it, if in Norwich, he 
might keep but four broad looms and one narrow one. If he 
resided elsewhere in Norfolk, Suffolk or Cambridgeshire, he was 
limited to two broad looms besides the narrow one. The Norwich 
weavers might keep four apprentices and others only two. Women 

1 Stat. 7 E. IV. c. i. 2 fol. lij. 3 No. CLXXIX. 4 No. CXCI. 
5 See " Thomas Glene," Leet Jurisdiction, p. 91. 

Ixx. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

might not be employed as it was alleged they were not sufficiently 
strong to work thoroughly. For the same reason, children under 
fourteen might not be received as apprentices, and the weavers were 
forbidden to deal with hucksters or regrators of yarn. 1 

One effect of this ordinance was to cause attempts to be made 
to dispose of faulty worsteds secretly, and therefore early in the 
next year it was enacted that the cloth should only be sold openly, 
that is in merchants' shops and the streets of the city. 2 Instances, 
however, of the sale of untokened worsteds continued to come 
before the court, and the textile manufacture continued to decay 
until it was somewhat revived by the Russell Company, and after- 
wards, to a greater extent by the influx qf the strangers. 

V. Alien Immigration. The New Draperies. 

i. Decay in the early part of the \6th Century. 

In common with other towns Norwich constantly deplores its 
decay during the first half of the Tudor period, yet much of this far 
reaching lamentation has been thought by some to have been on a 
par with the hypocrisy of the sturdy beggars of the same age. 3 In 
section III. 2. it was shown that in Norwich some of the decline was 
attributed to the excessive charges forced upon the artizans by the 
tyranny of the crafts. We can also understand that now, when an 
era of peace had succeeded that of civil war, well to do citizens 
forsook the shelter of the towns 4 to build country houses outside, 
taking with them the new conceptions for domestic architecture. 
In their place there came an undesirable class of discharged 
feudal retainers, individuals brought up to live by plundering 
and bullying, and a number of the smaller peasants who had been 
turned out of their holdings by the competition for land and the 
practice of enclosing the open fields and commons. These in their 
turn made room for the weavers from the towns and for the crafts- 
men connected with building operations such as the carpenters, 
masons and tylers who now found their labour in greater request in 
the country than in the city. 5 There was in fact a more or less 
peaceful revolution taking place, and with the change in the old 


3 Ashley, Econ. Hist. II. p. 50. 4 No. CCXXVII. 

5 Assembly 31 May 3 E. VI. The entry has been printed in full in the Transactions 
of the Quatuor Coronati Lodge, Vol. XV. p. 203. Seealso Nos. CCXXXII., CCCCXXXV 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxi. 
order of things the enterprising citizens of all ranks were betakin- 


themselves to the rural districts and the country folk becoming 
beggars in the towns. 

Whatever may have been the true state of affairs elsewhere one 
must believe that the fortunes of Norwich were at a low ebb. 
During the first decade of the i6 th century two or more disastrous 
fires had occurred, 1 and since these were coincident with the craving 
for a country life, the new homes were frequently constructed outside 
the limits of the city. Moreover, in May 1509 the Assembly issued 
an order that when burnt houses were rebuilt they should not be 
covered with thatch but with tiles or slates, 2 and though the prudence 
of the order is manifest it naturally acted as a further deterrent 
on the rebuilding owing to the increase of the outlay. No great 
stretch of the imagination is required to see the mendicant class 
finding sufficient shelter among the charred ruins, where, if the 
owners through pity would not disturb them, it was almost impossible 
for anyone else to do so. 

From what can be gathered from the Chamberlains Rolls, which 
are unfortunately very incomplete for this period, it seems that the 
revenues of the city had scarcely expanded during the 15 th century, 
the income standing at about 150 per annum. In the earlier 
part of this time there was an accumulated surplus of another 
50 or so which disappeared during the civil war. The fires do not 
cause any perceptible falling off, while the expenses connected with 
the dispute with the Prior, and Cardinal Wolsey's arbitration appear 
to have been easily met. For 26 years many of the burnt 
grounds as they were termed, remained waste and meanwhile 
the order about tiles and slates was occasionally renewed 
notably in I53I. 3 The next year it was altogether repealed/ 
in order to lighten the pressure of an act of parliament 5 which 
must then have been foreshadowed. This act was passed in 1534 
and rendered compulsory the re-building of the burnt grounds, or 
at least their enclosure with stone walls within two years, other- 
wise the Mayor might enter upon and seize them at the expiration 
of that term. In that case the city became liable to rebuild or 
enclose them at the public cost. 

The Court and Assembly Books show that the statute was not 
allowed to remain a dead letter. It was proclaimed early in 1535 

1 Blomfield, Vol. III. p. 182. - No. CXCIV. 3 Assembly, ^ Sept. 23 H. VIII. 
4 No. CCIX. s Stat. 26 H. VIII. C. 12. " No. CCLXXIX. 

Ixxii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

and at the end of the two years some grounds, if not all, then remaining 
unenclosed were seized. 1 They appear to have been regranted to their 
previous owners or others for a small ground-rent coupled with the 
undertaking of the grantee to enclose them within a fixed period. 2 
A turn in the city's fortunes may be dated from this time, yet 
even in 1545 the market-place was periodically overgrown with 
weeds, necessitating the payment of a small sum for their removal. 3 
It was not until 1570 when general fire orders were issued that 
the thatching of houses was finally prohibited. 4 

2. The Hatters. 

The first indication of a revival in trade is the formation of a 
company or craft for the manufacture of hats and hat-felts. In the 
earliest Court Rolls, besides at least one feutreer or felter, several 
chapelers are mentioned, and these last must have manufactured 
some kind of head covering, yet cappers are very rarely if ever to be 
found named in the lists of citizens admitted to the freedom before 
the close of the I5th century. It is true that hats were not unknown 
at any earlier period, 6 and there are several entries in the Chamberlains' 
Accounts relating to the Mayor's hat in Henry VI. 's day, still 
most likely hats were rare and often of foreign make. The protec- 
tion for the head which the local industries supplied was in all 
probability a knitted cap, or the hood of which so much is heard in 
the liveries of the craft gilds, and hoods were the ordinary head gear 
of the middle and lower classes. In the reign of Henry VIII. the 
fashion for wearing felt hats greatly increased, and a few enter- 
prising citizens of Norwich saw the opening and seized upon it with 
conspicuous success. It is hard to say when a beginning was first 
made, but the business must have been of some few years standing in 
1543 when the hat-maker's craft was acknowledged. The members 
then presented a book of rules for the genuine manufacture to the 
Assembly, and procured the assent of that body. 6 This is the 
earliest set of rules for any craft remaining among the muniments, 
although there are previous instances of the crafts petitioning for 
additions to and alterations of existing ordinances which are now 

1 No. CCXII. 2 No. CCXIV. 
3 No. CX. 4 No. CCXXXVIII. 

5 See Vol. I. pp. 264, 379, and the Hatters' Rowe, Kirkpatrick, Streets and Lanes 
of Norwich, pp. 25-6, also No. X. 

6 No. CCCCLV. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxiii. 

The preamble states " that divers honest citizens had begun a 
craft of hat-making which hats they can now make as well and as 
good as ever came out of France or Flanders." The last few words 
have been struck through and the supplied reading is " as ever were 
made in any other realm." Then after mentioning the increase 
of employment which the manufacture has brought about, it 
apprehends that all the benefit will be lost owing to the dishonest 
workmanship practised by some persons. It was ordered, therefore, 
that hat-felts should be made solely of " estrich " wool or of 
estrich 1 wool and English wool suitably mixed, while the use of 
animals' hair or flock was entirely prohibited as was also the use 
of starch or size. The felts were of two kinds, " bare felts and 
thrummed felts " and every hat-felt to be " stitched or thrummed " 
was to be sufficiently "stitched and thrummed as well on the inner 
border as on the utter part." The yarn also used for the thrumming 
was to be well dyed. Every master artificer was to have his 
particular mark consisting of an iron brand, with which to stamp his 
own manufactures. Apprenticeship was not compulsory. Any 
man who passed a test of good workmanship in the presence of the 
wardens accompanied by two or three other members of the craft, 
could claim to be admitted into the company, and there are 
numerous examples of persons so admitted in the Court Books. No 
woman 2 might be employed in the manufacture, nor might any 
member of the company practise it outside the city or its suburbs. 
The wardens were to make their search once a week or even 
more frequently if thought necessary, and were then to set the 
common mark of the company upon the goods which satisfied 
them, while others were to be seized and presented to the Mayor. 

Some further orders were inserted at the end of the book, and 
presumably they are such as appeared to the assembly to be 
necessary. They are, that fines should be increased or abated by 
the Mayor and two Justices of Peace : that the hat-maker might 
request the wardens to visit him every Tuesday and Friday : 
that apprentices might not be sold to masters of other crafts, nor 
might any master have more than three at one time, nor again 
might he impart any secrets of the trade to any other than his 

1 Compare " Streichgarn," German for carded or woollen yarn. Haliwell suggests 
" Austrian." 

a Sarra le Hattere occurs in the Leet Roll of 1 300. 

Ixxiv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

At the end of the Court Book embracing the year of the 
ordinances, there is a page devoted to the names of the hatters 
and their marks, and evidently some of these last are imprints of the 
iron stamps above mentioned. The colouring matter, most likely 
common ink, was not suited to the process, so the result is not 
good, still they give a better idea of the actual thing than is 
conveyed by the drawings of the others. In all there are seventeen 
marks with names, one or more of which have been struck 
through, and since the date affixed to them is only one month 
previous to the issue of the orders one feels certain that these 
are the names and marks of the original founders of the 


It is impossible to trace the owners of them all in the 
Old Free Book, some six of them took up their freedom as 
cappers or hatters about the date of the ordinances, and at the 
same time the new craft was added to the list of the older ones 
at the end of that book. 1 With the exception of William Hede 
who had been admitted as a capper in 1513 and must have been 
the senior member, the remainder appear to have been a scratch lot 
who had been practising various trades before taking up that of hat- 
making. Henry Holland was by several years the senior of William 
Hede, having taken up his freedom as a draper in 1498, but since 
his name is struck through it may be assumed that he died while the 
company was taking shape. John Herrison had been a citizen and 
parchment-maker for upwards of twenty years, James Leche had 
been a barber, and John Rebell was a grocer of some ten years 
standing. George Drory is interesting as the senior of the later 
cappers having taken up his freedom as such in 1538, he is also 
described as an alien and one naturally has a suspicion that he 
introduced the felt making. Of this there is no proof whatever, 
nor can it be shown whether he came to Norwich by invitation or of 
his own accord. 

Be that as it may, on account of the war with Scotland and 
France a schedule of all the individuals of either nationality dwelling 
in Norwich was drawn up in I542. 2 It contains the names of 
sixteen Frenchmen, and it is noteworthy that certainly six, with 
a doubtful seventh who was also a hatter, were even then in the 

1 The earliest cappers are placed in the nondescript list in the Old Free Book, 
f. cxxxix. 


The Marks and Names of the Hat-makers of Norwich. 
19 Sept. 35 Henry VIII. 1543. 

Rauf Sutton. 
George Drory. 
John Rebell. 

John Rowland. 

Herry Holand. (cancelled.) 
Jamys Leche. 

Percy vail Wodall. (cancelled.) 
John Herryson. 
17. William Hede. 


Richard Tomson. 



Robert Hendry. 



Thomas Payne. 



William Bryant. 



Edmund Sellers. 



John Berverley. 



Wylliam Wetacars. 



Richard Marrye. 







^ j\ 


jQj ^^<c^r> 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxv. 

employ of the members of the future company. This coupled with 
the allusion to France in the ordinances shows very clearly from 
whence the art was derived, and the war would necessarily have 
given a stimulus to the home manufacture. 

The importance of this company is attested by the direct 
mention of it more than once in the Statutes of the Realm. Two 
years before it had been formed, an act of parliament 1 had prohibited 
the buying of worsted yarn spun within Norfolk or Norwich by any 
one except the weavers of the same counties, and as the hatter 
could not be considered a weaver the act told against him in 
the purchase of a necessity for his trade. Therefore when in 1547 
another act was passed, permitting the re-sale or retailing of wool in 
small parcels in Norwich market for the benefit of poor spinners 
with insufficient means to buy it in gross, a clause was added making 
it lawful for the hatters to buy middle uffe yarne?- Next in the 
preamble of an act passed in 1552 it is stated that divers persons 
had set up hat-making in towns adjoining Norwich in order to avoid 
the ordinances. It was therefore enacted that no one should in 
future make hats in Norfolk or Norwich without first obtaining 
a licence to do so from the Mayor, Recorder, Steward, and two 
Justices of the Peace of the city, or from four of them, and even 
when such licence had been procured hats might only be made in 
corporate or market towns. 3 

Another set of ordinances for hatters was passed by the 
Assembly in 1559* and since they differ from the former in no 
important particulars they demand no further attention. Lastly in 
1566 the use of hats and felts had become so extensive in all places 
that the makers of woollen caps were seriously affected. The aid of 
parliament was therefore invoked and an act passed placing the 
manufacturer of hats under various restrictions. To this was added 
a final clause as follows " Provided that this act shall not extend to 
any making of hats with worsted yarn in Norwich." 5 

3 1 The Russell Weavers. 

Eleven years after the hat-maker's company had been formed a 
much more important step was taken, namely the procuring of an 
act of parliament for the incorporation of the russell-weavers. But 

1 33 H. VIII. c. 16. s. i. 2 I E. VI. c. 6. 

3 5 and 6 E. VI. c 24. s. ii. 4 By Laws. Case 10, shelf b. 

5 8 Eliz. c. ii. s. ii. 

Ixxvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

before proceeding, it is perhaps admissible to deprecate the custom 
of modern writers on economics, who, when treating of this company, 
describe it as that of the russet-weavers. The act of parliament called 
them russell-weavers, and so does Blomefield, and in all the local and 
contemporary records they are so called and never anything else. 
Not unlikely there was still a cloth called russet, as there certainly 
was at the date of Magna Charta, a name primarily denoting the 
colour, yet granting that it may have had some reference to the 
texture, is there any reason to assume that it was the same as the 
Norwich russells ? 

Russells are explicitly mentioned as being made at Norwich in 
the Statute I E. VI. c. 6, where it is confirming the still older one, 
33 H. VIII. c. 1 6. There, however, russells are not spoken of with 
the same import, being named as one of the articles manufactured 
abroad of the yarn spun from Norfolk wool, and the statute goes 
on to decree, under heavy penalties, that only weavers within the 
county, naturally including Norwich, may buy such yarn. The 
statute of Edward VI. permits the retail sale of wool in open 
market for the benefit of the spinners of the yarn. 

The assistance conferred upon the local weavers in general by 
these two statutes requires no comment, still there is a possibility 
that they were provided partly with a view to fostering the nascent 
industry of russell weaving. At all events, the one makes it 
practically certain that these fabrics were produced here in 1547, 
while the other hints at it in 1541. This is running the hat-making 
very hard in point of seniority, moreover, when names come to be 
known, four of the hatters, and at one time there may have been 
more, are discovered in the company of the russell-weavers. It may 
be asked, therefore, was the first venture so much a success that 
some of its promoters decided to embark on a second, or did the 
aliens introduced as instructors of the one also impart their 
knowledge of the other ? 

The act of incorporation, namely I and 2 P. and M. c. 14, going 
back to 33 H. VIII. repeats the statement that russells had of late 
years been made beyond the seas of Norfolk wools, whereby worsted 
weaving was much decayed. Therefore the present Mayor, Thomas 
Marsham, with six other Aldermen, and six merchants, had at great 
expense made looms and brought strangers from beyond the seas, 
obviously with the intent that these persons should train the natives 
in their art. Besides they had united with themselves seven worsted 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxvii. 

weavers, making twenty persons in all, who had manufactured 
russells, sateens, sattens reverses and fustians of Naples with which 
the foreign products were unable to compete. 

Professor Cunningham 1 thinks that this venture of capitalists to 
import the necessary plant and skill, so as to introduce a new 
trade, was the first of its kind in England. Without any idea of 
correcting him may it not be questioned whether the hatters' 
company which took definite shape a few years previously was not a 
speculation of much the same kind ? 

For these reasons some allusion to the Russell-Weavers 
Company could not well be omitted in this work. There is very 
little mention of it in the Norwich municipal records, nor is that to be 
wondered at, since with the exception that the sitting Mayor was 
always its head officer, the company was practically independent. 
Its books, too, if ever in the custody of the city authorities, cannot 
now be found, though Kirkpatrick saw at least one of them, and 
that the earliest, and made extracts from it which are preserved. 
The extracts begin with an abridgment of the governing act of 
parliament and then come the company's ordinances. 2 From these 
it is discovered that Robert Hendry and Richard Tompson, two of 
the hatters, with John Sutton and John Cooke, were the first 
inventors of the russells making in Norwich, and were for that 
reason allowed to keep three journeymen, whereas the other weavers 
might only have one. 

Elsewhere in the same ordinances it is confessed that the first 
invention was brought about at the cost of certain merchants, for 
whose benefit it was decided that the weavers should not transport 
their products or sell them anywhere except in Norwich. 

The act of parliament as quoted by Kirkpatrick varies slightly 
from that printed in the Statutes at Large. Both agree that when a 
cloth was declared faulty an enquiry into the matter was to be 
made by twelve honest men who were to report their verdict to the 
Mayor, and these bodies or juries continue to be sworn until 1695. 3 

Lastly, when a petition for regulating the local elections was 
presented to parliament by the corporate body in 1723,* the primary 
reason for that action was stated to be that the russell manufacture 
was then wholly disused, and words to a similar effect are embodied 
in the resulting statute. 5 

1 Growth of English Industry and Commerce, p. 525. 2 No. CCCCLXXVII. 

8 Court Books. 4 Assembly 7 Jan. 1723. 5 9 G. I. c. 9. 

Ixxviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

4. Dutch and Walloon Immigrants. The New Drapery. 
Nearly all that is known of the earliest settlements of aliens in 
Norwich will be found under the account of the worsted weavers. 
There has also been occasion to mention the agreement with the 
woad merchants of Amiens and Corby. 1 In the Court Roll for 1287, 
the year after that in which the agreement was made, one of them, 
Peter le Mouner, is seen to have purchased a house in Norwich, 2 and 
he appears to have resided in it with his wife and family until his 
death, which occurred about 1330. This house was on the east side 
of the way just over Fibridge, and therefore had the river on the 
south and Fibridge Quay opposite. A most convenient situation if 
it was customary to bring the woad and other goods by water to that 
spot, for the merchant would be able to observe the arrival and 
departure of his boats without leaving his dwelling. When the 
house was sold by his children after his death he is spoken of as 
citizen of Norwich, and Kirkpatrick found him mentioned as Peter 
le Mouner of Amiens, citizen of Norwich, in the Court Roll for 19 
Edw. III. which is now lost. 

Another resident alien, Giles the Fleming of Bruges, whose 
name occurs in the Court Roll of 1293, was a pictor or painter. 3 
The modern equivalent would perhaps be " artist," and this man may 
have made a living by decorating churches. Foreign merchants 
were of course always present in the city and there were various 
rules for lodging them and their goods. 4 

A subsidy roll of I455 5 mentions nine alien householders in 
Norwich of whom six were married and three were single, while 
mention is also made of five others who were not keeping house. 
Another, 6 ten years later, gives a total of thirteen aliens, while yet 
another of i^g 1 names eight keeping house among whom are John 
Petyrson, beerbrewer, and Henry Petirson, a name famous among 
the local goldsmiths 100 years afterwards, and seven others who 
were not householders are also mentioned. 

In a quaint order of the Assembly in 1478 two Aldermen were 
commanded to dismiss their two alien domestic-servants whose 
parents were merchants in far distant lands, and had sent their sons 
here to spy out the methods of the local trade with the intention of 
sending home an account of it. 8 

i See p. xxiii. 2 No> V I. 3 No. XXVIII. 

* Nos. LXXIII., CXLV., CLXXVII., CCCCXXIV. 5 P.R.O. Lay Subsidy #5. 

8 Lay Subsidy }||. 1 Lay Subsidy ff. 8 No. CLXXVIII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxix. 

In 1495 two Dutchmen one of whom was Peter Peterson, the 
grandfather, it may be, of the well known goldsmith, were admitted 
to the freedom 1 as was also a Frenchman in the year following. 2 
Nicholas Isborne, alien, another goldsmith of note, took up his 
freedom in 1534 and was also admitted into St. George's Gild. 3 
The form of an oath of the Strangers Goldsmiths is preserved in 
the Norwich Liber Albus* but whether it relates to local or London 
craftsmen is uncertain. Seven aliens only are named in the subsidy 
roll of I524, 5 and then there is the schedule of Scotchmen and 
Frenchmen already spoken of under the hatters 6 in which 16 French- 
men and three Scots are mentioned. 

Moens 7 examined the subsidy rolls for 1549, 1553 and 1563, 
where he discovered five, ten and fourteen aliens respectively 
dwelling in Norwich. Too much credence must not be given to 
these. For at least five persons who are mentioned in the second 
list though not in the first had certainly been resident in Norwich 
for some years before the first was made, and one or two of them 
had even been admitted to the freedom. Again, although only 
fourteen alien names occur in the roll for 1563, in the return of the 
strangers settled in Norwich made by Bishop Parkhurst in I568, 8 
thirty-nine of the families are stated to have arrived previous to the 
former year. 

Of the great immigration of the Dutch and Walloons fleeing 
from the persecution of the protestants in the Low Countries it is 
almost impossible to say anything fresh since the subject has been 
so thoroughly worked out by Blomefield, and more recently by 
W. J. C. Moens, W. Rye and Miss Toulmin Smith. 9 

The autumn of 1564 had been unusually wet, so much so 
that agricultural operations were almost at a standstill, and in 
the middle of December a great frost set in which lasted for t\vo 
months. 10 At the same time the worsted manufacture had greatly 
decreased and the operatives in the trades connected with it were in 
sore straits. 11 

1 Assembly, Friday before Pentecost 10 H. VII. 

2 Ib. 16 March II H. VII. Ib. Monday, St. Matthew 26 H. VIII. 
4 No. CCCCXXI. 5 Lay Subsidy Jfg. 

6 p. Ixxiv. 7 Walloons in Norwich, pt. ii. p. 160. 

8 Ib. pp. 17, 25, 207. 

9 N.rf. Antiq. Miscell. Vol. III. p. 185, and Vol. II. p. 91. 

10 Mayor's Book, f. 22. Norf. Arch. Vol. I. p. 146. 


Ixxx. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

The narrative of the methods adopted to remove the depression 
is contained in the Book of Dutch and Walloon Strangers which tells 
its tale illustrating it with copies of numerous letters and regulations. 
It opens with the date 1564 and at the top of the page is written 
Mr. Sotherton Maior. Now Sotherton was not Mayor in 1564 
but entered upon that office at midsummer in the next year. 
It must always be remembered that what the contemporary narrator 
understood as the year 1564 did not end until the 24 March 1565 
as we reckon now. It would seem, therefore, that although definite 
action was first taken in Sotherton's Mayoralty the matter had been 
debated in the previous winter. 

Hearing that strangers from the Low Countries had settled in 
London and Sandwich, the authorities decided, to request, with the 
help of the Duke of Norfolk, a royal licence permitting thirty alien 
master-workmen with their families and servants to reside in Norwich, 
in order that the manufacture of Flemish commodities might supple- 
ment the local weaving. 

The letters patent granting the permission are dated 5 Nov. 
I565. 1 The thirty masters, 24 of whom were Dutchmen and the 
rest Walloons, are named in them as also some of the manufactures 
they were to introduce, namely bays, arras, sayes, tapestry, moka- 
does, stament carsays " and other outlandish commodities." The 
common council of the city, however, would not admit the strangers 
under the common seal so the Mayor, Sotherton, affixed the seal of 
mayoralty to the writings of the thirty, and certain rules for their 
government were immediately drawn up and passed. 

Some indication of the immediate revival in trade is to be seen 
in the number of pieces sealed by the Russell Company which 
instantly leap from 276 to 1,048 reaching 2845 pieces in 1572.2 For 
this reason it is surprising to find Thomas Whall, one of the 
company, somewhat bitterly opposed to the strangers especially 
during his mayoralty in I56/-8. 3 It seems that he wished to rid the 
city of them, but failing in this further restrictions were placed upon 
them. Two years later Whall informed the Privy Council that there 
were continual differences between the English and the strangers 
who now numbered 2,866 persons. He thus procured letters from 
the Lords ordering that those strangers who were already settled 
here should remain but no more should be allowed to come. 

1 Strangers' Book, f. 16, 

2 p. 412 infra. 3 Strangers' 1 Book, f. 19 et seq. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxxi. 

A more serious affair happened in I57O 1 when a conspiracy was 
made to expel the strangers from the city and the realm. It was, 
however, discovered and frustrated, and the ringleaders were executed. 
Fortunately for Whall, he does not appear to have been implicated, 
for the conspiracy was hatched in the County of Norfolk rather than 
in Norwich. 

Yet there was ill feeling in the city and on 24 Feb. 1572 eight 
persons were elected to make orders for the strangers. 2 To these 
orders the Dutch would not give their assent and the matter was 
referred to the Privy Council who deputed Sir William Myldmay 
and Sir Thomas Smythe 3 to settle the articles. Naturally the 
citizens considered that the strangers ought to sell their goods to the 
freemen of the city only, and the attempt to enforce this ancient 
rule caused the strangers in their turn to apply to the Council. A 
response favourable to the aliens was thereupon sent to the city 
authorities requesting them to deal justly with the refugees, and 
pointing out the advantages which had accrued to the city through 
their advent. At this the authorities were so incensed with the 
strangers that they closed the doors of the Sealing Hall on 26 March 
1571, though they forwarded the Book of Orders to the Council a 
few days later. After the Hall had remained closed for a month 
the strangers obtained a letter from Sir Thomas Smythe directing 
the Mayor to open it, and the revised orders came down on 29 
April. 4 

These orders, which were called the Book of the Draperie, and 
principally relate to the Dutch manufactures, are printed in full by 
Moens. 5 The article, which gave some umbrage to the strangers, 
decreed that they might sell to anyone, but only in the Sale Hall 
within limited hours. Those wh.o were not residents might not sell 
again in the city, but only in the Hall, and were to lodge in open inn 
and not with other aliens. Further, the strangers might carry their 
goods to London or to any other city in the realm for sale, or take 
them over sea, but they might not sell them in villages, market 
towns, or common fairs in England. 

Another article ordered that eight Dutch and four Walloons 
should be elected to present those who disobeyed the orders to the 
Mayor. In course of time this body came to be called the " politic 


1 Ib. f. 23. 2 Assembly, 24 Feb. 12 Eliz. 

3 Strangers' Book, f. 26 et seq. 4 Ib. f. 27 et seq. 

6 Walloons at Norwich, pt. ii. p. 255. 

Ixxxii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

From what is found at a later date 1 it is plain that the Dutch 
commodities, which were the coarser, consisted of wet and greasy 
drapery, whereas the Walloons manufactured dry and coloured 
stuffs. The former were known as the Baytrie, sometimes spelt 
Baytree, and the latter as the Cangeantrie. The Saytrie was common 
to both nations, but inclined rather to the Walloons. 2 

The new orders gave each nation its separate Sealing Hall. 
That for the Cangeantrie, consisting of mocadoes, carrells, gron- 
grains, velvets, turteins and such like, was located on the north side 
of the square yard of the New Hall where the Technical Institute 
now stands. That for the Baytrie, consisting of bayes, Flemish 
clothes, Stammett kersies, Flanders frezados, Spanish blankets, 
Hondschoote sayes and so forth, was left undisturbed in the 
desecrated church of S l Mary the Less. 

During the mayoralty of Thomas Greene 1571-2, a company or 

craft called the Parchmentrie was instituted for making lace and 

fringe. It was open to natives as well as to the aliens of either race, 

and the rules for the manufacture are given in the DutcJi and 

Walloon Book? 

A long list of rules and orders was drawn up in 1571 for the 
manufacture of the Walloons which had the same relation to the 
Cangeantrie as the Book of the Draperie had to the Baytrie. Among 
the commodities it mentions as being peculiar to the Walloons is 
fustian of Naples. 4 The chartered company of the russell weavers 
had twenty years before this undertaken to produce a cloth of the 
same name. As they now raised no objections it is only reasonable 
to suppose that the similarity was only in the name, the texture of 
the two being dissimilar. A few years after the strangers commenced 
making a cloth which they called a capha, whereupon the russell 
weavers insisted that it was one and the same as the figured russells 
manufactured by them, and in consequence the strangers were only 
allowed to produce it under conditions. 5 We may notice in passing 
that Fuller speaks of Norwich as famous for its fustians. 6 

1 No. CCCCXL. 

a In some fabrics, it is possible th at the same class of goods may have been made 
either from greasy (unscoured), or dry (scoured) yarn. It would be practicable to weave long 
staple wool yarn like the worsteds of to-day, which are combed yarns, after they had been 
scoured, whilst it would not be possible to weave scoured, carded yarn, this being of much 
shorter staple. 

8 f. 59. 4 Ib. f. 62. 5 No. CCCCXXXVII. 

B Church Hist, of Britain, III. 1 1 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxxiii. 

This year, too, on 28 October, the Privy Council wrote from 
Greenwich ordering among many things that a return of the number 
of strangers within the city should be sent to them, and that all the 
unprofitable ones should be dismissed. 1 The numbers given in the 
Dutch and Walloon Boob? are not quite accurate as Moens noticed, 
and though Blomefield 3 made some attempt to account for the 
discrepancies he has not succeeded very well. The figures given in 
the Court Book are less interesting for they are not divided into 
wards. 4 Still, most likely they are more trustworthy, yet even in 
this case the reckoning is out by a unit. On all showing there 
were almost exactly 4,000 strangers in Norwich at this time 48 
of whom were sent away as disturbers of the peace. 

The return sent to the Council by the Mayor was dated on 
16 November. 5 It accounts for 868 Dutch men, 203 Walloon men, 
1,173 women of both nations, and 1,681 children under fourteen 
years of age. The total is 3,925, and allowing for the 48 who were 
dismissed there remain about 25 unaccounted for. 

Moens 6 does not think that the massacre of S l Bartholomew 
brought many of the fugitives to Norwich, and he may have been 
confirmed in this opinion by the number of aliens here in 1583, which 
was 4,679. 7 It is true that nothing is heard of any great influx, but 
we must not forget that in 1579-80, 2,500 strangers had been carried 
off by the plague, 8 so if Moens relied upon actual increase during 
twelve years for his argument he has been considerably misled. 
Taking one thing with another there must have been quite 6,000 
aliens in Norwich when the plague broke out, that is within a decade 
of the first numbering. Natural increase will not account for these 
figures. For even in ordinary years the tables constructed from the 
weekly returns recorded in the Court Books show that the births and 
deaths practically equalled one another, and consequently the above 
increase must have been due to immigration. 

The figures given by Blomefield 9 explain that more aliens died of 
the plague than natives. If it is argued from this that the number 
of aliens equalled that of the natives the total population would not 
have reached 10,000 after the scourge. Most likely there was a 
good deal of overcrowding among the strangers and it seems evident 

1 Strangers' Book, f. 68. 2 Ib, L 69. 3 Vol. III. pp. 290-1. 

4 No. CCCXLIII. 3 Strangers' Book, f. 69. 

6 Walloons at Norwich, pt. i. p. 36. 

7 No. CCCLXIX. 8 See pp. cxxv. sq. 9 Vol. III. p. 354. 

Ixxxiv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

that they were visited with exceptional severity. In fact the only 
inference that can be drawn from the weekly returns of the deaths is 
that three strangers succumbed for every native, but that is after the 
worst was over for the race distinction was not made when the 
plague was at its height. In 1572 the proportion of natives to aliens 
may be estimated at 5:2, afterwards, or when the plague broke 
out it seems to have fallen to 5:3, but the plague increased it 
to 2:1. 

The Dtitch and Walloon Book at this period is mainly taken up 
with fresh rules for the manufacture of the various fabrics. The old 
regulations frequently required revising and occasionally a new 
commodity was introduced, as the bombazines by the Dutch in 1575. 
The Walloons immediately reported that it was one of those dry 
materials which ought to be measured and sealed in their Hall. 
Though this was not denied the authorities decided the point in 
favour of the inventors. 1 

At this time the Crown received $ from every sack of wool 
transported by the merchants of the staple, and as the sack weighed 
364 Ibs., the impost works out at about 2d. on every pound of wool. 
When, however, the sack of wool was transported in the shape of 
cloth it only brought into the Treasury 26s. 8d., so that the loss to 
the Revenue was considerable. Duties were therefore imposed on 
the new draperies, that is to say those introduced by the strangers, 
which did not come under the broad and short cloths hitherto solely 
liable to the impost. 2 Sir George Dellves and Sir William Fitz 
William were appointed alnagers and collectors of the subsidy of the 
new commodities for seven years in 1578, and the next year 70 
was demanded from the Dutch and 7 15^. from the Walloons, 
sums which M r Gostlynge and M r Gleane had paid to the alnagers 
in London. 3 The Mayor then petitioned Lord Burghley that the 
impositions might be removed. It is obvious that the reply was 
unfavourable, for in 1580 the alnage was purchased by the city for 
the remaining years of the term which expired in 1585.* 

The Mayor and Aldermen thereupon once more sent a petition 
to Lord Burghley asking for a lease of the office for twelve years and 
offering for it a fine of 400 marks besides an annual payment of $. 5 

1 Strangers' Book, f. 84. 2 James, Hist, of Worsted Manufacture, p. 118. 

3 No. CCCLIV. 

4 The conveyance is dated 15 May 22 Eliz. See No. CCXLVI. 
e No. CCCLXXI. James, p. 121. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxxv. 

They must have met with a refusal again for the accounts of the 
subsidy and alnage end with the expiration of the grant to Dellves 
and Fitz William. Though little is heard of the subsidy and alnage 
for some years it appears to have been regranted to the Fitz William 
family, one of whom held it in I598, 1 while James I. assigned it to 
the Duke of Lennox. 2 

It was the practice of the Norwich merchants to lodge their 
cloths when taken to London in inns and warehouses of their own 
selection. However, in October 1576, the Lord Mayor issued a 
proclamation that all woollen goods carried to London for sale, " not 
accustomed heretofore to be brought to Blackwell Hall " should be 
conveyed to a sale-hall called the Worsted Hall in the Old Jewry. 
Though this was much the same thing as was expected from 
foreigners at Norwich it gave great offence, 3 followed by petitions 
and counter petitions. For a year or two little or nothing appears 
to have been done to relieve the situation, and upon the imposition 
of the subsidy and alnage the Londoners saw a favourable 
opportunity for renewing their demands. They asserted, it seems, 
that the new commodities were distinct from the older ones, and, 
therefore, should not be treated with the same leniency. Norwich 
replied by prohibiting the carriage of the cloths to London, 4 and 
placed the matter in the hands of the Privy Council. The 
Council summoned the disputants to appear before them on 
8 Feb. 1579, when by default of the citizens of London a verdict 
was recorded in favour of Norwich. 6 Sixty years afterwards 
London made another attempt with the same object, except that 
this time the goods were ordered to be conveyed to Blackwell 
Hall. Again the citizens of Norwich protested by a petition to 
the Council and with equal success. 6 

The coming of Queen Elizabeth calls for but little attention 
here, the Norwich Records being mainly concerned with the 
preparations for the event. Blomefield 7 and Moens 8 speak of a 
great pageant of the strangers which was displayed for her 
majesty's gratification. When examined it appears to have repre- 
sented the textile and other manufactures of all the inhabitants, 
a large section of it being rightly assigned to the aliens. During 

1 Court Book no, 13, f. 223. 

2 The patent is dated 16 Sept. 3 Jas. I. s No. CCXLIV. 
7 Vol. III. p. 325. 8 Walloons in Norwich, II. p. 42. 

Ixxxvi. Selected Records of the City of Nonvic/i. 

the Queen's stay here one of the Dutch ministers read an address 
to her and presented her with a silver-gilt cup at the same time. 1 
By way of return for this beneficence her majesty, shortly after 
her departure, sent 30 for the relief of the poor strangers, of 
which the Dutch received 19 and the Walloons ii. 2 

In 1583 complaint was made that the strangers bought corn 
in large quantities and transported it over sea, thus raising the 
price in the market. They were ordered to desist from buying 
more than was necessary for their own households, under pain of 
banishment. 3 About the same time there was another grievance 
against them, namely, that they acted as factors or agents for 
merchants of London and elsewhere, buying and selling Norwich 
commodities with their principals' money so that the rule for 
foreign buying and selling was infringed. 4 Certain persons who 
were detected promised to desist, but failing to keep their word 
the promise was again accepted with the same result 5 In fact 
the authorities do not appear to have seen their way to enforcing 
their order by means of a penalty for the breach of it. Frequent 
reports are also to be found of aliens who were notorious ill 
livers. These were promptly banished with a threat of a whipping 
if they returned and the punishment was inflicted without hesitation 
upon those who were afterwards found in the city. 6 

Oddly enough, in i58i, 7 immediately after the great plague 
the output of the Norwich weavers reached its zenith for that 
period. A serious decline then set in, and in the winter of 1587 
many Dutch professed to be unable to contribute to the relief of 
their poor. Their case was considered so hard and their grievance 
so just that they were allowed ^10 of the money derived from 
sealing their cloths. 8 Their hardships were certainly real, for in 
1581 the number of bayes sealed had been 12,815, while for 
the year ending at Lady Day 1589 only 2,764 pieces had been 
accounted for. The russell weavers were in the same plight 
and their business went on contracting until it reached the 
vanishing point in i6o5. 9 The Say trie had increased the output 
of says, but the grogranes had fallen off to an extent similar 

1 Blomefield, III. p. 337. 2 No> CCCXLIX. 3 No. CCC XVIII. 

4 No. CCCLXX. Court Book, no. u. f. 381. 


7 Book of Duties on Articles Manufactured. 8 No. CCCLXXV. 

9 P- 4*3- 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxxvii. 

to the bays. The cangeantrie of the Walloons was alone holding 
its own when the accounts end in the first quarter of I58Q. 1 
Before the close of this year the Walloons were complaining in 
much the same form as the Dutch had been two years previously 
and they obtained even greater relief. 2 

The causes for such a decline may, most likely, be dis- 
covered in the events which culminated in the sack of Antwerp 
in 1585. The dislocation of business so occasioned must have 
had far reaching effects. It is not impossible that the expatriated 
merchants, hindered by the restrictions placed upon them in 
Norwich, chose rather to settle in London, Canterbury, Colchester 
and other places, where they started manufactures which entered 
into formidable competition with those of this city. 

In addition to the new draperies the aliens also introduced the 
art of printing. Anthony de Solen took up his freedom as a printer 
in I57O, 3 and a book published and printed by him is in Mr. Russell 
Colman's collection at Crown Point. De Solen does not appear to 
have handed on this craft to his successors, and, so far as we know, 
the art was not practised in Norwich after his time until the i8 th 

In January 1573 the native tailors found that the strangers 
were encroaching upon their trade. The worsted shearmen made 
the same complaint shortly after, and then the butchers, the smiths, 
the joiners, and the cordwainers did the same until the grievances of 
all were peacefully adjusted. 4 

The reasons for thinking that the felt hat-making and russell 
weaving were acquired from aliens, though not necessarily refugees 
have already been given. That the goldsmiths' craft was revived by 
Peterson and Isborn also seems probable. This company, after a 
considerable interval, is found presenting its wardens in 1564, the 
year before the great influx into Norwich began. We may expect 
that for some years previously the members of this craft were too 
few to appoint officers. 

Embroidery in the shape of lace and fringe making has also 
been touched upon, while pin making was another secret of the 
aliens. In 1581 there was a project for providing a place at the 
Great Hospital where the Pinner Dutchman* might teach his science 
to children. 

1 Book of Duties on Articles Manufactured. a No. CCCLXXVII. 
3 No. CCXLI. 4 Strangers' Book, f. 66. et seq. 

5 No. CCCLXIV., and see No. CCCXLVII. 

Ixxxviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

In 1590 one Arthur Rotye, a London dyer, was invited to 
Norwich to teach William Morley and his apprentices his art of 
dying in green as well as in other colours. 1 Can we see in the first 
colour a reference, so far as Norwich is concerned, to the familiar 
article, green bayes or baise? 

Again the Dutch aptitude, for growing bulbs is well known, and 
there is mention of a close belonging to one Vertngos, no doubt the 
alien name Verteghans, as sown with roots. 2 This was in 1596, and 
is rather too early for turnips, still it is just possible that the roots 
were potatoes, which were comparatively well known in England at 
this time, but it is of course impossible to say with any certainty 
what they were. 

The regeneration of Norwich and the growth of its manufactures, 
especially during the Elizabethan period, were thus almost entirely 
due, directly or indirectly, to immigrants from the continent who 
helped her through the latter part of the critical era of the reforma- 
tion. The ancient ways of obtaining a livelihood were out of date, 
a revolution in agriculture had occurred, displacing a quantity of 
labour, while the debasing of the coinage had aggravated the general 
distress. The refugees brought of necessity new ideas and new 
customs, and their introduction had a lasting effect upon the 
subsequent history of the city. 

The profit of the immigration is evinced by the increase in the 
city's revenue, which, during the 100 years between 1458 and the 
accession of Elizabeth, had only advanced from 157 to 210. In 
1581 the Chamberlain's receipts total upwards of 350, and in 1589 
as much as ^45O, S about which figure they remained for some years, 
not exceeding $oo until 1609. The increase can be traced to the 
" Foreign Receipts," in which appear large sums paid over by the 
Treasurers or Clavors to whom the fees for admission to the freedom 
and other proceeds were paid at this date. The remainder of the 
Chamberlains' receipts are principally the rents arising from the real 
property belonging to the city. 

5. Later History of the Textile Manufacture, 

Not only was religious intolerance the direct prelude of the 
introduction of the new drapery into Norwich, but the same spirit 
had its influence on the textile manufacture for more than a 


3 These figures though round, are, by a coincidence, almost exact. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. Ixxxix. 

century after the arrival of the Dutch and Walloons. The opinions 
of Archbishop L ud were entirely opposed to those of the aliens, 
and his attempt to force their children, born in England, to con- 
form to the ritual of the Established Church induced as many as 
140 families settled in this city to return to their native land. 
There they entered into competition with the manufacturers of 
this country, 1 and many others, both strangers and natives, left 
Norwich for North America. 2 

The outbreak of the civil war caused further depression in 
trade, and the parliament revoked the laws prejudicial to liberty 
of conscience. Those who had fled were invited to return, and 
an order in council was issued, urging the citizens of Norwich to 
suffer the refugees to enjoy all the privileges granted to aliens in 
former periods. 3 

The parliament also passed an ordinance in 1650, How Norwich 
Stuffs should be made and tried, which actually incorporated the 
local worsted weavers. The governing body consisted of two 
presidents, twelve wardens and forty assistants, half of them 
to be chosen by the master weavers of Norwich, and half by 
those of Norfolk. This ordinance was only to continue for three 
years, but it was twice renewed, lastly in 1656. By it all stuffs 
containing wool made within the district, with the exception of 
such as were manufactured by the company of russell weavers, were 
placed under the control of the corporation thus appointed. 4 

The restoration of the monarchy annulled the ordinance, yet 
much of its substance is contained in the statute, 14. C. II. c. 5. 
This act did not revive the corporate body nor the presidents, 
but committed the regulation of the manufacture to twelve wardens 
and thirty assistants who were chosen as above. 

The effect of the troubles at home was nevertheless still 
apparent and trade continued to languish. The Dutch and French 
had taken advantage of the restricted English output by increasing 
their own manufactures, 5 those of France having been introduced 
by Henry IV. a few years after the promulgation of the Edict 
of Nantes. At last parliament came to the rescue and pro- 
hibited the importation into England of all French merchandise 
whatsoever. 6 

1 Walloons in Norwich, p. 94. 

2 Jessopp, Histoiy of the Diocese of Norwich, p. 191. 

3 James, History of the Worsted Manufacture^ p. 150. 

4 Ib. pp. 152-3. k 5 Ib. p. 162. 6 Stat. 29 and 30. C. II. c. I, 

xc. Selected Records of the City of Noi-wich. 

Immediately the manufacture of all classes of woollen goods 
revived, 1 and a few years later it received a further stimulus by 
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The inhospitable reception 
which awaited the refugees in Norwich 2 must have compelled 
many to seek shelter elsewhere, yet the comparatively few who 
came introduced the manufacture of crape and most likely 
improved, if they did not establish, the art of silk weaving. 
Nevertheless, Lord Macaulay 3 when picturing Norwich at the 
close of the seventeenth century speaks of it as the chief seat of 
the chief manufacture of the realm, while in the first quarter of 
the next century Defoe, an eye-witness, drew attention to the 
wonderful extent of the Norwich manufactures. He then goes on 
to say that the trade of the city had been incredibly revived by 
the passing of an act of parliament prohibiting the use and wearing 
of calicoes ', 4 and this statement requires a little explanation. 

The art of calico printing was brought to this country by 
the French refugees in the reign of Charles II. 5 Yet at the 
beginning of the eighteenth century most of this material, as its 
name implies, was imported from India, and in 1700, an act of 
parliament 6 was passed prohibiting the importation of these goods, 
because it was thought that they seriously reduced the demands 
for the home products. 

It appears that this statute was effectual in giving a stimulus 
to the manufacture of English calicoes, or at least of creditable 
imitations of the Indian goods, which becoming fashionable 
reduced the output of the worsted and silk weavers. In conse- 
quence feeling ran so high in Norwich as to result in a riot, the 
mob tearing the gowns of the objectionable material from the 
wearers' backs and plundering the shops where it was offered 
for sale. 7 The violence was soon quelled and more legitimate 
measures were adopted. The Prime Minister, Sir Robert Walpole, 
was a Norfolk man and a wool-grower, and through his influence 
the act 8 mentioned by Defoe was obtained in 1721. Though 
it contains no mention of Norwich the interest it excited here 
is visible in the contemporary Assembly Book, where the passage 
of the bill through both Houses can be observed. 

1 James, p. 165. 2 Ib. p. 166. 

1 History of England. 4 Tour through the Eastern Counties. 

s Social England, Vol. V. p. 615. 6 II and 12 W. III. c. 10. 

~ Blomefield, Vol. III. p. 437. 8 Stat. 7. G. I. c. 7. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich* xci. 

Intoxicated as it were by this success, the assembly drew up 
a further petition to parliament praying that the new fashion of 
using paper hangings in the place of the stuffs of local manufacture 
might be put down. 1 The petition may not have been presented, 
for nothing more is heard of it. Perhaps wiser counsels afterwards 

Fustians, neckcloths and muslins were excepted from the 
operation of the above act, and to these the Manchester 
manufacturers turned their attention producing a material similar 
to the fustians and printed so as to resemble the Indian fabrics. 2 
All doubts whether such productions contravened the statute were 
set at rest by another, known as the " Manchester Act." 3 It was 
passed in 1736 and declared that the act of 1721 did not apply to 
Manchester goods. It is said that the Norwich manufacturers 
perceiving, apparently, that it was useless to continue the struggle, 
tried to introduce cotton weaving at home. 4 Be that as it may, it 
does not seem that their efforts were attended with any measure of 
success, and the Norwich Records are silent on the subject. 
Blakely states that the manufacture of cotton goods was intro- 
duced here in 1784 and furnished employment for 2,000 hands, 
but that it did not thrive. 5 

It was also due to Sir Robert Walpole's prestige that the 
order was made that the court mourning should consist of Norwich 
crapes. 6 Coupling this with the agitation against calicoes it is 
obvious that duriug the earlier part of Walpole's era the local 
manufacturers relied upon the home market. 

The passing of the Manchester Act altered the existing 
conditions, and the manufacturers then sought an opening for the 
disposal of their wares in foreign trade. The move met with 
so much success that between the years 1743 and 1763 Norwich 
was at the height of its prosperity. 7 From the later date the 
decline in the staple industry becomes apparent. Arthur Young 8 
who visited the city in 1771, describes the state of its manufactures 
as less than it had been, and mentions the trouble with the 
American colonies which finally led to the war of independence, 
as one of the reasons for the deterioration. There was still a 

1 Assembly, n Dec. 1721. a James, p. 222. 3 9 G. II. c. 4. 

4 Gent. Mag., March 1736, p. 169. 5 Hist, of Norw. Manufactures, p. 19. 
6 Beauties of England and Wales, Norfolk, p. 142. "' James, p. 259. 

8 Tour in the East of England, Vol. II. pp. 74-82. 

xcii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

substantial trade, and he estimated its amount at 1, 200,000, 
and the number of looms at 12,000. John Taylor of Norwich 
writing in 1798 noted a great falling off owing to war and change 
of fashion, and he considered the manufacturers as mainly 
dependent upon the orders of the East India Company. 1 

The production of the coarser kinds of worsteds was by 
degrees transferred to Yorkshire, while that of the finest stuffs and 
bombazines was chiefly carried on in Norwich where there was 
still sufficient employment for 10,000 looms in 1818. There was 
also an extensive trade in silk shawls, and shortly before 1819 
a new article called "Norwich crape" was invented here, which 
was generally adopted as an article of female dress and super- 
seded the coloured bombazines hitherto in great favour. The 
advantage was short lived, for in 1819 the crape and bombazine 
manufacture was introduced at Halifax, and from this date, Norwich 
can no longer be considered the chief seat of the industry.* 2 
The reasons for the migration of the trade were no doubt the 
high rate of wages prevailing here, coupled with the violent 
opposition to the introduction of machinery, the motive power 
for which was moreover not ready to hand, as was the case in 
the north. 3 

The East India Company being disposed to withhold their 
orders in 1832, a court of mayoralty held on 4 Feb. in that year 
decided to transmit a memorial to the "Committee for Buying" 
of the company soliciting a renewal, and this action succeeeded 
in obtaining an order for 5,000 pieces. 4 In the next year the 
company's charter expired and with it their monopoly of the 
China trade. 

Hampered with so many disadvantages the local manufactures 
could but decline, while every attempt to reduce wages was met 
by strikes, which merely hastened the approaching end. Mills 
for spinning yarn were nevertheless erected in 1836 and power 
looms were introduced about the same time. 5 

A member of the commission appointed by government to 
inquire into the condition of the hand loom weavers, investigated 
the subject in Norwich and the report was issued in 1839. It 
explained that there were then 4,050 looms at work in the city 

1 Old Monthly Magazine, Vol. VI. p. 413. 2 James, pp. 386-7. 

3 Ib. p. 437. * Norfolk Chronicle, 24 March 1832. 

5 Bayne, History of Norwich, p. 582. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xciii. 

and its vicinity and 1,021 others unemployed. The hand looms 
employed 4,054, and eight mills of various kinds 1,285 persons. 1 
After this many operatives went into the boot and shoe trade/ 2 
which was started at the beginning of the century and is now 
the staple manufacture of Norwich. 

The jacquard loom was also introduced about the same time 
as the power looms. 3 It was adapted to the manufacture of 
fillover shawls which, in after years, were brought to a great state 
of perfection by Messrs. Clabburn, Sons, and Crisp, 4 but the fashion 
for these articles declined in course of time. 

The Norfolk Chronicle of 25 Jan. 1845 published the results 
of an inquiry into the state of Norwich manufactures, and expressed 
regret that the city had lost its former prominence in the production 
of textiles. The reasons were thought to be owing, partly to the 
high price of coals when compared with other centres of the 
industry, and partly through improvements in machinery being 
introduced with hesitation. It was also stated that a large number 
of persons connected with the factories and mills were constantly 
without employment. 

The Yarn Company, nominally founded as a charitable 
institution for supplying work to the poor, had never been a 
financial success, and it was wound up 5 by order of the Rolls 
Court in 1850, only nineteen years after its inception. The 
property, comprising nearly two acres, was acquired by Messrs. 
Jarrold & Sons in 1901, and their printing works, "The Empire 
Press," now stand upon part of it. The remainder, including the 
factory building, is in the occupation of Messrs. A. J. Caley & 
Son, and is used by them for the manufacture of crackers, which 
is a new industry in Norwich. 

The census of 1861 showed that the textile industries then 
employed but 1,571 hands, upwards of 3,000 persons being engaged 
in the boot and shoe trade. Since then the mills have been 
closed one after another, so that at the present time the crape 
manufacture alone remains and finds employment for several 
hundred hands, while worsted yarn is now used for making cardigan 
jackets which are knitted on frames. 

1 James, p. 483. 2 Bayne, p. 585. 

3 Blakely, Hist, of Nor-w. Manufactures, p. JO. 

4 Bayne, p. 587. 5 Norfolk Annals, Vol. I. p. 

xciv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 
VI. Poor Relief. Municipal Charities. 

i. Poor Relief. 

The pageant which greeted Queen Elizabeth as she entered 
Norwich in IS/3, 1 though mainly representing the manufactures, 
indicated in more ways than one that the difficulty of dealing with 
the poor, a most serious problem throughout her reign, had been 
overcome. The city had good reason to be proud of this achieve- 
ment, for though the beggars were a great nuisance everywhere all 
through the earlier part of the Tudor period, it is likely that Norwich 
with its extensive waste grounds, caused by the fires in the first few 
years of the i6 th century, had become a favourite resort for 
undesirable characters. 

Before stating the remedy which had been devised, it is well to 
say something on the growth of the evil and the primitive methods 
adopted for relieving the poor. 

The enforced diet of salt meat during six months of the year, 
coupled with the insanitary conditions of life in other respects, 
rendered diseases of the skin, all of which were classed under the 
head of leprosy, much more common than at present, and in 
consequence leper houses existed in all directions. The first Bishop 
of Norwich founded the Magdalen Hospital for these patients at 
some little distance from the city, and it was followed by three 
others situated respectively outside S l Stephen's, S' Benet's and 
S l Augustine's Gates. The date of the foundation of these is 
unknown but afterwards another was placed outside S l Giles' Gate 
about 1343, according to Blomefield, 2 by Baldric de Taverham. 
Besides these and an hospital in Coslany dedicated to S' Saviour, 
which seems to have been abortive, 3 there were the Norman-spital 
or the Hospital of S' Paul, founded by the Prior and Convent during 
the first half of the twelfth century for the sick poor, which will 
claim attention again shortly, Hildebrond's Hospital in Conesford, 
founded in the next century, where poor wayfarers were supplied 
with lodging and warmth, and greatest of all S l Giles' Hospital, 
whose fortunes are inseparably connected with the subject under 

If it is true that there have always been deserving poor it is 
equally true that loafers and vagabonds were never unknown. 
Still the two combined, probably not a very numerous class when 
1 p. Ixxxv. 2 Blomefield, Vol. IV. p. 245. 3 No. XXX. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xcv. 

the increase of trade at least kept pace with the increase of the 
population, managed to obtain a living from promiscuous charity 
eked out if necessary by occasional begging, or other still less 
honest practices until the dawn of the reformation. 

As an example of the deeds of charity of the religious houses, 
there is the foundation charter of S' Giles' Hospital, 1 which besides 
providing thirty beds for the sick and infirm, orders that thirteen 
poor persons should be fed there daily. Moreover, alms were to be 
distributed to all passers by irrespective of their deserts, and 
likewise from the beginning of spring until harvest a distribution 
of bread was to be made once a week to all comers. Even this 
does not exhaust the whole and only relates to one of the 
numerous monastic houses. Also it is the doing of one man who 
in addition bequeathed money in order that the almoner of the 
Cathedral Priory might distribute 2Os. to the poor on his anniversary 
for ever. 1 William de Dunwich added five beds to the hospital, 
and left a considerable sum for the expenses of his funeral, of 
which good deeds to the poor formed no small item. 3 John Bond 
bequeathed a distribution of bread and herrings, 4 and such cases 
might be multiplied indefinitely. Again, the gilds, some of which 
existed in the thirteenth century, and the crafts of a little later 
date took care that their members did not come to destitution 
through sickness or age, so that on the whole there can have 
been but few cases of actual want except in times of famine. 

But there were famines, notably in 1315 and the following 
years, when the parliament vainly endeavoured to restrict the 
prices of victuals as is recorded in the Book of Customs 5 and one 
can easily believe that the servants and retainers discharged of 
necessity, became a dangerous element to the community. A 
dearth also accompanied the great pestilence of 1348-9. The 
Black Death altered the conditions of society and the legislation 
thus occasioned was in great measure aimed at the lowest class. 
The newly created Justices of Peace, whose duties were performed 
by the Bailiffs in Norwich, were given powers to enforce men, who 
were able to labour and without other means of support, to serve 
those who had need of them at the statutory rates, and to pro- 
hibit the giving of alms to able bodied beggars under penalty of 
imprisonment. 6 The scarcity of labour was so great, however, 

1 Case 21, shelf b. 2 Ib. and Blomefield, Vol. III. p- 47- 

3 No. CCCCXLVI. 4 No. CCCCXLV. 5 Fol. lix. B Stat. 23 E. III. 

xcvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

that labourers were unwilling to work for the prescribed wages, and 
the efforts to compel them to do so contributed in no small degree 
to bring about the rising of the peasants in 1381, when Norwich 
suffered heavily at the hands of those under the leadership of 
Litester. The relief of the impotent was left to the Church as her 
exclusive prerogative until 1535, but after the population had 
recovered from the plagues to its normal extent, there followed 
the difficulty of providing work for the able bodied and in con- 
sequence the state had recourse to measures of protection 1 . 

The popularly received opinion is that the dissolution of the 
monasteries was the principal cause of the increase of poverty at the 
period. Still it is questioned whether they did not encourage quite 
as much as they relieved, and other explanations are not far to 
seek. The account rolls of S l Giles' Hospital, for the years 
immediately preceding its surrender demonstrate that the intentions 
of the founder were not being complied with to the letter, though 
the distribution of doles to the poor was in some measure continued. 
Yet even if, as is probable, there was a falling off in the so-called 
deeds of charity in most religious houses, there can be little doubt 
that the breaking up of these foundations threw many of their 
dependants on the world. In like manner the overthrow of the 
nobility in the Wars of the Roses had deprived their retainers of the 
means of livelihood, rendering them a thorn in the side of society 
since they were strangers to peaceful occupations. The result of the 
enclosures of the common fields has already been alluded to. 2 The 
practice was not so general in Norfolk as in Suffolk and it is likely, 
that many families rendered homeless in the latter county sought the 
means of existence in Norwich as did others nearer at hand. More- 
over, it should not be forgotten that the debasement of the coinage 
by Henry VIII. produced a rise in prices without increasing the 
wages of labourers in proportion, so that by this expedient the 
struggle for the necessaries of life was rendered more acute. 

Various acts were passed by parliament to mitigate the increase 
of the vagrancy thus occasioned, but for a long while the ruling 
principle was repression of all beggars whether their destitution was 
culpable or no. The statute II Hen. VII. c. 2. enacted that 
vagabonds and suspected persons should be set in the stocks for 
three days and nights with rough fare. There are one or two 
instances of this law being put in force in Norwich, 3 and one woman 
1 Stat. 3 E. IV. c. 4. and i R. III. c. 12. 2 p. Ixx. 3 Nos. CCLI., CCLIII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xcvii. 

was ordered to be conducted out of the city to the strains of a 
bagpipe unless she removed herself quietly within a given time. 1 
Still such cases are not so numerous as to prove that the nuisance 
was great locally at that date. 

It must have increased considerably after the fires of 1508, 
for by that time it was general throughout the country. Though 
the records are almost silent on the matter, there is preserved the 
tainted account of the doings of a worthless character in 1520 as 
well as, incidentally, of others like him. He was accused of 
treachery rather than with mendicancy, and though his whole 
story denying the charge and virtually pleading benefit of clergy 
may have been a fabrication to save his head, it remains a fair 
illustration of the vagrant life of the times. 2 

In 1520 corn was dearer than it had been for upwards of eighty 
years. The price remained high throughout the following year and 
the Aldermen provided a stock of wheat to serve the people? thus 
admitting for the first time the duty of the city to assist the Church 
in alleviating distress. As the market continued to fall subsequently, 
the expedient is almost certain to have resulted in a considerable 
loss, so after the bad harvest of 1527, when the scarcity is recorded 
in the Mayor's Book^ recourse was had to another, by which agree- 
ments were made with various persons to supply the market at 
reasonable rates. 5 Corn was scarce again in the first half of 1532, 
when a search for all the grain within the city was instituted 6 and 
agreements for its supply were again made. 7 The victuallers also 
were ordered to make arrangements elsewhere for their necessary 
requirements, so that they might have no excuse for buying in the 
market. 8 At the close of this year a step in advance was taken by 
way of providing work for poor women when wool for spinning was 
difficult to obtain. The butchers were compelled to offer their wool 
fells exclusively to the spinsters during the morning hours until the 
next sheep-shearing season, so that the tawers and others might not 
be able to out bid them. 9 The two statutes mentioned under the 
heading of the Russell-Weavers and both limited in their operation 
to Norfolk and Norwich, were passed at a rather later date with a 
similar object, namely, to insure the supply of raw material for 
spinners and weavers. 

1 No. CCLIV. 2 No. CCLXT. 3 Court Book no. 2. f. 138. 4 Fol. 18. 
5 No. CCLXVIII. No. CCLXXIV. 7 Court Book no. 2, f. 258. 
8 No. CCVI. 9 No. CCVIII. 10 p. K-xvi. 

xcviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Two other acts of parliament dealing directly with vagrants were 
made in Henry VIII.'s reign. By 22 H. VIII. c. 12 all were for- 
bidden to beg except such impotent persons as were authorised by 
the Justices of Peace to do so within prescribed limits. As a result 
it seems that fifty persons were assigned to beg in Norwich and a 
special seal was executed for stamping their licences. 1 At this time, 
too, the Masters of the Beggars begin to be mentioned, though the 
order for their appointment and duties has not been discovered. 
The latter may have been the same as those of a similar officer who 
appears in London at this date, and who was employed to keep 
"myghty vagabunds and such like persons" out of the city liberties 
excepting those who wore the prescribed badge. 2 

The statute 27 H. VIII. c. 25 was of great importance. It 
enacted that all beggars were to be set on work or relieved, so 
that none might be compelled to openly solicit alms. Charitable 
donations were to be collected every Sunday by the churchwardens 
and others, and the clergy were to exhort the people to be liberal. 
This statute was also the first to sanction the direct relief of the 
poor by municipal bodies. It was put in execution at Norwich in 
1536 where the duties of collecting the alms principally devolved 
upon the Constables 3 and probably the clause ordering that the fines 
imposed for the breach of any of the injunctions should be given to 
the poor originated the accounts of the Mayor's Hanaper. Those 
which remain begin in 1538, though the hanaper itself was an earlier 

Although no further poor laws were made in this reign the 
dissolution of the monasteries must have been a serious blow to the 
mendicants. There can be little doubt that it prompted a municipal 
enquiry into the management of four of the Leper Houses. At the 
fifth, the Magdalen Hospital, the Bishop was responsible for the 
discipline. It was found that in all the rule was very slack and 
able bodied individuals purchased licences to beg, called proxies, 
from the keepers. The house by S l Stephen's Gates seems to have 
adopted the plan of employing a man to beg, whose appearance was 
likely to induce timorous persons to respond freely to his solicitations. 
The keepers of this and S l Giles' Leper House were bound over to 
bring in all the proxies they had granted/ and most likely the heads 
of the other two houses were ordered to do the same, for some 

1 No. CCLXIX. 2 Leonard, Poor Relief, p. 25. 3 No. CCLXXXI. 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. xcix. 

months later the seals of the four are discovered in the custody of 
the court. The keepers were summoned again in 1548 to show how 
many lazars were with them, and they were bound over to receive 
only such inmates as the Mayor should appoint. 1 The reason for 
this will shortly appear. 

Besides dissolving the other religious houses, Henry VIII. had 
also intended to treat S' Giles' Hospital in the same manner and to 
have granted it to the city, but he died before he had accomplished 
this. Within two months after Edward VI. had ascended the throne 
the hospital was surrendered to him, and he immediately delivered 
it with all its possessions to the community, ordering it to called 
by its old name of " God's House " or the " House of the Poor in 
Holmstrete." Provision was to be made for forty poor persons who 
were removable at the discretion of a body appointed by the Mayor 
and Aldermen, and so one would think that all the inmates were 
deserving of support through age or infirmities. Yet an account of 
them written by their chaplain, presumably John Fyssher, in 1550, 
plainly shows that they were a very rough assembly and beyond the 
unaided control of their officers who had no power to inflict punish- 
ments. After admitting that the manners of the age were not those 
of to-day, it is clear that the chaplain, whose bad writing shows that 
even his education left much to be desired, was scandalised, and with 
the hope of being the better able to preserve decorum, he suggested 
certain methods of reformation after stating his grievances. 2 

Before the requisite alterations for converting the hospital 
into a Poors' House could well have been carried out, the statute 
i E. VI. c. 3. was passed, to which the grant of the hospital may 
have been preliminary, if the King's advisers had information of the 
numbers of poor with whom the city would be called upon to deal. 
This statute was excessively harsh, reducing all able bodied 
vagabonds to the condition of slaves, who might be compelled to 
wear iron collars on their necks, arms or legs, and there are instances 
of this barbarous treatment among the local records. 3 On the other 
hand the impotent were to be relieved in the places where they were 
born by the charitable dispositions of the parishioners, and also to 
be provided with suitable houses, which explains the Mayor's action 
with regard to the Leper Houses as well as the exigency of the 
Great Hospital. By way of putting the act in force the Aldermen 

i Court Book no. 5. f. 134- 2 No. CCCCLVII! 

3 Nos. CCCXVI., CCCXXVIII. See also p. 357. 

c. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

in their respective wards, and the clergy in their parishes were 
desired to exhort the citizens to contribute, the Aldermen being also 
empowered to ascertain what each person was willing to give. 1 It 
appears too that some kind of assessment was made and a collection 
instituted from house to house. 2 This was not well received in all 
cases, so towards the close of this year 1548, the Mayor requested to 
be informed what sum was gathered in every parish with the names 
of all the dwellers there, and what they contributed to the relief of 
the poor. 3 

In May the next year the six Aldermen of every great ward 
were commissioned to make an assessment for this purpose, and 
authority was given them to imprison those who refused the pay- 
ment. 4 In this matter the authorities were only following the 
example of London, where two years previously the citizens had 
been ordered to contribute half a fifteenth for the maintenance of the 
poor, and it was perhaps the first compulsory tax ever levied for 
that object But if an assessed rate was at this time collected in 
Norwich the account of it cannot now be found. John Fyssher, the 
chaplain of the Great Hospital, received for the maintenance of the 
poor 22s. 6d. in offerings and 2^s. from the poor-box, besides several 
gifts in kind, of which ale and beer formed a considerable portion. 
Still these may only represent the contributions of St. Helen's 
parish where he officiated, that church being attached to the 
Hospital. In addition, the Aldermen handed in ;8o more to the 
Great Hospital account, and the income was further increased by 
the church goods of S l Crouch, S' Clement in Conesford, and All 
Saints in Fybridge, which were dismantled at this time, so that by 
these and other means a total sum of upwards of 280 was got 
together. 5 

It may be asked why a poor rate was necessary, seeing 
that the Hospital with its extensive possessions had been given 
to the city for maintaining the impotent poor, who alone were 
entitled to relief. The endowment at this time brought in 
162 and the board and requisites of the forty poor inmates 
cost nearly ;ioo in the first year or two, food and fuel being 
supplied by contract afterwards for that round sum. The 
other outgoings consisted of salaries to the officers, repairs and 
charges upon the estates so that in spite of windfalls the accounts 

1 No. CCCI. * No CCCIII. 3 No. CCCVII. 
4 No. CCXXII. 5 Great Hospital Accounts. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. ci. 

show a deficit in 1550. The initial outlay for beds, bedding and 
other necessary articles must have been heavy, and then it is 
tolerably certain that money was required for others, over and above 
the privileged forty, who could legally claim assistance, Moreover, 
Norwich had fallen on troublous times, for the more self-reliant of 
peasants, instead of taking to begging, now rendered hazardous by 
the legislature, took up arms in the summer of 1549 under Robert 
Kett, and the city suffered severely at their hands. The Hospital 
with Holmstreet, which it almost entirely owned, being situated 
on the side nearest to the rebel camp, bore the brunt of their fury, 
and a large sum was consequently required to repair the damage. 1 
Seventeen city parishes raised sums varying between 20 and 2 by 
the sale of their church goods, and the total amount, 170 $s. 4^., 
was handed over for the relief of the poor for the time being, 
and also for the purchase of lands to sustain the annual charge. 2 
After this the item of foreign receipts is discontinued in the 
hospital accounts, for under the new management the house soon 
became something more than self-supporting. 

The period between 1550 and 1557 was one of great scarcity, 
and the famine prices of the latter date are recorded in the Mayor 's 
Boot? as the most remarkable occurrence of the year. In 1550 a 
corn stock was once more raised by money advanced by the 
Aldermen and Commons, and the loss arising from the sale was 
made good by further donations. The next year, however, it was 
raised again, and some portion of it was sold to the poor in the 
shape of bread. 4 Parliament also repealed the statute it had made 
two years before, so far as it related to able bodied beggars, and 
re-enacted the milder one of 22 Hen. VIII., 5 whereupon the Alder- 
men were commanded to search out all the poor within their wards 
and to certify their names to the Mayor, and also the names of 
all who were chargeable to their relief. 6 At the same time a new 
Book of the Hanaper Accounts was commenced which records the 
payments to the whipper and the masters of the beggars, with 
sundry charges for healing and surgical operations performed at the 
public expense. In 1554 the corn stock was made permanent by 
the bequest of William Castleton, who had been the last Prior and 
first Dean of Norwich. By his will he desired his executor to 

1 Ib. 2 First Will Book, f. 8. 3 Fol. 21. 

* Court Book, no. 5, ff. 62 et seq., 92 et seq., and Nos. CCXXIV., CCXXV. 

5 Stat. 3 and 4 E. VI. c. 16. 6 No. CCXXX. 

cii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

provide 100 quarters of wheat to be sold to the poor below the 
market price in small quantities in times of dearth, 1 a dearth to be 
understood when the price was above 6s. the coomb. An agreement 
under an indenture tripartite was thereupon entered into, by which 
the corporate body undertook to compensate the deficiency which 
might accrue in any year. 2 Further legislation was considered 
necessary in the famine year of 1556. It was then ordered that the 
impotent poor should be supported by alms collected weekly from 
the charitable, and licensed beggars were to wear a badge, 3 a 
number of which were certainly distributed in Norwich. 4 The list 
of them is incomplete and spaces, never filled in, were left for 
details, so no conclusions of any value can be drawn from it. A few 
months previously the idea had been conceived that it was useless 
to try to compel men to work unless employment could be found for 
them, in other words some attempt was thought of to discriminate 
between the professional beggars and those who were willing to 
earn their living if the opportunity were afforded them. Certain 
persons were therefore appointed to interview such of the poor who 
were able to work, and to take order how they might be employed. 5 
Whether anything resulted beyond the discussion of the matter is 
not certain, still it is a further proof that the municipal bodies were in 
advance of the legislature in dealing with this side of the question. 

As early as 1545 an investigation had been ordered for another 
purpose. There is every reason to believe that at this time until the 
arrival of the Dutch and Walloons many houses were unoccupied, so 
that their owners would be only too willing to obtain a tenant 
without enquiring too closely into his antecedents, and for the same 
reason rents would be low. To check the consequent influx of 
undesirable characters, not only were the numbers of beggars to be 
now ascertained, but also whose tenants they were, and how long 
they had resided in this city. 6 Though the return should have been 
certified into court no trace of it has been discovered, still in the 
next year it was decided to draw up some regulations for the land- 
lords of the beggars, 7 but here again nothing further is recorded, 
even if the decision took effect at the time. Eleven years after- 
wards, that is in 1557, the lessors were forbidden to take as 

1 First Will Book, f. id. 

2 Documents belonging to the Trustees of the Municipal (General) Charities. 

3 Stat. 2 and 3 P. and M. c. 5. 4 No. CCXXX. and Court Book no. 7. f. 191. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. ciii. 

tenants poor strangers who could not honestly support themselves, 
and all such as had not dwelt in their present abode for three 
years were to be turned out. 1 

A further advance toward compulsory payments for the poor 
was made by the statute 5 Eliz. c. 3. Meanwhile in Norwich things 
went on much as before, children are found being bound apprentices 
for terms in excess of the usual seven years, and much whipping of 
sturdy vagabonds and other punishments are recorded. On the 
other hand it is pleasing to catch glimpses of a more kindly aspect 
of affairs, as when the destitution of the widow of an Alderman, and 
daughter of a man who had thrice been Mayor, was relieved by the 
grant of an annual allowance. 2 Instances also of pensions awarded 
to incapacitated officers and servants are mentioned, and again the 
dialogue between the Mayor and a maimed seaman is distinctly 
courteous on both sides. 3 

The revival in trade which followed the introduction of the Dutch 
and Walloons could not but have its bearings upon the question 
of the poor. The authorities were shrewd enough to see that the 
excuses for idleness of 2,300 beggars in a population of some 15,000 
were absurd, so they determined that if the loafers were unwilling to 
find work for themselves, the work should be found for them, and 
those capable should be compelled to perform it. A census there- 
fore was made in 1570 wherein the name, age, occupation and 
residence of every man, woman and child of the poorer classes was 
recorded, as was also whether they were able to work or no, or 
were indifferent. The Mayor's Book for the Poor, which was 
bought to contain the account of the proceedings, has unfortunately 
been considerably mutilated, and much of the census is lost, but 
that portion of it relating to the small ward of St. Stephen will be 
given 4 as an example of the whole in the body of this work. The 
final summary also remains, which gives the numbers, namely, 497 
men, 824 women, and 952 children, who required attention of some 
kind, and it is remarkable that not a few of the children "go to 
school." Before drawing any conclusions from the fact, it should 
be borne in mind that, in the present state of our knowledge, it is 
not easy to say that the " schools " were houses for educational 
purposes as the term is understood at this day. We hear of schools 
for reading, writing and knitting in IS92, 5 which were, most likely, 


4 No. CCCCXLI. 5 p. 196. n. i. 

civ. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

held in cottages where the children were kept out of harm's way 
while their parents were at work. 

In 1565 the city had acquired the Normanspital by a lease 
of 500 years from the Dean and Chapter, either with a view to 
bringing all the existing hospitals under municipal control or of 
forming an adjunct to the Great Hospital. It was now converted 
into a house of correction or Bridewell, and a book of orders for 
its management was drawn up and approved. 1 These orders 
obtained some reputation in their day so that it is not surprising 
that the Archbishop of Canterbury, Matthew Parker, who was a 
native of Norwich and always took a great interest in its affairs, 
requested a copy of them, and the city gratified by the attention 
willingly complied. Besides matters connected with the Bridewell 
the orders contain much else relating to the management of the 
poor, and seeing that they will demand some space elsewhere, it is 
expedient not to devote more to them now. They were put in 
execution tentatively for one year in June 1571, when they gave so 
much satisfaction that they were indefinitely continued. Yet in the 
second year, though they firmly prohibited begging, the beggars 
became somewhat troublesome once more. 2 Still no doubt the 
citizens had reason to be proud of the result, as they are at 
some trouble to explain to the Archbishop, and they took occasion 
to remind the Queen of it on her arrival at Norwich as has been 
stated. Immediately after the orders were enforced an assessment 
was made for the amount the more wealthy citizens should 
respectively contribute to the support of their poorer neighbours. 3 
Though such procedure was not authorised by parliament until the 
next year, the statute 5 Eliz. c, 3. had given power to the Justices of 
Peace to imprison those who refused to pay for the maintenance of 
the poor, so that there was little room for complaint. Looking at 
the matter from another point of view it is not unlikely that the 
statute 14 Eliz. c. 5 was suggested by the methods of poor relief 
adopted in Norwich and other towns. 

The trifling amendments necessary from time to time in the 
local regulations may be found in the smaller Poor Book which 
ends in 1580, and the Mayors Book for the Poor was closed the 
year before. This is noteworthy because it was the occasion 
of the great plague which rendered all existing arrangements 
inadequate to meet the distress it produced. The precautions 

1 No. CCCCXLIII Assembly 23 Dec, 15 Eliz. 3 p. 358. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cv. 

taken to stay its ravages will be found elsewhere. 1 Here it is 
only necessary to state that during the later visitations of the disease 
it attacked the poorest class almost exclusively, sweeping away the 
dregs of the population. Thus it is certain that the ratepayers were 
temporally relieved of much of their burdens, and little is found 
relating to the poor for some time. 

Meanwhile, in 1573 a bone-setter was appointed to attend 
upon those who broke their limbs and were too poor to pay for 
their healing, 2 and in the same year it was ordered that those 
needing employment should assemble every day at the Market 
Cross with their tools, between five and six in the morning, in order 
that any citizens requiring their services might hire them. 3 In 1580, 
the fact that a lame boy is to be supplied with a joint of mutton 
or veal twice a week during the process of his cure, which was 
undertaken by a surgeon, shows that necessitous cases were duly 
cared for. 4 

Another house for the Bridewell was purchased of Baron 
Sotherton in 1585 as more convenient than the Normans. It was 
situated in the parish of S l Andrew, and is interesting as the 
residence of William Appleyard the first Mayor. Some portions of 
the ancient mansion still remain, and the way to the west of it still 
bears the name of Bridewell Alley. A part only of the site was 
used as a " House of Correction," the remainder and also the 
Normans being leased to tenants 5 by whose rents a stock for the 
employment of the poor was provided. The books of the Bridewell 
Accounts also begin at this date. 

The act of parliament 28 Eliz. c. 3, ordained that a stock of 
wool, flax, hemp, iron or other stuff should be provided when 
thought necessary by the Justices in order that the poor might 
be set on work, and the important statute 43 Eliz. c. 2 making 
allowances for alterations, remains unrepealed to the present day. 
Little or nothing has been found illustrating the working of these 
statutes in Norwich for the reason that they were anticipated by 
municipal action, while the books dealing with poor relief at the 
later date are now missing. The subject also is inextricably inter- 
woven with the charitable bequests and foundations, which must 
next be dealt with. 

1 p. 336. - No. CCXLII. 3 No. CCXLIII. 


cvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

2. The Municipal Charities. 

Sufficient has already been said on the founding of the principal 
of all Norwich charities, the Great Hospital. 1 In its earliest founda- 
tion charter Bishop Suffield alludes to a school when he orders that 
seven poor scholars shall be fed daily. The little that is known of 
the school may be seen in Blomefield, Vol. IV., p. 376, 2 and, except 
that there is a mention of the gate of the Norwich scholars in the early 
poll deeds relating to St. Matthew's parish, it finds no place among 
the Norwich City Records before the hospital was refounded by King 
Edward VI. The new foundation charter made provision that a Free 
School should be supported out of the revenues, and of late years a 
portion of the estates has been set apart for the endowment of that 
establishment. The position of the school was much advanced by 
the scholarships settled upon it by Archbishop Parker, and his 
generosity has been imitated by others. In 1858 it was divided into 
two departments, each having separate buildings, the one called the 
Grammar School and the other the Commercial School. The nett 
income of the Hospital was ^6,340 odd in 1908-9, when the average 
weekly number of inmates, inclusive of 13 nurses, was 197. Of these 
38 were married women residing there in right of their husbands, 
who were almsmen. 

In early times it was the custom for testators to devise varying 
sums to be expended at their obits and trentals, a considerable por- 
tion of which was consumed in doles given to the poor. It is unusual 
to find much public spirit in their wills. William de Dunwich, it is 
true, left money towards the upkeep of all the bridges in or near 
Norwich, 3 structures almost entirely dependent upon alms and 
regarded in much the same light as the poor, so that legacies for 
their maintenance were not uncommon. Then again Richard Spynk 
was a great benefactor, 4 yet his large outlay upon the walls was 
never regarded in the light of a charitable action. 

Owing perhaps to the alterations in the government of the city 
effected by the charter of Hen. IV. a change may be detected early 
in the 15"' century, when Geoffrey Bixton granted the moiety of a 
messuage for the repair of the river bank. 6 His example was fol- 
lowed by others, among whom we may mention Bishop Thomas 
Browne, who dying in 1445 left ^40 towards the payment of the city 

1 p. xcv. - See also Proceedings of the Norwich Science Gossip Club, 1908-9, p. 9- 
3 p. 361. 4 No. CCCXCIII. s Lib. Alb. Norw. f. xiij. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cvii. 

tax, 1 and Alderman Ralph Segrym, who, in 1456, bequeathed 10 
towards cleansing the river. 

In this year, 1456, a proposal by the Mayor, that a day should 
be set apart annually for the observance of the obits of benefactors, 
was passed in the assembly, and opinions may differ as to whether 
this action was disinterested or designed to induce others to remember 
the necessities of the city when making their wills. The Mayor's 
proposal and Segrym's legacy were discussed in the same assembly, 2 
but as no copy of Segrym's will is forthcoming it is impossible to say 
what its terms actually were. However, in the next year his 
executors further offered 200 marks towards the repair of the walls, 
with the condition that if that sum should prove inadequate for 
thoroughly performing the work the Aldermen should raise the 
deficiency in their respective wards. 3 In 1459 the executors of 
William Asshevvell released the city from a debt of 100 marks owing 
to the testator, with the object of securing the due performance of 
his obit, 4 and for a reason which is not stated it was decided in 1461 
to observe the obit of John Radclyf, alias Lord Fitz Walter, in the 
church of S l Peter Mancroft. 5 John Gilbert, Alderman, died in 1467, 
and five years later his executors agreed with the corporate body to 
expend the sum of 50 in repairing Bishop's Bridge and the river 
banks. 6 

Naturally the turn given to men's thoughts by the reformation 
which in time prohibited the masses for the dead, obits and so forth 
as superstitious, was the occasion for the foundation of the charities 
now existing. John Terry, who died as early as 1524, instructed his 
executors to invest a sum of 200 in real property and to employ 
the issues in discharging needy people from the payment of the 
King's taxes. 7 To fulfil this object the executors bought the 
Barnham Broom estate which their successors handed over to the 
corporation in 1532. That body then undertook to set apart the 
income by keeping it in its proper chest, and after expending 3 
yearly on Terry's obit to distribute the remainder in accordance with 
his will. 8 The subsequent vicissitudes of this charity will claim our 
attention later. 

i Assembly. Friday btfore St. Michael 33 H. VI. and 8 Sept. 39 H. VI. 
* No. CLVII. 3 No. CLVIII. 

4 Assembly. Friday before St. Dunstan 37 H. VI. 

5 Ib. Friday before Pentecost I E. IV. * Lib. Alb. Norw. f. xiv. 
Court Book, no. 4, f. id. 8 Charily Commissioners' Report, p. 847. 

cviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Next Robert Jannys by his will dated 3 Feb. 1531, requested 
his executors to purchase lands sufficient to bring in a clear yearly 
revenue of .8 or more with which to discharge the tolls and customs 
at the gates at the time of the fairs, 1 meaning the fairs surrendered 
by the Prior in favour of the city a few years previously. The manor 
of Pakenhams in Shropham was acquired in order to perform his 
wish. In the same year as Jannys' death the statute 23 H. VIII. 
c. 10 was passed to prevent real property from being settled on 
trustees to the use of churches, gilds and so forth, with the intent to 
evade the statute of mortmain, but it contained an exception solely 
in favour of the executors of the late Aldermen of Norwich, namely, 
John Terry and Robert Jannys. Still if the Barnham Broome 
estate was thus freed from the statute, it is nevertheless certain that 
a license of mortmain was obtained for the Shropham manor in 
I534- 2 It is probable also that John Underwood, Suffragan Bishop 
of Chalcedon, sought to avoid the recent statute by leasing certain 
property, afterwards known as the Suffragan's Tenements, to the 
city for 99 years in I536 3 at a pepper-corn rent, for it has ever 
since been in the city's possession. 

Alan Percy, brother of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, and 
sometime rector of Mulbarton, gave a house in S l Michael of 
Coslany in 1535. This house was sold for 100 in 1550, and the 
capital was re-invested in houses and tenements bringing in 5 
per annum, which sum the Chamberlain was ordered to expend 
on the repair of the city walls from year to year. 4 Again Edward 
Rede, by his will dated 25 Oct. 1543, bequeathed a tenement in 
All Saints' parish desiring that the issues arising from it should 
be handed to the churchwardens of S l Peter Mancroft to be 
expended in wages for the ringer of the great bell there at four 
in the morning and eight at night for a period of twenty years. 5 
It would appear that a temporary check upon charitable bequests 
occurred as contributions to the relief of the poor, became more and 
more compulsory and as a disposition to appropriate all such 
endowments was disclosed by the Guardians of Edward VI. 

Charities for Loans. 

After what has just been said, it is not surprising to find that 
private charity took the form of loans when confidence was partially 

1 First Will Book. * Letters Patent, Case 26 f. 

3 Deeds of St. Cuthbert's parish, Case 3 h. 4 Court Book, no. 3. ff. 3 ; 131. 

Case 25 i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cix. 

restored. It is true that insecurity of the principal is innate in such 
gifts, still, at the period under consideration the risk may not have 
been felt to be disproportionately great, for the floating capital of 
the loans was never very tangible, and was likely to disappear if 
attempts were made to divert it to other purposes. 

Besides creating a fund for assisting the poor to pay their taxes, 
John Terry left 200 to be lent out in sums not exceeding 40 for 
terms of three years or less, to merchants, artificers and others who 
had need of help. Alderman William Rogers who died in 1553 
bequeathed 300 f r a corresponding purpose, the amount of the 
loans being limited to 25, and his widow increased the principal 
sum by another 100. William Wayte, rector of Skeyton, left 40 
to form two loans, and this amount was delivered to the corporate 
body in Jan. 1555 by William Rugg, Alderman, and Alice his wife, 
who was the testator's executrix, and daughter of William Wayte of 
Tittleshall. 1 Lastly it must not be overlooked in this connection, 
that Norwich is one of the towns benefitted by Sir Thomas White's 2 
munificence, receiving 104 every twenty-fourth year, the last receipt 
occurring in 1901. The Loan money was subsequently increased by 
various donors, either for the benefit of the inhabitants generally, or 
for those who practised some particular trade. For instance Richard 
Bulwer gave 15 to be lent to smiths in sums of $, 3 and here it 
may be incidentally mentioned that the widow of this man built 
two stathes in Nether Conesford for the use of those who washed 
clothes. 4 

When the Charity Commissioners made their enquiry in 1834, 
they ascertained that the total funds of the loan charity amounted 
to 4,373, of which 590 had been lost, and they reported that the 
greater part was under the control of the assembly, the remainder 
being under that of the court of mayoralty. These funds are now 
amalgamated, and the borrower receives 48 for the term of seven 
years free of interest, finding two or more sureties for the repay- 
ment of 50, 2 being retained by the trustees by way of insurance 
against losses. 

Other bequests in Queen Mary's reign. 

One of the ten Aldermen who died at the close of Mary's reign 
and probably of the same sickness as the Queen was Thomas 
Maltby, who following the example of Robert Jannys, left 100 to 
the intent that as much land should be purchased within the city as 

1 Case 20. d. - Case 25. h. 3 First Will Book, I 4d. 4 No. CCXXXV. 

ex. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

would discharge the customs at the common stathe for ever. It 
appears that with this and another equal sum the monastery of the 
Grey Friars was bought of the Duke of Norfolk, 1 yet there is no 
evidence that any portion of the rent arising from the property 
was ever applied for the purpose designed by the testator, for 
payments were being demanded from persons landing goods at 
the stathe when the enquiry was made into the charities in 1834. 
Of the other nine Aldermen, Robert Rugg gave the city ;io, 2 
while Thomas Codd and John Atkyns were benefactors of the 
great Hospital and of their respective parishes S' Peter Parmen- 
tergate and S l Stephen. 3 

The Children's or Boys' Hospital. 

Beyond that Richard Rudd by his will dated 15 Nov. 1563, gave 
4 to be distributed among the poor annually, 4 there appear to have 
been very few legacies, except those which fell to the Great Hospital 
or the loan charity, for many years. In 1617, however, Thomas 
Anguish devised an estate and house in the parish of S* Edmund to 
be held by the community, and he hoped that an hospital might be 
founded within ten years after his decease by some godly-minded 
man or by the general charge of the city for maintaining and teach- 
ing very poor children. If the desired funds should not be obtained, 
the overplus of the rents derived from the estate, after paying for 
necessary repairs, he wished to be applied for surgical treatment in 
cases of accident, and especially for the cure of diseased children. 
Anguish died in January 1618 and at the end of the same year 
Alderman Hamond Thurston, who was probably Anguish's brother- 
in-law, also died. He devised 10 to further Anguish's principal 
wish, and in 1619 Emanuel Garret and Henry Fawcett each 
bequeathed 100 for the same purpose. The next year Alderman 
Thomas Pettus left 2Q with the like intent, while Nicholas Pype, 
for some reason which cannot now be ascertained owing to the loss 
of the Assembly Books, agreed to increase the endowment with 
another ^2O. 5 

With these funds a start was made in 1620, and a code of rules 
and orders for the hospital was drawn up. These, however, proved 
to be premature and it is certain that they were not carried out to 
the letter. For instance, it was decided that 30 per annum 

1 First Will Book, f. 3. 

2 It. f. 4<1. :) Second Will Book, ff. 4 ; 73. Ib. f. 13. 

5 All these donations occur in the First Book of Accounts of the Children's Hospital. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxi. 

should be allotted to the revenues of the house out of the Barn- 
ham Broom estate, and that property bringing in 40 yearly 
should be purchased with the money in Terry's chest united 
with the 220 given by Garret, Fawcet and Pettus. 1 Yet what 
actually happened was that 30 was borrowed from Terry's chest 
with the understanding that it should be refunded out of the 
gifts of Pettus and Pype when they came in, 2 and Garret's ,100 
was farmed out to William Boulter and Robert Fawcet for ten 
years at 8 per annum. At the close of the term it was invested 
with several other legacies in purchasing an estate at Alburgh, 
and Fawcet's ;loo was spent upon the necessary alterations and 
requisites. This last donation had by some means or other found 
its way into Terry's chest, whence also the funds were derived to 
support the hospital in its infancy, and from the same source 
came the ^325 or so with which a close of 50 acres yielding an 
annual return of 2$ was purchased in East Dereham. 3 

The keeper and the school-master were appointed at the end of 
1620, and the house devised by Anguish was opened for the hospital 
on i Jan. 1621,* fourteen boys being admitted in that month. 5 
The endowment was afterwards increased from time to time by 
additional gifts, notably that of Thomas Tesmond who, in 1626, 
devised 69 acres in Bixley to the corporation wherewith to provide 
certain sermons, which were a feature of the age and a common 
object of charitable bequests, and the residue to the Children's 
Hospital. 6 

Embarrassed by the troublesome statutes of mortmain which 
by this time it was necessary to face, the municipal body induced 
King Charles I. to grant the hospital a foundation charter in 1628. 
If the King by practically styling himself the founder provoked a 
smile that was of trifling importance compared with the clause 
permitting the acquisition of lands and tenements to the yearly 
value of 300. Moreover the gifts of Anguish and Tesmond 
received appropriate recognition. 7 

Bequests of greater or less extent continued to be added to the 
endowment, and the income arising from it had reached ^"1,165 odd 
in 1834. Until 1798 twenty-one boys were lodged and maintained 
in the house, and then the number was increased to thirty, 

1 Court Book, no. 15. f. 319. 2 Ib. f. 325. 3 No. CXI. 

4 Court Book, no. 15. f. 3240!. 5 Ib. f. 328 et seq. e Account Book. 

7 Case 25 e. 

cxii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

the yearly sum of ,10 being allowed to the parent or friend of 
each boy, who was to provide him with lodging and maintenance, 
and also to pay the master of the hospital for his education. 
By this method it was found possible to further enlarge the 
operation of the charity so that at the date of the commissioners' 
report the numbers had been raised to sixty-one. 

In the latter part of the last century various schemes and 
counter schemes were put forward, by the trustees on the one 
hand and the charity commissioners on the other, as to the way 
in which the funds ought to be administered under the Endowed 
Schools Act of 1869. The old Hospital in S l Edmund's parish 
was sold in 1885 for 550, and a scheme was established in 1896, 
whereby the parents and guardians of boys on the foundation are paid 
sums varying from ,8 to 13 per annum, according to age and other 
conditions. Each lad is now provided yearly with a suit of clothes, 
two pairs of boots, medical attention, and provision is made for 
apprenticeship. A sum of 300 a year is also applied in granting 
exhibitions to boys in the elementary schools tenable at the principal 
educational establishments in the city. 

The Girls' Hospital. 

The charity commissioners, following Blomefield, report, that 
up to 1650 girls and boys were maintained in the Children's 
Hospital. That it should be so was evidently the wish of Anguish, 
and the intention of Charles I. and also probably of all parties. 
Still there is very little reason to think that this was ever the case, 
nor is it unlikely that the requirements of decency, together with the 
extra expenditure these would entail, were the deterrents. It is 
true that by the orders of 1620, ten boys and two girls were to be 
admitted, but when the hospital was opened fourteen boys only were 
appointed. 1 The later rules of 1632 make no mention of female 
children, 2 nor has the book of the hospital accounts any mention of 
girls' clothing. 

Robert Baron who died in the year of his mayoralty, 1649, 
brought matters to an issue by devising 250 to be employed in 
the training up of "women children" in some public place, and 
Henry Whitingham of London gave 200 for the same purpose, 
Blomefield says in 1650. Postponement was now no longer possible, 
and the Great Garden belonging to the corporation was purchased 

1 Court Book no. 15 f. 33od. * 76. no. 16 f. 395d. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxiii. 

" with the two sums 1 as an appendage to the existing house in S l 
Edmund's parish. This garden, in the parishes of S l Clement and S l 
Saviour, had been part of the possessions of the Black Friars, and 
shortly after the dissolution of the friaries it had been granted 
to the corporation, together with the monastery itself. As a 
matter of fact the corporation had leased a portion of the Great 
Garden to the Children's Hospital several years previously, 2 still 
there is no evidence that any girls were lodged or instructed 
there. Moreover, after the purchase by the Girls' Hospital, the 
Boys' Hospital paid the former house an actual rent for its holding. 
Again, the girls were at first lodged in the New Hall, and were 
not removed to the house newly prepared for them in the Great 
Garden until i664. 3 

No new charter was considered necessary, for though the 
two houses were treated as separate foundations it was easy to 
explain should occasion require it, that they were virtually one 
and the same, namely that of Charles I. Henceforth though 
some benefactions were made in favour of one hospital or the 
other they were more often apportioned between both, as were 
the legacies of Richard Ireland and Thomas Blofield. Owing 
to lawsuits, into the details of which it is unnecessary to enter, the 
payment of these was deferred for some time. When received about 
1712, it was invested in the Barnham Broom estate 4 which the city 
had held for upwards of 150 years as Terry's gift. The estate had 
been mortgaged for many years, 5 and Ireland's and Blofield's money 
was now used to clear it. As a consequence, for the future eight- 
tenths of the issues were evenly divided between the two hospitals 
and the remaining two-tenths were undisturbed, as were also the 
rents arising from a water-mill and a meadow, which were not 

1 No. CXII. In 1650 the Parliamentary Government persuaded the citizens to 
purchase their fee farm rent and the New Mills and the Barnham Broom estate were 
mortgaged to provide the means. City Lease Book, A. f. 374. In 1653 the Great 
Garden was sold to the trustees of the Girls' Hospital and the sum realised was used with 
others to redeem the mortgage. Clavors' Books. See Vol. I. p. cxiij. 

2 Chamberlain's Accts. 1633-4. 

3 Court Book, no 23. f. 225d. 

4 Documents belonging to the trustees of the Municipal (General) Charities ; and 
Cast 25, f. 

5 ^200 was raised on the estate in 1661, and ^600 in 1678. The former sum 
was employed towards defraying the expenses connected with the new charter then 


cxiv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

included in the above partition. 1 They were no doubt retained to 
fulfil the conditions of Terry's will. 

The total income of the Girls' Hospital as ascertained by the 
commissioners in 1834 was 544 odd, and it had increased to 
943 15^. ^d. in 1893. The accounts commence from 7 Feb. 1653, 
no doubt the very beginning, and at first only two girls were 
maintained. The number, owing to the growth of the endowment 
and accommodation, had increased to six in 1660 and the figure was 
gradually enlarged, Blomefield finding twenty-one there in 1745. 
In 1802 the house having become dilapidated the parents or friends 
of each girl were allowed 8 a year to support and educate her and 
the number on the foundation was extended to twenty-four. It was 
increased to thirty-two three years later, and again to forty-four in 
1824. This seems to be the quantity accounted for by the charity 
commissioners ten years afterwards. 

By the Municipal Reform Act of 1836 the management of the 
Boys' and Girls' Hospitals was vested in the trustees of the 
Norwich General Municipal Charities, and a new house in Lakenham, 
where forty girls are now lodged, boarded, clothed and educated, was 
opened as a Girls' Hospital in 1864. This house was enlarged in 
1908, and now provides accommodation for about 48 girls. 
Apprenticing Charities. 

The precedent for devising money to be employed in 
apprenticing deserving young people was established by Sir Joseph 
Paine, who dying on the 15 Aug. 1668, bequeathed among other 
legacies jo to the Mayor, whereof ,60 was for binding out 12 poor 
youths whom the mayor's court should appoint. He also devised 
,200 desiring that another 70 should be paid to the Mayor from 
the proceeds every seventh year, to be applied in like manner. 2 He 
had been forestalled in his idea by John Vaughan of Saxthorpe, 
who by his will dated 1666 left 260, for the maintenance of as 
many additional lads as possible at the Boys' Hospital, and these 
were to be bound apprentices on leaving the house. 3 Vaughan did 
not die until 1669, so Paine's will was first put in execution. The 
reason why charities of this kind had not been thought of before 
may perhaps be discovered in the poor laws. As early as 27 
H. VIII. 4 parliament had roughly handled the subject, and the 
statute 39 Eliz. c. 3. had ordered the churchwardens and overseers 

1 This apportionment was modified by the Charity Commissioners in 1893. 

2 Case 25. h. 3 First Will Book, f. 58. 4 See p. xcviii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxv. 

to take measures for apprenticing poor children. From the outset 
there are instances in the accounts of the Boys' Hospital of lads 
being fitted out for apprenticeship, and corresponding cases are 
still more frequent in the accounts of the Girls' Hospital. The 
former establishment also equipped three boys who were leaving for 
New England in 1649. Sir Joseph's example was soon followed 
by others, and the benefits accruing from the donations were 
sometimes general, as in his case, or else limited either to a 
particular trade or to one or more of the city parishes. At the 
present time these charities are in great request and their funds are 
fully occupied. 

Pye's Almshouses. 

Besides the Great Hospital, other institutions for sustaining the 
honest poor in their declining years were founded from time to 
time, though of course on a smaller scale. Of these the oldest 
under the management of the municipal trustees is Pye's Almshouses, 
founded in 1614 by Thomas Pye and Anne his wife, for six poor 
dwellers, who must be above fifty years of age at the time of their 
appointment. 1 The charity is somewhat confined in its benefits being 
limited to the parishes of S l Peter Mancroft, S l Giles, and S l Mary 
Coselany. These almshouses, originally situated on the south side of 
Pottergate Street in the parish of S l Gregory, were removed to West 
Pottergate Street in Heigham in 1827, and they possess a small 
endowment which is devoted to the up-keep, the beneficiaries 
receiving nothing except their lodging. 

Doughty 's Hospital. 

This establishment has its origin from William Doughty who, 
dying in 1 688 devised ^6,000 for its erection and endowment, and 
also gave somewhat minute instructions as to the visible form he 
wished it to assume. He desired that it should accommodate 
twenty-four men and eight women, none of them being eligible 
before they had attained sixty years of age, and he left additional 
provision for a master whom he wished to reside in a separate 
dwelling near the entrance. 2 His executors carried out the will by 
purchasing a site in S l Saviour's parish, where they built the 
hospital on the lines laid down by the testator, and in 1698 the 
corporation obtained a license from King William III. to take land 
and tenements not exceeding the annual value of ^"1,000 for enabling 
the city to better support its burdens and for the better performance 

1 Second Wiil Boiki in reverse. * Case 20. d. and Case 25. g. 

cxvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

of the will of William Doughty. 1 Additional legacies accrued to the 
endowment until the weekly sum allowed the inmates for their 
maintenance reached $s. 6d. and the Master's stipend icxr. The 
Master now receives 40 and a suit of clothes every year, while 
those inmates on the foundation who are old age pensioners receive 
3-y. a week and those who are not 8s. 

The old buildings had become so ruinous in 1868 that it was 
necessary to demolish all but a few of them and a new hospital was 
then erected upon the same site capable of housing 32 persons. The 
older rooms which remain bring up the figure to 39 exclusive of the 
Master's house, but six rooms are used for nurses, infirmary, laundry 
etc. Unfortunately, owing to agricultural depression, the funds 
now fully support only 17 persons. The parish of S l John 
Sepulchre provides for eight more, appropriating Luke Fisher's 2 
and Nathaniel Cocke's charities for the purpose and these eight 
have the same allowance as Doughty's almspeople. The Town 
Close Charity maintains six more who receive $s. 6d. weekly, 
and five spare rooms are " inhabited by poor people called 
occupants. In cases where these occupants do not receive a 
government old age pension they are guaranteed 6s. a week from 
various sources. Of this sum u. is retained by the hospital for 
benefits received at the institution, that is to say, nursing, 
medical attendance, coals, lighting and washing, besides clothing 
every other year, which all the almspeople and occupants receive. 

Cook's Hospital. The smaller hospital founded by the brothers 
Thomas and Robert Cook now stands to the south of the Gilden 
Croft. It was removed to its present situation from Rose Lane 
in 1892, and a tablet placed in the centre of the building gives 
the date of its foundation as 1692, so it was no doubt erected 
by the brothers on its former site in that year. Thomas died 
on 16 April 1703 and by his will devised the house to the use of 
ten poor aged women, widows or maids. Several years previously 
Robert had granted to the corporation an annual rent of 10 arising 
from a piece of ground sometime belonging to the dissolved house 
of the Grey Friars, and from a smaller piece in the parish of S l 
George Tombland, to supply the wants of such poor persons as the 
Mayor and Aldermen should consider fit objects of charity. He 
reserved to himself the right to apply the rents to other means 
of relieving the poor if he should think it expedient and he did so at 

1 Documents of the Trustees of the Municipal (General) Charities. " Case 25. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxvii. 

the close of 1703, when he appointed that the rents should be 
paid towards the maintenance of the poor women in the alms- 
houses built by him and his brother. The next year he gave 
another rent charge of 21 per annum issuing from tenements 
in the vicinity of the hospital. 1 Further substantial gifts were 
afterwards settled upon the establishment, which continued to fulfil 
the founders' wishes until 1889. Then, pending the provision for 
better accommodation, the beneficiaries were reduced to six. In 1892 
the site in Rose Lane was sold and eight new almshouses erected as 
already stated. Here eight poor women are lodged who, in 
addition to coals receive i $s. every calendar month for their 

Modern ideas of charity are by no means local and have 
diverted the stream of benevolence into other channels, good, bad, 
and indifferent. Meanwhile the older almshouses have suffered 
from want of funds for which the depressed state of agriculture is 
largely responsible. At length the Old Age Pensions Act has 
widened their efficiency and it is to be hoped that some day these 
old institutions will receive from the public-minded testator the 
attention they well deserve. 

The Norwich Town Close Estate Charity. 

The income derived from the Town Close Estate, 2 which 
now amounts to rather more than 800 per annum, was formerly 
divided among the freemen. At present it constitutes the Town 
Close Charity, and by the scheme of administration, which was 
confirmed by order of the Court of Chancery in 1892, it is applied as 

400 per annum for gifts and pensions to such deserving and 
necessitous freemen, or their widows or daughters, as are unable to 
maintain themselves by their own exertions, provided that the 
trustees make an annual payment not exceeding 200 yearly in aid 
of Doughty's Hospital to secure the benefits of that institution to a 
certain number of resident freemen or their widows. 

Payments not exceeding i each for rewards or prizes, under 
certain conditions, for the benefit of children of resident freemen 
attending public elementary schools. 

Payments not exceeding 10 each to enable the continuance at 
school of such children not less than eleven years of age. 

Subscriptions or donations in aid of or towards the payment 

1 Case 25. g. 2 See p. cxxxviii. 

cxviii. Selected Records of the City of Norimck. 

of fees on behalf of freemen or their children at technical schools 
etc., in Norwich or elsewhere. 

Payments of exhibitions of not more than 20 each yearly, 
tenable for a period not exceeding three years at some Higher 
Grade School or the like, or in the capacity of pupil teacher at any 
Public Elementary School, to children of resident freemen properly 
qualified and not less than twelve years of age. 

If there is any unexpected surplus the trustees may expend not 
more than 2$ in any one year in subscriptions or donations to any 
hospital, infirmary, etc., upon such terms as to enable the trustees 
to secure the benefits to resident freemen, their wives, or widows 
and children, or in contributions towards the provision of nurses for 
the sick and infirm. 

This charity is administered by the Municipal (General) Trustees 
assisted by six persons who are elected by the Freemen of the city. 

The charities enumerated do not exhaust those formerly 
administered by the Corporation, and now by the Trustees of the 
Municipal and small Church Charities. There were others, such as 
coals and doles of money and bread and so forth, to be distributed to 
the poor, besides certain charities directly attached to the various 
parishes which are too numerous to be dealt with here. 

Towards the close of last year (1909) the Charity Commissioners 
submitted a draft Parliamentary Scheme which proposes to amalga- 
mate under one central body of Trustees the whole of the charities 
other than the Great Hospital and the ecclesiastical and educational 
endowments. The Hospitals, in the modern sense of the word, and 
one or two other bequests are not affected by the Scheme. 

VII. Various Matters of Interest. 

I. Population and Mortality. 

Towards the close of the reign of Edward III. the Assembly 
Rolls show that in the years between September 1365 and September 
1369, 128 citizens were admitted to the freedom. Their entrance 
fines reached a total of 121, so that the average amount received 
for a citizen's entry would be 19^. If this result be applied to the 
sums enumerated by Peter Flynt 1 in the first years of the century, it 

1 No. XLII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxix. 

will be found that the average number of persons then taking up 
their freedom was about 24 per annum, a figure closely resembling 
that given in the earliest lists of freemen which begin in 1316. 

If the average life of a citizen after admission were twenty 
years, 480 will indicate their total number, or, if only fifteen years 
may be allowed for a life, no more than 360 citizens can be 
supplied. Let it be supposed that there were rather less than 
400. The proportion to the rest of the population was 
undoubtedly small since a tithing roll of Mancroft for the year 
131 1 1 or thereabouts, gives 690 names of males over twelve 
years of age residing in that leet alone. Many of these must 
have been unmarried apprentices and labouring servants, 
still, allowing for women and infants, the entire population of the 
district cannot be computed at less than 1,100. Not more than 
90 full citizens can be allotted to it, but to their households must 
be added others which contained no citizens. 2 The Subsidy Roll 
of 1332 contains in contributors (presumably householders) in 
this leet. This would give 10 persons to each household. 

There is proof that several households were large as in the 
case of Ranulph the fishmonger, 3 and later in the century 
Kirkpatrick's copy of a roll, now lost, gives several instances of 
six or seven servants in a house, to say nothing of children. 

Let another 400 be added for the non-free families, and there 
would thus have been about 800 households in the city. Then 
if five be admitted to be the average number of persons in 
each house, allowing for more in Mancroft and Wymer, where 
the non-free class of householders was smaller than elsewhere, 
and for less in Conesford and Over the Water, 4,000 will 
represent the total of the laity. The clergy and some friars 
and beggars will account for a few more, so the whole population 
may be said to have been between 4,000 and 5,000 during the 
first decade of the fourteenth century. Naturally the argument is 
hypothetical, yet it is not easy to find more individuals, and 
unless Norwich was then only on a par with a large village of the 
present day there cannot well have been less. Taking the 
1,100 inhabitants assumed to have been in Mancroft in 1311, and 
multiplying them by four, for the population in that leet seems 
to have equalled about one-fourth of that of the entire city at 

1 Vol. I. p. 371. 2 Ib. p. 189. 3 Leet Jurisdiction in Nurwich, p. 38. 

cxx. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

this time, a very suitable result and confirmatory of the previous 
calculation is obtained. If it be further granted that the natural 
increase was o - 5 per cent, per annum the number of the inhabitants 
^ will be approaching 5,000 in 1331. 

Shortly afterwards there followed a period of unwonted 
prosperity, for the depression in agriculture caused the peasants 
to migrate to the towns, and the response of the Flemings to the 
invitation of King Edward III. raised the economic position of 
the Eastern Counties, where the majority of them settled using 
Norwich as their principal mart. 1 Moreover, the great burden of 
surrounding the city with a wall was removed by the munificence 
of Richard Spynk, who completed it at his own cost, and as if 
foreseeing the new era upon which the city was about to enter, he 
purchased a book for recording memoranda, which is described 
in the previous volume, as is also the grant of the Castle Fee in 
the same year. 2 The lists of the freemen, too, after being very 
inconsecutive give a yearly average of thirty-four entries between 
Michaelmas 1343 and Michaelmas 1348, and it is scarcely possible 
to estimate the population at less than 6,000. 

Then came the great catastrophe, the Black Death, and it 
is advisable to make some remarks upon its intensity in Norwich. 
Among the most striking incidents by which its terrible malignity 
used to be illustrated in the narratives of historical writers, was a 
statement, repeated till quite recent times, that " in the City of 
Norwich there died 57,374 persons beside religious and beggars." 3 
This statement is accepted by Blomefield, 4 who labours to show 
that there might have been then in the city and its suburbs 
" upwards of 70,000 souls." He further confirms his belief by an 
extract from the Book of Pleas belonging to the city, in which 
the mortality occasioned by the Plague is compared to nothing short 
of that caused by " the flood in the days of Noah." It is plain that 
this estimate of the population is altogether irreconcilable with the 
evidence already adduced. Apart from that evidence the statement 
can be traced to its source, and its authority tested. It is taken, as 
Blomefield himself allows, from a book which he describes as "Lib. 
Civ. MSS. in le Gild-hall," and it is therefore somewhat inexcusable 
of him to call it " the best record for the purpose," for he must have 
been aware that the book in question (now called " The Mayor's 

1 James, History of the Worsted Manufacture, p. 51. 

a pp. xli., et seq. 3 The monks and friars. 4 Vol. III. p. 93. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxxi. 

Book") was not purchased till 1526, nearly 200 years after the 
plague had taken place. The Book contains a list of Bailiffs, 
Mayors and Sheriffs, and in the margin are appended, at the proper 
dates various " memorabilia." This item is appended to the Bailiffs 
of 23 E. III. No authority for it is given, and the most probable 
explanation is that the mortality took place in Norfolk, and not 
solely in Norwich. 

A further source of confusion had been introduced into the 
matter by Blomefield's quotation 1 from the Book of Pleas? which 
some historians have misread as though Blomefield were quoting 
contemporary local evidence, for the actual number of deaths. The 
quotation, it is true, is from a contemporary record, but it makes no 
mention of Norwich or of any mortality there. It occurs in a 
Chronicle of Louth Park Abbey in Lincolnshire. A copy of this 
Chronicle originally formed the commencement of the Book of Pleas 
which was compiled about 1454. The book was bound about 1570 
and at that time the folios were erroneously rearranged, with the 
result that the first part of the chronicle was lost and the rest 
bound in towards the end instead of the beginning of the book. 
Thus placed it might deceive an unwary student into supposing that 
it was a local record, for it begins in the middle of a sentence, and 
its real character can only be discovered from one or two casual 
mentions of " Parcoluda." But even so, the passage quoted speaks 
of the world in general, and neither mentions Norwich or any 
other place. 

Setting aside, therefore this statement as altogether inadmissible, 
some slight evidence may be produced which, though very scanty, 
seems to harmonise with what has has already been cited. No 
doubt Norwich suffered severely, but hardly, perhaps, to the extent 
that might have been supposed. Take for instance the names of the 
Bailiffs. During the ten years ending at Michaelmas 1350, there 
were thirty-two persons who filled the office and seventeen of these, 
or at all events men of the same name, are found either in the 
lists of bailiffs of subsequent years, or in other records of the period 
immediately following the Black Death. So with the sets of twenty- 
four elected between 1344 and 1347, the names of 54 are preserved 
in the Old Free Book? and of these, twenty-seven are found from 
various sources to have survived. Surely a few of the remainder 
had died from ordinary causes, nor is it safe to affirm that none of 

1 lb. 2 f. cxij. d. J Vol. I. pp. 261-3. 

/ cxxii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

them were living merely because no mention of them has been 

Another records tells a different tale. When the prosperity of 
the city was reaching its culminating point in 1346, the authorities 
drew out a rent roll giving all the items of the common property and 
in whose tenure each was, with the rent due from it. 1 Some 
ten years afterwards a fresh set of names was inserted in the margin, 
which was probably done to facilitate the drawing up of a new roll, 
still extant and bearing the date 1357, where, for all practical 
purposes, the tenants' names are the same as those in the margin of 
the earlier roll. Of the eighty-one holdings enumerated all except 
eleven have changed hands in these eleven years, and although 
about eleven more of the earlier tenants were very likely still 
living, since their names occur elsewhere, it is manifest that 
a large mortality had taken place in the interval. In the 
second roll, a quantity of the tenements, nearly all of them shops 
and stalls in the market, and identical with those in the first, are 
described as ruinous and without tenants. It seems that 
the ancient form of the market collapsed. In fact, after the third 
great plague of 1369 the Drapery Row and the Lyndrapery Row 
were absorbed into the church yard of S l Peter Mancroft, 2 and 
when an extent of the property belonging to the community was 
made at the close of the century, the market appears to have 
consisted only of the stalls of the provision vendors and some 
wool shops. 3 

In the seventh decade of the century, although a recrudescence 
of the plague occurred twice, things were settling down and the 
earliest Assembly Rolls show an average of 32 individuals taking 
up their freedom annually, which by the previous argument works 
out at quite 5,000 inhabitants. 

In 1377 Edward III. obtained from parliament the grant of 
a poll tax of $d. on each of his subjects above the age of four- 
teen years, and Norwich supplied 6$ ifs. 4^., which represents 
3,95 2 groats 4 or in other words contributors to the tax. If this 
figure equals seven-tenths of the total number of the inhabitants the 
population was 5*646, or, since exactness cannot be expected, we 
may compute it at 5,500, thus inferring that it had to a great 
extent recovered from the effects of the plagues. The repeated 


4 Archceologia, Vol. VII. p. 340. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxxiii. 

visitations of the disease were the great checks upon the natural 
growth of the population, but other conditions were favourable for 
its rapid increase in the towns. For if the towns were disorganised 
by the calamity, the country districts were in a state of chaos. 
Labour and therefore consumers were scarce and much land must 
have gone out of cultivation. Besides, those labourers who were left 
demanded exorbitant pay, and as the requirements of tillage greatly 
advanced in price while the value of agricultural produce remained 
stationary, little or no profit could be obtained from the cultivation 
of large estates by former methods. On numerous manors the 
steward, or the bailiff, or both were dead, so the serfs had an 
opportunity to escape before any enquiry for survivors could be 
made, and it is not unlikely that they were more welcome in the 
towns than had hitherto been the case. There arose too a spirit of 
discontent among the peasants, destined to break out in open 
rebellion in the next reign, but meanwhile it stimulated the influx 
into the towns. 

On the whole there is no great obstacle to the supposition that 
all trace of the Black Death, so far as the population of Norwich is 
concerned, had disappeared before the close of the fourteenth 

The fifteenth century, in spite of civil war and local discords, 
appears to have been a comparatively healthy and a prosperous age. 
The existing churches in Norwich, all of which may be said to have 
been rebuilt at this period, though here and there traces of the older 
fabrics remain, indicate the truth of the last point, and the extension 
of trade and manufacture, besides supplying the funds for these 
works, would induce the merchants, no longer content with the 
residences of their forefathers, to follow the example thus set with 
their houses. Fire and changes in manners have removed these 
in their turn, still enough remains of the mansion of William 
Appleyard, the first Mayor, to bear witness to its former magni- 
ficence, and other fragments might be mentioned. 

Although no records affording any trustworthy indication of the 
population in this century have been discovered, only two outbreaks 
of the plague are known to have occurred in Norwich. One, in 
1465, is mentioned in the Paston Letters, the other, in 1479, is 
recorded in the Mayors Book} compiled, it is true, fifty years later 
than the event ; yet the fact is attested by contemporary chroniclers. 

1 p- 14- 

cxxiv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

No doubt the population increased, in all likelihood at the expense 
of the country, for from Elizabeth's reign, when the number of 
baptisms and deaths begin to receive attention, until the end 
of the eighteenth century, the deaths are almost always in excess, 
and it is reasonable to infer that the case had been the same for 
many years. The natural increase can therefore be neglected, for it 
would be more correct to speak of the natural decrease. 

With the coronation of Henry VII. the sweating sickness first 
appeared. In London, two Lord Mayors and four Aldermen 
succumbed to it in one week, and Dr. Caius considered that the 
majority of its victims were to be found among the better classes. 1 
In Norwich one of the Sheriffs and three Aldermen died, but not 
necessarily of the sweat, and nine of the sixty Common Councillors, 
sworn in at Easter, 1485, do not occur among those of i486. 2 
During the next year only one Alderman died, who was the Mayor, 
so there is no proof of any great sickness. The evidence, however, 
is not conclusive, and the same may be said of the subsequent 

The effects of the fires in 1508 were more calamitous, for they 
appear to have caused an exodus. The inclination of the well-to-do 
was for a country life, and if new houses must be built, why not 
build them in the country? Material in the shape of bricks, whether 
of native or foreign make, was now in favour for those who could 
afford it, and their homes were doubtless in several instances not 
re-edified upon the former sites, but elsewhere outside the city. 
Morever, the complaints that artisans deserted the city 3 may imply 
that this class too, at first compelled to seek shelter in the surrounding 
villages, appreciated the change, and were not over anxious to return. 
Much of this absenteeism was possibly due to the plague, which was 
more or less prevalent in London, and doubtless in the larger towns, 
throughout the reign of Henry VIII. In any case, it would be 
difficult to expand the 1,400 persons, who contributed to the subsidy 
in 1524, so as to represent a population larger than 10,000. 

The plague is scarcely heard of during the two next reigns, but, 
in 1558, Queen Mary died of the ague, a disease resembling the 
sweat in some of its symptoms, and at the same time there was a 
heavy mortality among the aldermen here, ten of whom died, 4 as 

1 Creighton, Histo> v of Epidemics, pp. 239, 263. 

2 Assembly Books. :J Assembly, 31 May, 3 E. VI. See p. Ixx. n. 5. 
4 Mayar" 1 *, Book, p. 21. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxxv. 

did also the Recorder, Ambrose Gylbert, 1 and perhaps twelve 
Common Councillors. London was again visited with the plague 
in 1563,2 and from that. date, until its final outburst in 1665, the 
country was rarely free from it. As on former occasions, for it was 
hardly conceivable that Norwich always escaped, except that the 
rules for swine and ducks may have been renewed, and the scavenging 
orders more rigidly enforced, no notice was taken of the disorder until 
1579, when the authorities seriously attempted to grapple with it. 

Before describing this terrible affliction, it must be remembered 
that the population had recently been greatly augmented by the 
introduction of the Dutch and Walloon aliens, fleeing from the 
religious persecution in the Low Countries. The subject has already 
received attention in Section VI., and it will be sufficient to repeat 
here that these aliens were first introduced in 1565, and their con- 
tinuous immigration had by this time swelled their numbers to 
upwards of 5,000. 

Queen Elizabeth had been in Norwich in the August of 1578. 
The plagne was then raging in London, 3 and, paraphrastically, 
Blomefield* asserts that she brought the contagion with her. If 
that were the case, and the truth of his statement may never be 
known, the virus seems to have remained dormant for several 
months. For though some unusual sanitary precautions were taken 
in February, I579, 5 it was not until the last day of March that the 
plague was admitted to have broken out, and then only in 
S l Stephen's and All Saints' parishes. Attention was directed 
to the dirty habits of the aliens, of whom it was also complained 
that they polluted the river by scouring their bays in it, combed 
their wool in open shops, and so forth. Regulations on these 
heads, insisting, among other things, upon the use of disinfectants, 
were immediately passed, and handed to the ministers of the Dutch 
and Walloon congregations for publication, 6 while all butchers were 
forbidden to slaughter their cattle within the walls. 7 Precautions 
proved unavailing, and towards the end of June, when the 
pestilence had obtained a firm hold upon the city, a certain 
Thomas Ussher was appointed to certify the Court weekly of 
the number of deaths. 8 It is from his returns that the progress 

1 Assembly, Thursday after St. Peter ad Vincula, 5 & 6. P. & M. 

2 Creighton, p. 304, ' Ib, p. 341. 4 Vol. III. p. 354. 
5 Court Book> no. 12. f. 361. Assembly, 24 Feb. 21. Eliz. 


cxxvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

of the disease can best be traced. They begin with 56 deaths 
for the week ending 2/th June, 1 by August the number had 
reached 244, and twice during that month it was above 300, the 
highest figure, 352, occurring in the second week. The weekly 
deaths remained above 200 until the middle of October, when 
things began to improve, the number being below 50 by the 
middle of December, yet another six months elapsed before the 
epidemic entirely subsided. 

When it was at its height the authorities may well have felt 
themselves powerless to contend with it. Still they passed an 
order that the inmates of afflicted houses should keep within 
doors for a period of six weeks, during which the means of 
support was supplied to them from a fund created for the purpose. 2 
In March 1580, however, a determined effort was made to stamp 
out the smouldering embers, before the summer could re-kindle 
them. It was commanded that a writing should be published in 
the churches to the effect that those living in the infected houses 
should not leave them, except they openly carried a white wand 
two feet in length. The parish sextons were also ordered to affix 
papers bearing the words, " The Lord have mercye upon us," on 
the doors of such houses, penalties being devised for those who 
should tear them off, and further, no household-stuff was to be sold 
before the first of May. 3 

The plague ceased about the end of May or the beginning 
of June, but its ravages in Norwich must have approximated to 
those of the Black Death. As usual in such cases, the accounts 
of the mortality vary. The Mayor's Boo& gives 4,841 deaths from 
all causes, that is during the mayoral year, while the weekly returns, 
which are perfect for the same period, record 4,932, and neither 
total includes the first three months of the visitation, at the 
lowest estimate of its duration. Blomefield 5 puts the number at 
4,817, seemingly in a year and a half. The divergence is, however, 
comparatively small, and the conclusion that Norwich lost 5,000 
of its inhabitants in the years 1579-80 is surely no exaggeration. 

Blomefield's assertion, that among those who perished were 
ten Aldermen, 6 is incorrect. As a matter of fact, the annual lists 
of these worthies in the Assembly Books make it clear that every 
one of them, who witnessed the festivities at the Queen's coming, 

1 Court Book, no. 10. f. 4o;d. 2 No. CCCLIII. 

a No. CCCLIX. 4 p. 24. 5 Vol. III. p. 354. G Ib. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich, cxxvii. 

was living three years afterwards. For them, at least, the period 
was not unhealthy, and evidently Blomefield has merely repeated 
the incident of 1558. 

It is improbable that Norwich had been afflicted to the 
extent just described since the fourteenth century, and certainly 
the like never happened again, for although the plague was a 
frequent visitor in after years, as Blomefield has recorded, some- 
times claiming its victims by hundreds, at others by units, 1 they 
never reached the number carried off in 15/9. Even the last great 
pestilence, that of 1665, which has received so much attention, 
owing to Defoe's graphic description of it in London, killed in one 
year only 2,251, according to Blomefield, who also states that the 
deaths from all causes were 3,012, and the greatest mortality in 
one week 203. 2 Moreover, when the two epidemics are compared, 
the growth of the population must be taken into the account. 

But it will be asked, what was the population in 1579? The 
answer is beset with difficulties, still there are figures which ought 
to indicate it roughly. Let them be taken as they stand. In 1583, 
the third year after the plague, it is recorded that the number of 
strangers was 4,679, 3 and in the same year the weekly returns of 
deaths amount to 421, of which 139 were of strangers and 282 
of natives, the proportion being almost exactly I : 2. It follows 
therefore that the total population was 14,000, and the annual 
death rate 30 per 1,000, or 3 per cent. Unfortunately, that is 
much higher than the percentage of the baptisms, and one or more 
ways of accounting for the discrepancy must be mentioned. 
Perhaps the baptisms of the strangers are not included in the 
returns, or, since trade was active, there may have been a rush 
to fill the vacancies, which would augment the deaths, but not 
the baptisms. The returns for the year 1581 are deficient by six 
weeks, but the average of weekly deaths works out at 6*5, or 340 
in the year, and to obtain a result comforming with the above 
reasoning, no higher annual death rate than 26 per 1,000 is 
admissible. This figure will only produce 13,000, still, a consider- 
able fall in the rate was to be expected after so great a scourge. 
The influx must have been taking place for some months at 
this date, so the only possible deduction seems to be, that after 
the plague there remained between 12,000 and 13,000 survivors, 

1 Vol. III. pp. 356, 360, 363, 372, 376-7, 379, 392, 404. * //'. p. 410. 


cxxviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

and since 5,000 had perished, the previous population had stood 
between 17,000 and 18,000. 

Some account of the able-bodied manhood appearing at the 
musters at this time will be found in the previous volume. 1 It 
does not, however, seem possible to obtain any estimate of the 
population from the figures there given, at least they cannot be 
reconciled with the above calculation, compared with which they 
are ludicrously small. 

Very likely when men began to enquire to what cause the 
plague, or rather its virulence, could be attributed, their suspicions 
fell upon the water supply, then derived from wells sunk in a soil, 
which must have become contaminated in the course of centuries. 
At all events, within a year or two, water was carried by leaden 
pipes from the river to the market place, and, to use a modern 
phrase, laid on into the houses of those citizens who desired it. 
No doubt only the more enlightened availed themselves of the 
boon. The majority of the inhabitants would be content with 
things as they were, and the benefit derived could only have been 
partial. Still, the engineering scheme seems to have been surprisingly 
good for the age, 2 but whether it proved a success, or was properly 
carried out, has not been discovered. 

The 450 deaths in 1601, a year free from plague, would indicate 
15,000 inhabitants, and in that year, for once, the number of 
baptisms was equal to that of the deaths. The plague was, however, 
very severe in 1603, and again in 1665 as already stated, so that it 
is somewhat astonishing to discover that when a census was taken 
in 1693 it was found that there were 28,911 persons. Even if the 
mortality returns, upon which the previous estimates have been 
based, did not include the hamlets, these only contributed 816 at 
the date of the enumeration. In 1752 the population had increased 
to 36,369, at which time there were 7,139 houses, 3 and the death 
rate, based upon a five years' average, was 32 per In 1786 
there were 40,061 souls, but the first government census of 1801 
showed only 36,832. There were 68,713 in 1851, 100,964 in 1891, 
and 111,733 in 1901, about 36,000 of whom dwelt within the 
limits of the ancient walls. 

2. River and Streets. 

It is possible that Norwich owes its existence to its river, or if 

1 p. 414. 2 No. CCCCLXII. 

3 BlytKs Norwich Guide, p. 241. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxxix. 

it is more correct to say its ford, the latter implies the former. At 
any rate our records represent the citizens as keenly alive to the 
importance of the stream and no doubt they were so from the 

The early Leet Rolls show that need was felt to preserve the 
river from obstruction and pollution. The fishing too was jealously 
protected, the authorities holding the opinion that the decrease in 
the supply of food from that source was due to improper nets and 
the use of them at improper seasons, 1 whereas now-a-days one is 
prone to the conviction that the increasing contamination of the 
water was driving the fish away. 

From the beginning of history in these islands the broad 
estuary which linked Norwich with the sea had been gradually 
contracting and there must have come a time when the stream 
would no longer meet the needs of the city unless periodical steps 
were taken to open it. When that time came we have no definite 
knowledge, still we find that some measures were taken for cleansing 
the river in 1 367,2 and in 1380 the assembly considered it necessary 
to prohibit the inhabitants from carrying away their refuse by 
water. 3 Some extracts from lost assembly rolls, left by Kirkpatrick, 
seem to imply that anxiety was increasing in the reign of Henry IV., 
and we know that scouring operations were urgent and undertaken 
in 1422.* From that time onwards orders and expenditure for the 
purpose were frequent so that Ralph Segrym's legacy 5 towards the 
upkeep of the river must have proved very acceptable. Again it 
may have been in connection with the river scouring that the 
Common Quay or Stathe in Conesford was entirely rebuilt in 1432, 
the interesting indenture containing the contract being still extant. 6 

From time to time orders were made to prevent the soil and 
rubbish from the streets from being washed into the stream, and in 
I590 7 all the ordinances to this effect were inspected, from which 
we learn that certain orders for paving the streets, now lost, were 
passed in 1428-9. The earliest remaining are those of I467, 8 and 
from that date the maintenance of the streets usually falls under the 
same head as that of the river. 

In 1478 a contract was ordered to be made for cutting the 

1 No. cxxxvm. 2 Vol. I. p. 267. 

3 No. CXXXIII. 4 Vol. I. p. 277. 

8 No. CLVII. 6 No. CCCCLX. 

7 Assembly, 24 Feb. 32 Eli/,. 8 No. CLXIX. 

cxxx. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

weeds and extracting them from the water as far as Surlingham, 1 a 
distance of six miles, and the next year the riparian owners in the 
city were compelled to perform the duty within the limits of the 
walls. 2 The Chamberlain's Accounts also for the year 1490-1 reveal 
a large outlay for cleansing the river. 

It must not be supposed that the medieval stream closely 
resembled the present river, at least in its course through Norwich. 
The modern methods of dredging were unknown, and the bed 
being more shallow the volume of water must have required a wider 
channel, or else the current was more rapid. Most likely both of 
these conditions were required to compensate the deficiency in 
depth while the boats then in use had but small draught. 

A rate was laid in 1514 for the expenses incurred in carrying 
away the refuse from the streets, 3 and another amounting to 40, or 
half a fifteenth, in 1517, for the repair of the river banks. At the 
same time an officer called a canelreaker was appointed whose 
duties seem to have consisted in raking out the refuse from the 
water-channel in the middle of the streets, and carting it away 
before it could be washed into the river. 4 In 1532 the river was 
once more in a bad state, and permanent orders for its upkeep were 
established. The Justices of Peace, the Aldermen and the brethren 
of S* George's Gild were to find a workman four, three and two 
days respectively in every year, and all other inhabitants were to be 
assessed for the same work. Such persons whose occupations 
caused them to pollute the water were charged more than others, and 
surveyors were appointed to oversee and direct the operations. 5 
Some time afterwards, in 1543, the method employed for 
deepening the channel is very well described, 6 and a water bailiff was 
first appointed in the same year. This officer's duty was not so 
much to have an eye to the condition of the river, as to present 
offenders against the statute or municipal laws, such as illegal 
exportation and the employment of false measures under the first 
head, and the use of unlawful nets under the second. 7 Notwith- 
standing this, two years later the company of fishermen brought a 
petition to the assembly complaining that the river was over fished, 
and desiring that every fisherman should be compelled to keep a dog 
to kill the otters. The request was granted and the number of nets 

1 No. CLXXIX. 2 No . CLXXX. 

3 Assembly, Friday after the Translation of St. Thomas 6 H. VIII. 
4 No. CXCVIII. 5 No. CCV. 6 No. CCXCII. ' No. CCXVII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxxxi. 

which anyone individual might use was limited, though the quantity 
allowed appears liberal enough. 1 

Commissions of Sewers date from 1428, the form of them being 
then set out by the statute 6 H. VI. c. 5, but although there is in the 
Liber Albus a copy of a royal commission, drawn up about 1450, 
which somewhat resembles a commission of sewers, it cannot be 
classed as such. It bears no actual date, so perhaps the 
original was never executed. 2 Important by-laws for the river and 
streets were issued by the assembly in I5$2, 3 and before the close of 
the same year a commission of sewers was taken out. 4 It is the 
earliest which can be found at present, and presumably Norwich had 
not been awarded one till now. After this they are fairly numerous, 
all being in the form prescribed by the statute 23 H. VIII. c. 5. in 
which the wording of the earlier act was a little altered. Another 
result of the last mentioned by-laws, though a tardy one, was that 
the river and street account was now kept in a book by itself 
instead of forming part of the Chamberlains' accounts as hitherto. 
The first book begins in IS56, 5 and it may be stated here that 
the books containing the proceedings of the commissioners of sewers 
do not begin until 1615. 

In the first year of Elizabeth's reign, upon great complaint 
that owing to many good houses being in a state of decay, the 
streets in front of them were in a like condition, it was ordered that 
the owners of such houses should be held responsible for the repair 
of the streets adjoining them, provided that these had been paved 
within the last twenty years, under the penalty of 6d. for every 
square yard neglected. 7 An order of the assembly in 1570, how- 
ever, laments that little or no reformation had ensued, and proceeds 
to enact that the Aldermen of every petty ward with certain 
commoners should appoint a scavenger for every parish within their 
ward. The principal duties of these officers were to see that the 
streets were swept by the owners or tenants of the adjacent houses, 
or at their expense by men in the scavenger's employ, and that the 
dustman, if the term may be allowed, removed the sweepings 
weekly. The scavengers were further to collect the assessment 
levied at the time to cover the expenses, and also to see that 
chimneys were swept when necessary, and that fire-backs were in a 


4 Case 14. a. 5 Case 19. b. 6 Ib. 7 No. CCXXXII. 

cxxxii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

safe condition. 1 These rules were only to remain in force for twelve 
months and then they apparently lapsed, but they were revived for 
the two successive years 1579 and 1580, when the city was plague 

stricken. 2 

The assembly which issued the regulations for the scavengers 
also considered it advisable to limit the number of passage boats 
plying between Norwich and Yarmouth to three, as it was alleged 
that the river was a means of bringing in undesirable persons and 
aided their escape after their misdeeds. The management of the 
boats was entrusted to men who were licensed for the purpose and 
who entered into bonds to observe certain specified articles. 3 

Further regulations for the river and streets were passed in 
1590, which are introduced by the list of the previous orders then 
existing as already stated and the lost Assembly Books undoubtedly 
contained others. The Sewers Book gives the information that in 
1663 the commissioners decided that the river should be made 22 
yds. wide at Whitlingham Kiln, most likely the point now known as 
Whitlingham White House, from whence the width was to be 
increased one foot per mile as far as Hardley Cross. 4 

In 1670, Yarmouth being at great expense in order to keep the 
haven clear obtained an Act of Parliament granting permission to 
impose a duty on all goods except fish in the port 5 and the 
opposition of Norwich was overcome by a promise to pay the city 
50 per annum for the upkeep of the river between the New Mills 
and the Common Staith. 6 This act was to remain in force for ten 
years if necessary, but it was renewed for seven years in 1678, that 
is to say until 1685. Then it was again renewed for fourteen years, 7 
and in 1686 fresh orders for cleansing the river were passed by the 
assembly. 8 

Further acts relating to the haven and pier were afterwards 
passed. One of I7o6 9 awarded to Norwich out of the revised duties 
paid by the importers of coals who were not freemen, 60 for 
cleansing and deepening the river from the New Mills to 
Hardley Cross. In this sum the previous agreement for 
the payment of 50 was merged, and the book containing 

1 No. CCXL. 2 Assembly, 31 March, 21 Eliz. and 15 April, 22 Eliz. 

3 No. CCXXXIX. 4 No. CCCCLXIII. 5 Stat. 22 C. II. c. 2. 

6 Court Book, no. 24. f. 195. City Lease Book, B. f. I58d. 

7 Stat. 29 C. II. c. 10. ; i J. II. c. 16. 

8 Folio book, f. 128. s Stat. 5 Anne, c. 7. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich, cxxxiii. 

the account of the expenditure of the money is preserved. 
It closes in 1723 owing to another Haven and Pier Act 
being carried through parliament 1 by which \\d. in every 
shilling raised by the general tolls at Yarmouth was to be paid to 
the Chamberlain of Norwich for the purpose last stated. In 
consequence the River Committee was appointed in 1724, and the 
books of its proceedings continue from that time down to the 
Municipal Reform Act. 2 

By the Statute 23 Geo. II. c. 6. the tolls at Yarmouth were 
increased by one half, but the payment to Norwich remained the 
same, that is, i\d. in every is. 6d. raised, so that the city received 
the same amount from the goods landed at the port as previously, 
the increase going elsewhere. The sum thus derived was to be 
applied as before, and fresh books of the accounts of the Haven and 
Pier money date from this year. 

In the minutes of the proceedings at the early assemblies 
occasional orders are found for lighting the streets, the duty being 
imposed on householders, for a few hours after sunset from 
Christmas to Epiphany. 3 In more recent times, that is to say in 
1700, an Act of Parliament 4 was obtained for the purpose, and in 
accordance with it an undertaker to set up lamps was appointed in 
the autumn of that year. 5 This act was amended by a clause in the 
Workhouse Act io th Anne, 6 though Blomefield, an eye-witness of the 
result, speaks disparagingly of it. 7 A committee formed in 1800 to 
consider a plan for the better lighting, paving and cleansing the 
streets, issued a report the same year, 8 but owing probably to the 
famine then prevailing its adoption was deferred for the time. The 
necessary act of parl ament 9 was at last obtained in 1806, and 
commissioners were appointed to carry it out. This body continued 
for many years and after spending ^300,000 left Norwich the worst 
paved town in England and with a heavy municipal debt. Another 
act of parliament 10 was procured in 1820 for lighting the city with 
gas. This improvement was effected by a company of shareholders, 
and since that time the streets have been illuminated by gas lamps. 

1 9 G. I. c. 10. 

2 These books and others mentioned below will be found in Case 19. d. 

3 No. CXLVIII. 4 it and 12 W. III. c. 15. 

5 Court Book, no. 26. f. 94. Private Act. 7 Vol. III. p. 4^ 

8 Norfolk Chronicle, I Feb. and 8 March 1800. 

9 466. III. c. 67. 10 i G. IV. c. 11. 

cxxxiv. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

The gas first supplied was produced from oil, which was superseded 
by coal gas in 1825 when the British Gas Light Company took over 
the older works. 

Owing to the polluted condition of the river below Norwich 
causing much annoyance to the riparian householders in that 
direction the disposal of the sewage became an urgent problem in 
1866. After great local opposition a scheme for diverting it from 
the river and transmitting it by water carriage to a sewage farm was 
finally sanctioned by parliament 1 and the works were first partially 
used in April 1871. 

Before leaving this subject it is advisable to mention the 
Tonnage Act, 12 Geo. I. c. 15, the bill for which was drafted by a 
special committee appointed by the assembly on 18 Jan. 1726. In 
about three months from that date the bill had become law 
explaining that the walls, gate=, bridges, stathes and roads were in 
a very ruinous state, and that the city revenues were so exhausted 
that they were no longer able to support the burden of repairing 
them. It then proceeded to draw up a schedule of tolls to be paid 
on all goods and merchandise brought up the river higher than 
Thorpe Hall, and the sum thus raised was ordered to be employed 
for the upkeep of the above fabrics. 

The act came into operation on i May. A committee had been 
appointed to carry it out on 27 April, 2 and the books of the 
proceedings of this body during the existence of the old corporation 
are complete. The Journal or Ledger Books begin in 1786 and 
display the daily receipts arising from the tolls. 

In 1732 on the advice of the tonnage committee the Market 
Cross was demolished 3 and towards the end of the century nine of 
the city gates were removed and the rest were dismantled 4 soon 
afterwards. From this time little or no care was bestowed upon the 
walls, still it would be wrong to hold the committee as altogether 
responsible for these actions or omissions. The gates and walls had 
become a useless source of expense, and in the books of the 
proceedings there is plenty to show that other opportunities for 
spending the income to advantage were not wanting. Indirectly too 
it was owing to this act, that the ancient street system was 
considerably modified in the early part of the nineteenth century, 
three new bridges being then built. The first stone of Carrow 

1 30 and 31. Vic. c. 102. 2 Tunnage Committee Book. 3 Ib. 

* Fitch, The Gales of Norwich. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxxxv. 

Bridge was laid in April, 1810, and of Foundry Bridge the following 
August, the latter being opened about 1814 as a toll bridge. It was 
at first mainly a timber structure which was replaced by a new iron 
bridge and freed from tolls in 1844, when the railway station was 
built in its vicinity, whereas tolls were exacted on Carrow Bridge 
until i January 1900. Duke's Palace Bridge was completed in 
I822 1 and at length freed from tolls in 1855. After a lapse of half 
a century a fourth bridge, S l Martin's in Coslany, was erected at the 
expense of the Eastern and Midlands Railway Company when their 
line was extended to Norwich. 

Access to Thorpe Station and village was greatly facilitated in 
1862 by the construction of Prince of Wales Road from King 
Street to Foundry Bridge, and in recent years the introduction of 
electric tramways has necessitated the widening of some of the 
existing streets and the opening out of new ones. 
3. Fairs. 

Although the citizens are found explaining to the King in 1332 
that a fair was held in Norwich twice in the year, 2 they must have 
been referring to those of the Priory, or treating these as one, that of 
the Prioress of Carrow would stand for the other. In London the fairs 
belonged to religious houses and the case was similar in many other 
towns. Cambridge is a notable exception where the burgesses had 
the grant of one at an early period, but even here the great fair of 
Stourbridge belonged to a humble leper house. The nuns of Carrow 
obtained theirs by grant from King John 3 and they had the same 
rights of toll in the city as the Prior had during his fairs. The 
Carrow fair was held on the 7 September and two following days 
and engendered the same ill feeling as did the Prior's fairs, 
though to a less degree. The disputes were adjusted in I29O, 4 that 
is to say, during the interval between the burning of the Cathedral 
Priory and the composition made with the Prior. 

There was also another fair belonging to the Leper Hospital of 
S l Mary Magdalen, the institution of which is obscure. It was 
held on 22 July, the dedication festival of the hospital, and very 
likely on the day before and after as was the case when the 
house was dissolved. Kirkpatrick 5 mentions it as existing in 1286, 
and it was abolished by irregular methods in 1826. In its latter 

1 Cases 19. d, 22. a. 

2 Vol. I. p. 63. 3 Rye, Carrow Abbey, App. VI. 4 No. CCCCIX. 
6 Religious Orders in Norwich, p. 295. 

cxxxvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

days it seems to have been the chief local mart for cheese, and 
perhaps rushes for lights, for there is reason to believe that the 
rush fair continued for some years after the nominal suppression. 1 

About Michaelmas 1482, King Edward IV. was in Norwich, 
and at his departure the citizens presented a bill, no doubt 
drafted in the form of letters patent, granting them the liberty 
of two fairs annually. To this the King affixed his sign manual 
and shortly left the city. On 4 October the Recorder and 
two others bearing a gift of 50 marks and also the request that 
he would grant them the bill under his privy seal, were sent to 
find him at Harling, 2 and there is scarcely room to doubt that 
the charter dated at Westminster on II November following 3 was 
the result of the interview. For some reason even this was con- 
sidered insufficient and finally letters patent exemplifying the 
charter and dated on 28 Nov. were obtained. 4 

Each of these fairs was to last for a period of three weeks, 
the first beginning on the Thursday week after Ash Wednesday 
and the second on 30 June. But after all the trouble and 
expense undergone to procure them the result, as represented, looks 
exceedingly like a fiasco. During Richard's reign and for the first 
year of Henry VII. the Chamberlain's books give the names of 
all the traders 6 who came and the sums paid for piccage, there 
being a great falling off even in this short time. The next year 
nothing is received under this head, because the ground of tke 
community was not occupied nor hired? Very soon after the single 
word nil is considered a sufficient account, which is continued for 
several years when all mention on the credit side of the accounts 
is discontinued. On the debit side the case is different, for there 
are found small sums paid to the waits for announcing the 
Marts, with a flourish of trumpets or other instruments, and to 
the sacrist of S l Peter's church for ringing the great bell. 7 The 
Lent Fair is named in the Sheriff's Officer's Book on 26 February 
1607 and on the 10 March following the Sheriffs held a court of 
piepowder. There is thus some reason to suppose that while the 
Free Marts were of no direct advantage to the corporate body 
they conveyed some benefits on the citizens in other ways. 

By his second charter, dated 22 March 1683, Charles II., as 

1 Eastern Daily Press, 31 Oct. 1882, and I June 1907. 

2 No. CLXXXI, 3 Vol. I. p. 42. 

4 Case 26 f. 5 No. CI- No. CIV. 7 No. CV. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich, cxxxvii. 

though making a poor compensation for the liberties he then 
revoked, granted a five days' fair to the citizens, which was to 
be held in the Town Close beginning on 10 September. 1 Nothing 
more is known of it, and perhaps the citizens, in their resentment 
of the King's action, refused to countenance it. Apart from this 
a curious legal question arises, namely what must have happened 
to the fair when the charter of 1663 with the former liberties 
was restored in 1687? If the restoration completely annulled the 
second charter one would suppose that there was an end to the 
right of holding the fair. There was a fair, however, in this 
direction in the 19 th century, that is to say at Harford Bridges, 2 
a mile distant from the Town Close. It was called Lammas fair 
from its being held originally on I August, and its connection 
with the other is therefore unlikely. 

Another obscure fair was held at Bishop's Bridge on Easter 
Monday and Tuesday. It still exists as a pleasure fair, but it 
is now, like Tombland Fair to which it forms a sequel, held at 
the north end of the Cattle Market, as is also another fair at 

Of the origin of Tombland Fair, the only one of importance 
yet remaining, it is necessary to give a longer account, but first 
it will be more convenient to explain how the citizens acquired 
the great fairs of Pentecost and Trinity from the Prior. 

Towards the close of the reign of Henry VII. the old feud 
with the Prior broke out again. The Sheriff was assaulted by 
the monks in i5o6, 3 and something like a riot occurred at a 
muster on Mousehold shortly after. These differences were settled 
before 1511, for when the Capital Justices in 1516 requested that 
any contentions between the city and the Prior should be arbi- 
trated in their presence, they were informed that there were none 
and such as had been were adjusted in the mayoralty of Robert 
Aylemer. 4 Most likely the Justices had heard of something, 
though what was brewing was so indefinite at the time that 
the reply of the citizens was excusable. We may conclude 
that both parties were scandalized at their officers scuffling in 
the streets, and recognized that the day for such scenes had 
passed. The old composition had now given way with years, and 
a fresh arrangement seems to have been desired on both sides. 

1 Town Close Evidences, p. 80. a Local Newspapers. 

a No. CCCCXLIX. 4 Assembly, Wednesday after St. Luke K H. VIII. 

cxxxviii. Selected Records of the City of Nonvick. 

Moreover, the practice of enclosing lands was the order of the 
day and it is probable that the Prior wished to enclose the 
commons of Lakenham and Eaton, provided that he could per- 
suade the citizens to part with their rights there. 

The next year, 1517, Cardinal Wolsey was in Norwich. 1 He 
seems from certain allusions to have effected a modus vivendi by 
drawing up the basis of an agreement between the parties. The 
original draft is not now forthcoming, but probably, in its broad 
lines, it was very similar to the final compact of 1524. From what 
comes to hand we gather that the Prior proposed to surrender the 
liberties of his Pentecost fair and his leets without the precinct, 
for a payment of 500 marks by the citizens. The Cathedral pre- 
cinct, Holmstrete and Ratonrowe were to be recognized as within 
the County of Norfolk in the hundred of Blofield, and the 
citizens were to surrender their rights of commonage in Lakenham 
and Eaton. The last two points were the real crux of the situa- 
tion for the citizens would not agree to them, 2 and there still 
exist long rolls of paper devoted to drafts of a composition, 
amended again and again until they are quite bewildering, 3 but 
no real progress was made. At last both parties were advised 
that unless the affair was settled on the lines laid down by the 
Cardinal within three weeks after Easter 1522, Commissioners in 
Eyre would determine it. 4 The only result of this was that 
shortly after Easter three citizens were elected to proceed to 
London to uphold the interest of the city during the coming 
term, 5 yet as late as March 1524 little or no advance appears to 
have been made, and in April three other citizens were sent as 
the city's attorneys to appear before the Cardinal and the King's 
Council. 6 At last it was agreed that all the area within the 
Cathedral precinct should be held to be in the County of Norfolk 
and hundred of Blofield, while the difficulty over the common was 
overcome by the Prior granting eighty acres of it to the citizens 
to be enclosed as their separate estate. These eighty acres remain 
to the present day as the most valuable possession of the city, bearing 
the name of the Town Close Estate. The agreement was dated 
on 26 August 1524 and is one of the longest of the records. It 
was printed in full among the Town Close Evidences in 1887. 

1 Mayor's Book, p. 18. 2 No. CCCCL. 3 Case 9 g 

4 Court Book, no. 2, f. 146. 

6 Assembly, Thursday after- the Nativity of St. John the Baptist 14 H. VIII. 

6 Ib. Monday before St. George 15 H. VIII. 

The Initial Letter of the Agreement made between the Prior 
and the Citizens in 1524, 

The central figure is doubtless the Prior. The Monk on his left appears to be 
protesting against the delivery of the writing. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich, cxxxix 

Even after the settlement several months elapsed while the various 
clauses were being arranged. In October the King granted the 
citizens a charter sanctioning the composition with respect to the 
common pasture, and again, in the following June, another 
sanctioning the release of the jurisdiction within and without the 
Cathedral precinct by either party respectively. 1 

Thus the matter rested until 1538, when by letters patent 
dated 2 May the Prior and Convent were converted into the Dean 
and Chapter, 2 and on 10 January in the next year the new ecclesi- 
astical body entered into an arrangement with the corporation of 
the city in which they consented that the precinct should be 
reckoned as parcel of the County of the City of Norwich. 3 The 
charter or letters patent sanctioning this was granted on 6 April 
1 539> 4 an d it was immediately followed by a further composition 
between the Dean and Chapter and the city settling their respec- 
tive rights and jurisdictions. 5 

Thus by the final award of Cardinal Wolsey the city obtained 
the ancient Pentecost Fair which long remained the principal one in 
the year. It died out, however, about the middle of the last century. 

The beginnings of the fair now held on Maundy Thursday, and 
called "Tombland Fair," are very obscure. It was formerly known 
as "Good Friday Fair" and was certainly held on that day until 
1686, when a proclamation was made at the Whitsuntide Fair that 
the former should for the future take place on the day before Good 
Friday. 6 

The first definite mention of it occurs in the Chamberlains 
accounts for 1580-1 and before this date only Pentecost and Trinity 
Fairs are named, excepting the fairs with which the city had nothing 
to do and the Free Marts, nor should it be forgotten that the 
statute 27 H. VI. c. 5. s.i. prohibited the keeping of fairs on Good 
Friday and on Sundays. It may be that this statute had fallen into 
abeyance owing to the change of religious opinions, still it seems 
hardly possible that a recognized fair could take place on so solemn 
a fast previous to the rise of puritanism. On the other hand there 
certainly was a gathering of some kind on the day in question all 
through the i6 th century. Kirkpatrick has made a note from the 
account rolls of the Sacrist of the Priory for 15057 where he found 

1 Vol. I. pp. 43, 44. - Lib. Alb. Norw. f. civ. 8 Case 9. h. 

4 Vol. I. p. 44, ' No. CCCCLI, 


cxl. Selected Records of the City of Noi'wich. 

a small sum entered, as received at the time of the fairs and on 
Good Friday, and the city Chamberlains account for a similar 
sum received on that day for half the vacant ground on Tombland 
in 1523-4 and I524-5, 1 that is, at almost exactly the same date as 
Cardinal Wolsey's award. Now the earlier sacrist's rolls make no 
mention of Good Friday in this sense and in the place of the above 
entry they have Received for stallage at the time of the fair and in 
synods?- They carry us back to, and even beyond the composition 
of 1306 where it is stated that victuals and small wares may be bought 
and sold without the Priory gates at the time of the synods and on 

Kirkpatrick has also left an extract from an assembly roll of 1380, 
now lost, by which the whole community grants that the market for 
victuals may be held on Tombland every Sunday as anciently was 
used, 4 and Tombland Fair seems to have had its origin in an annual 
synod just before Easter when a few stalls for refreshments and 
trinkets were erected on Tombland. 

At an assembly held in December 1532 it was determined to 
revive the ancient custom, for that is what it is called, of the Mayor's 
riding to Magdalen Fair. 5 No mention of such a procession has 
been discovered before this time, so that if the custom were an old 
one it must have been dormant for many years and the statement 
remains exceedingly vague, since it is not known when the fair was 
instituted, nor is it impossible that it was a consequence of this 
riding. It may be that when the city lost its claim to any ancient 
banlieu, including the suburb of the Magdalen, in 1443, the custom 
had been discontinued, but now, owing to the general opinion of the 
insecurity of the religious corporations, there was a feeling that 
the old claim ought to receive some fresh attention. If that were the 
case this was the first step towards the definition of the county 
boundary finally determined by the charter of 1556, and it is 
probable that had it not been for the troubles of Kett's rebellion 
and the premature death of Edward VI. the matter would not have 
waited so long for its final settlement. 

The reasons, however, for the revival of the riding are said to 
have been quite otherwise, and they may have been stated to allay 
any suspicions which might arise in certain quarters anent the 
boundary between Norwich and Norfolk. They were, that it was to 

1 No. CVI. 2 Diocesan Assemblies. 3 p. 272. * No. CCCCLXXIII. 

5 No. CCX. Vol. I. p. Ixxxii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxli. 

the advantage of the city that the watch in harness should go with the 
Mayor, so that by the necessary overhauling all defects might be 
ascertained and rectified before the ceremony, thereby providing that 
all things were in due order against any sudden emergency, and 
affording an increase of employment to various persons. 

A canon made in 1536 annulled the observance of the festival 
of S' Mary Magdalen, and on this account the riding was discontinued 
by an order of the Assembly on 20 July 1538. The next year it 
was decided that it should take place for the future on the Tuesday 
in Pentecost week, 1 and though nothing is said respecting the great 
fair which would then be proceeding, it can scarcely be doubted that 
that was the principal factor in fixing the date. In 1541 the 
Magdalen's festival was again hallowed, still it does not appear 
that the riding to Magdalen Fair was resumed, and it is more 
reasonable to suppose that the cavalcade continued to visit the 
Pentecost Fair. 

4. The Gild of S' George. 

It is only necessary here to supplement the account of this 
gild which has already appeared in our first volume. 2 There is"" 
some reason to expect that it was founded by Bishop Henry 
Despencer, who was more of a soldier than an ecclesiastic, for 
his arms were displayed on certain of the gild's possessions. 3 Most 
likely this gild adopted S l George as its patron saint, in imitation 
of the Order of the Garter, to which the Bishop's father had 
belonged. It can be proved that some of the brethren fought 
at the battle of Agincourt, and possibly that event had something 
to do with the grant of the charter of incorporation by Henry V. 
But whether Sir Thomas Erpingham, Sir John Fastolf and other 
influential persons were, as members, instrumental in obtaining 
that grant, or whether they did not join the gild till afterwards, 
is not clear. 

From the date of the charter nothing more is heard of the 
military character of the gild and Mrs. Green is of the opinion that 
it was procured by the country gentry, the wool growers, in order to 
obtain some control over the corporation of Norwich, which by 
virtue of the grant of the alnage of cloth in 1410, was meddling 
with the affairs of the County of Norfolk. 4 

Nothing, however, has been found to demonstrate that the 

1 Assembly, 13 July 31 H. VIII. " pp. Ixxvi. xcix.-ci. 

3 PP- 396, 399, infra. 4 Tffwn Life in the XVth Century. Vol. II. p. 386. 

cxlii. Selected Records of the City of Nonvich. 

existence of this imperium in imperio was responsible for the 
discords within the city. Yet, during the troubles, we discover that 
the Earl of Suffolk, Wetherby, Tudenham and their abettors, whose 
names are given in Vol. I. p. 334-5, were all members of S l George's 
Gild, as was also their tool William Grey, and it is to be expected 
that their brethren were in sympathy with them. Several of the 
abettors were disfranchised in 1433, and so remained until I437 1 and 
in 1436 one Walter Geffreys was dismissed from the gild. 2 Can we 
see in this an act of retaliation upon one of the members of the 
opposite party? 

As has been explained in Vol. I. 3 these discords involved the 
seizure of the city liberties, which were finally restored in 1447. 
The reckoning with S l George's Gild began in the next year, and 
the award of Judge Yelverton was foreshadowed in a proposal made 
for uniting the gild with the corporate body. 4 As there was no 
immediate result we may infer that the fraternity refused to entertain 
the proposal as too stringent, for they were requested to surrender 
their seal and to abandon their livery. Yet it seems they were 
desirous to come to terms, and as described in the previous volume, 
both parties in 1452, agreed to abide by the award of William 
Yelverton. This award was on the lines of the above proposal 
but naturally it gives a great deal more detail and the gild was 
permitted to retain its livery and, apparently, also its seal for a time. 5 

By means of this agreement complete control of the gild was 
obtained without annulling its charter, and the Bachery which seems 
to have been identical with the Gild of the Annunciation, that is the 
Great Gild of Norwich, 6 was most likely merged into the Gild of 
S 1 George. 

Nothing calling for particular comment occurred between the 
date of the award and the reformation. In 1548 the gild's title 
was changed to that of The Company and Citizens of S l George and a 
new set of ordinances was adopted 7 by which means it managed to 
escape absolute dissolution. The personal property was, however, 
appraised and sold in 1550, the sum realised being expended in 
cleansing that portion of the river contiguous to the Great Hospital, 
and in the next year the real property was assigned to that house. 

With the reaction in Queen Mary's reign it was decided in 1555 

1 Vol. I. pp. 334, etc. 2 Book of St. George's Company. A. 31. 

3 p. Ixxxvi. 4 No. CCL. infra. r ' Norf. Arch. Vol. III. p. 328. 
6 Ib. Vol. XVI. p. 279. 7 No. CCCCLXX. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxliii. 

that all regulations made since the last year of Henry VIII. should 
be repealed. Consequently we again hear of S l Georges Gild and 
some of the personal property, which it was possible to locate, was 
repurchased. Still it seems that shortly after the accession of Eliza- 
beth the Edwardian rule was restored and S* George's pageant 
was then abolished with the exception of the dragon. 

For the winding up of the company the reader is referred to 
Mackerell's narrative which is published among the papers of the 
Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Society. 1 Alderman Clarke's 
notes there mentioned, with the draft of a letter, most likely 
addressed by him to Mackerell, are in the possession of M r L G. 

5. The Norwich Mint. 

Since the existence of Norwich as an important burgh in the 
Anglo-Saxon period is only assured through the coins which were 
struck there, a passing notice is claimed by the mint. Its earliest 
issues which have been identified are those of Athelstan, 2 from whose 
time to that of Henry III. a fairly complete series of coins has been 
enumerated by Mr. W. H. Henfrey. 3 Although other direct evidence 
is rarely met with, it appears that the mints of both Norwich and 
Thetford were in the hands of the Bishop of the latter see at the 
Domesday survey, the see being removed to Norwich some ten years 
afterwards. In 14 Henry II. the local moneyers contributed ten 
marks to the aid for marrying the King's daughter, 4 and the Pipe 
Roll for the 29 th year of that reign, explains that the citizens 
rendered account pro cambio habente? an expression upon which 
opinions differ, as to whether it denotes the mint or only an 

In the charter of Richard I. the moneyers are expressly 
exempted from the privilege of being impleaded only in the city, 6 
and the clause is repeated verbatim in the charter of John, and also 
in the first charter of Henry III. 7 Blomefield 8 also states, that King 
John seized the liberties because the citizens had hanged the assayers 
of money (probatores), but of late years the correctness of the 
rendering has been questioned. The officers of the Norwich mint 
and of others were summoned to appear at Westminster with their 

1 Vol. III. p. 366. 

2 Vol. I. p. ii. 3 Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. Vol. 36. p. 301. 
4 Madox. Hist. Exch. Vol. I. p. 590. B Vol. I. p. 9. 

8 Ib. p. 13. 7 Ib. pp. 14, 15. 8 Vol. III. p. 40. 

cxliv. Selected Records of the City of Nortmch. 

stamps and so forth in I2O/, 1 yet in spite of all this no English coins 
bearing the names of either Richard or John are forthcoming. It is 
thought, therefore, that these kings made use of stamps engraved 
with their father's effigy for their coinage, and some of the coins 
assigned to them were undoubtedly struck at Norwich. 2 

In 1232, 16 Hen. III., the king issued a proclamation prohibiting 
certain cambiis y which in this case certainly appears to denote 
exchanges? Nevertheless, the Norwich mint seems to have been 
indefinitely suspended about this time. For when the citizens 
were pressed, some fifty years later, for the payment of the arrears 
of the fee farm rent, they petitioned that 6 per annum for the 
removal of the moneyers might be deducted from their debt, 
stating that it had not been allowed to them since 18 Hen. III. 
This conveys a hint that the remission had been granted in that 
year. 4 No known coins issued during the next two hundred years 
have been attributed to the Norwich mint, and although Blome- 
field 5 asserts that some coins of Henry I. which were found in 
the city ditch in 1312 were directed to be delivered to the assay 
master of the mint here, it is more probable that they were sent 
to that officer in London. 

The mint was revived by Edward IV. who, in 1465, issued a 
patent for John Sweder and Thomas Warner to take coiners, 
workmen and labourers for the mint at Norwich, and further 
mention of it occurs in another patent of 14.69? When it ceased 
to operate has yet to be determined, though Mr. Henfrey states, 
without giving his authority, that it closed with the reign. 7 Un- 
questionably Edward's coins both of gold and silver from the 
Norwich mint are extant though rare, whereas those of the succeed- 
ing kings do not occur. 

The system of coining by the mill instead of with the hammer 
was adopted soon after the restoration of the monarchy, but as the 
older coins remained in circulation the new and better issue was 
hoarded, melted down and exported, and its intended benefits were 
lost. 8 In fact, towards the close of the seventeenth century the 
currency was in a parlous state, consisting of coins of the Plan- 

Hist. Exch. Vol. I. p. 290. z Journal Brit . Arch. Assoc. Vol. 36. pp. 424-6. 
Rot. Pat. 16 H. III. m. -2. 4 No. CCCCXIII. 5 Vol. III. p. 76. 
6 Rot. Pat. 5 E. IV. pt. i. m. 5. and 9 E. IV. pt. i. m. 20. 
Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. Vol. 36. p. 429. 
Ruding, 3rd Ed. Vol. II. pp. 7, 31. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxlv. 

tagenets, base money of Henry VIII. and his son, and coins of 
all nationalities. 1 The inconvenience was enhanced by the wide- 
spread practice of clipping, and it is not surprising that gold 
guineas having the nominal value of 2is. 6d. were deemed equiva- 
lent to 30^. of the silver currency. 2 It was decided, therefore, in 
1695, to recoin all the silver money and, as an expedient for 
withdrawing it from circulation, it was accepted in payment of 
the revenues at its facial value until 4 May 1696* Naturally all 
but the more scrupulous clipped their coins before parting with 
them. 4 In December 1695 the authorities at Norwich foreseeing 
the dearth of ready cash which must follow the recall of the 
clipped coins, petitioned the king that a mint might be set up in 
this city. A proclamation for the collection of the clipped money 
was read on 15 January following, and on 22 April a small com- 
mittee was appointed to consult upon the best way of obtaining 
as much milled money as possible from London. 5 On 3 May the 
Assembly determined that further application for a mint should 
be made, for the very next day the clipped money ceased to be 

Their request was granted, and on 21 September a watch was 
ordered to be set at the mint every night from 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. On 
the same day the Chamberlains were ordered to pay into the mint 
the clipped coins which they had received in payment of the city 
revenues. 6 How trade had been carried on between May and 
October is difficult to understand, for during that time there was a 
great scarcity of ready money everywhere, 7 and although the un- 
clipped hammered-money continued to be current by tale until 
I December 1696, and by weight until January i698, 8 the quantity 
could but have been very limited. Moreover, at a Court of Mayor- 
alty held on g November 1696, a petition to parliament was drafted 
complaining of the difficulty experienced in passing the hammered 
coins, and praying that they might remain in circulation as long as 
circumstances would permit. The exchange value of guineas was 
reduced from 26s. to 22s. by an act of parliament 9 and the 
discontent so occasioned is reflected by the local records. 

1 Social England, Vol. IV. p. 726. 

2 Ruding, Vol. II. p. 42. 3 Stat. 7, W. III. c. I. 4 Ruding, Vol. II. p. 44. 
5 Court Book. no. 26. pp. 6, 7, lid. 6 Assembly Book. 

7 Social England, Vol. V. p. 726. 8 Stat. 8, W. III. c. 2. and 9 W. III. c. 2. 
9 Stat. 7 and 8, W. III. c. 19. 


cxlvi. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

In addition to the mint at Norwich others were established at 
York, Bristol, Exeter and Chester, 1 and though the act for the new 
coinage was to continue in force for seven years, these provincial 
mints completed their duties in 1697;* for coins issued by them are 
not met with of a later date. With this opinion Blomefield 3 concurs, 
and gives the additional information that the amount coined here 
was 259,37 1. Mr. Henfrey, however, considers that 207,963 
165-. 2d. is the more correct figure. 4 The expenses of the mints, 
together with the diminution of the nominal value resulting from the 
re-coinage, caused a loss to the country of ^"2,700,000, to defray 
which the tax on houses and windows was applied. 5 

In 1701 an assay office for silver plate was granted to Norwich 
and the other cities which had been favoured with mints, 6 and it 
would seem that the occasion was thought opportune for converting 
the antique plate belonging to the corporation into something more 
fashionable, a committee being appointed to consider how it should 
be accomplished. 7 Although a certain Robert Harstonge was sworn 
assayer in the next year, 8 the whole business seems to have ended 
there. No known silver goods bear the Norwich marks of this or 
any subsequent date, and it may reasonably be inferred that the 
city plate escaped the intended alterations, since practically none of 
the existing pieces were made at this time. 

6. The City Library. 

Kirkpatrick thinks that there was a design for forming a library 
in 1461 in which year John Leystofte, vicar of S l Steven, bequeathed 
a book called "Repyngton " to it, should it be commenced within two 
years after his decease. 9 If anything was done, no record of it 
remains. Yet it is rather strange that when, in i6o8, 10 three rooms 
were fitted up for the reception of the library at the New Hall there 
should be no existing books to be placed in the presses, though 
promises of donations may have been given. As a matter of fact 
the compilers of the old catalogues mention several works without 
being able to say by whom they were presented, and as many of these 
were printed in the i6 th century it is not impossible that some of 
them constituted a primary stock. On the other hand many books 
whose donors are unknown were issued after the library was 
inaugurated, so of these it is certain that they were presented later. 

i Ruding, Vol. II. p. 57. 2 Hawkins, English Silver Coinage. 3 Vol. III. p. 426. 

4 Journal Brit. Arch. Assoc. Vol. 36. p. 430. 5 Stat. 7 and 8, W. III. c. 18. s. ii. 
6 Stat. 12, W. III. c. 4. 7 Court Book, no. 26, p. logd. 8 Ib. p. i2gd. 
9 Religious Houses in Norwich, p. 80. 10 Assembly, 3 May. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. cxlvii. 

The rooms set apart for .the collection also served the additional 
purpose of lodging- for the preachers coming from a distance to 
deliver the appointed sermons, 1 and the shelves being well stocked 
with theological works and controversial tracts the Library must 
have been a great boon to them. 

At the outset a book was provided, which though not to be 
found among the city muniments but in its proper place, at the 
Free Library, may reasonably be considered one of the Norwich 
records. In it are entered the names of the donors and year of 
presentation in chronological order, and also the titles and number 
of volumes given, with their dates of publication and place of issue. 
Sir Thomas Pettus, who was Mayor during the year of inception, 
1608, befittingly heads the list with a gift of fifteen volumes, and he 
is followed by the wife of George Downing, the Mayor of the 
previous year, who gave the Works of Zanchius in three volumes. 
In the next year, the Mayor, Thomas Hirne, contributed ten volumes 
of the Works of Calvin, Thomas Corbet, the Works of Augustine, 
six volumes, Thomas Corye, the Works of Luther, seven volumes, 
other smaller donations making the total of forty-eight volumes 
since the beginning. It is impossible to enumerate all the subsequent 
donations, still two bequests deserve to be mentioned, namely that 
of Richard Ireland, rector of S l Edmund in Norwich, who died in 
1690 and left all his books to the library, and that of Thomas 
Nelson, rector of Morston, who was a still greater benefactor though 
his legacy is described in the same words as Ireland's. 

Among the notable books belonging to the collection are a 
manuscript copy of Wickliff's Bible* given by Ireland. Higderis 
Polychronicon printed by Caxton, an extremely rare copy of Antony 
Andrew's Questiones super Logica issued by the S' Alban's press 
c. I48o, 3 and examples of the typography of Wilkin de Worde, 
Richard Pynson and others. The bindings, moreover, of several 
works are original and interesting. 

In 1674 it was ordered that the Chamberlain should cause the 
doors of the presses in the City Library to be taken down and con- 
verted into shelves to set books on, 4 and the first printed catalogue 
of the books appeared in 1706, which was followed by another 
edited by the Librarian, Benjamin Mackerell in 1732. 

1 Ib. 

2 The opinion expressed in No'.es and Queries, 2nd Ser. Vol. IV. p. 279, tha 
this book belonged to the reformer himself seems to have no foundation. 

3 See Academy, 17 Jan. 1885. 4 Assembly, 24 Feb. 

cxlviii. Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Rules and regulations for subscribers and borrowers were passed 
by the assembly 1 in the next year, printed copies of which can some- 
times be met with. 

When the Free Library was established in 1857 the books, then 
numbering about 2,000 volumes, were placed in the charge of the 
Librarian of that institution, an action which evoked a protest in 
Notes and Queries? but most likely they received more careful 
attention afterwards than ever before. Additions have since been 
made occasionally and in 1879-80 the volumes were repaired and 
arranged on the shelves in the reading-room at the Free Library. 
Facilities for inspecting them are readily granted and a new 
catalogue, in which it is much to be feared several of the books 
recorded by Mackerell will not be found, was published in 1883. 

i Assembly 24 Feb. 1732-3. 2 3 Oct. 1857. 


Extracts from Deeds enrolled in the City Court. 

I. Alice, the widow of Walter le Mercer, and his executors produced 
Walter's testament in the Bailiffs' Court in which he left to his wife the 
tenement which he bought of Robert, the son of Herebert le Mercer, and 
another in Neweport in the Parish of S 1 - Gregory. Also 5^. annual rent 
from a shop in the Mercery which he sold to Geoffrey Makeles. Also 
his shop in the Mercery, with another which Benedict de Brackne holds 
of him on the south side of it. Also i$d. annual rent from a farrier's stall, 
which he bought of the heirs of Richard le Yremongere. Also id. annual 
rent from the moiety of a stall, which Robert de Hecham holds in the 
Bread-Market, whereof Simon de Sparham holds the other moiety. Also 
i mark annual rent from a messuage which he sold to Henry le Rus in the 
parish of S 1 - Gregory. Also \2d. annual rent from a stall in the Fish- 
Market, near the stall of Ralph de Hecham. Also y. annual rent from a 
stall, which Goscelin Godale holds in the same Market. Also \2d. annual 
rent from a stall in the Bread-Market. Also 2s. annual rent from a shed, 
which is near his shed in the Mercery. Also 5^. annual rent from a shop, 
which William de Framelingham held in the Lindrapery. Also a shop in 
the Mercery, which he bought of the executors of John de Lakenham. 

Alicia que fuit uxor Waited le Mercer, et executores testamenti 
predicti Waited, venerunt in plena curia Norwici die Veneris post 
festum S. Valentini anno xiiij E.I. [15 Feb. 1286] et protulerunt 
testamentum Waited, in quo continetur quod legauit Alicie uxori 
sue tenementum quod emil de Roberto filio Hereberti le Mercer et 
de Barnardo le Mercer in parochia S. Gregorii in vico de Neweport. 
Item v s annui redditus de quadam schoppa in Merceria Norwici quam 
Walterus vendidit Galfddo Makeles. Item schoppam suam in foro, 
in Merceria, una cum schoppa quam Benedictus de Brakne tenet de 
Waltero in australi parte. Item xv d annui redditus de quodam stallo 

2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

ferrure quam Walterus emit de heredibus Ricardi le Yremongere. 
Item j d annui redditus de medietate cuiusdam stalli quod Robertus 
de Hecham tenet in foro panis, unde Simon de Sparham tenet 
aliam medietatem. Item j marcam annui redditus de uno 
mesuagio quod Walterus vendidit Henrico le Rus in parochia S. 
Gregorii. Item xij d annui redditus de quodam stallo in foro piscium 
iuxta stallum Radulphi de Hecham. Item iij s - annui redditus de 
quodam stallo quod Gocelinus Godale tenet in eodem foro. Item 
xij d annui redditus [de quodam stallo] quod est in foro panis. 
Item ij s annui redditus de quadam selda que est iuxta seldam dicti 
Waited in Merceria. Item v s annui redditus de quadam schoppa 
quam Willelmus de Framelingham tenet in Lindraperia Norwici. 
Item unam schoppam que est in Merceria Norwici quam dictus 
Walterus emit ab executoribus Johannis de Lakenham. Habendum 
et tenendum etc. 

II. Thomas le Escot, tailor, and Joan his wife grant to John de 
Essex, rector of North Burlingham, a messuage in S' George before the gate of 
the Holy Trinity, abutting upon Tombland on the east, saving to Thomas 
and Joan a solar, which is in the east front, with a shop below the solar 
containing three windows. The outgoings from the messuage are id. 
annually to the King's landgable, and a rose at the feast of S l John the 
Baptist to Thomas and Joan. 

Thomas le Escot, cissor, et Johanna uxor eius die Veneris post 
festum S. Johannis ante Portam Latinam anno xv E.I. [9 May 1287] 
recognouerunt se concessisse Johanni de Essex, rectori ecclesie de 
North Birlingham, unum mesuagium etc. in parochia S. Georgii 
ante portam S. Trinitatis quod abuttat super le Tomlond versus 
orientem. Saluo tamen Thome et Johanne etc. toto solario quod est 
in fronte orientali dicti mesuagii cum schoppa subtus dictum 
solarium continente tres fenestras. Habend' etc. reddendo inde 
annuatim ad landgabulum domini regis j d , et predictis Thome et 
Johanne unam rosam ad festum S. Johannis Baptiste. 

III. John le Brun has granted to Matthew Tusceynz and William 
Brun, and the one who survives the other, a messuage called the 
Stonhalle by the Goldsmiths' Rowe, two stalls in the Meat Market, 
various rents from holdings in Hosiergate, the Cobeler Rowe, the Wheat 
Market and elsewhere, 6a. ir. of arable land in four pieces in the fields 
of the Chapel of S 1 Mary in the Fields, and all his meadow in the 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 3 

meadows by Carrow. And whereas Mathew has survived William, John 
le Brun confirms the grant in his favour. 

Johannes le Brun die Lune in crastino Exaltacionis S. Crucis 
anno xv E.I. [15 Sept. 1287] recognouit quoddam scriptum in hec 
verba. Nouerit uniuersitas vestraquod cum nuper dedissem Matheo 
Tusceynz et Willelmo Brun ad proniocionem eorundem totum illud 
mesuagium meum in parochia S. Petri de Mancroft quod vocatur 
leStonhalle iuxta aurifabriam, duo stalla in foro carnium, vj s - redditus 
annualis de schoppa quam Willelmus de Knapeton tenet in vico de 
Hosyergate, vj s redditus annualis de quadam schoppa quam Yvo le 
Ganyer quondam tenuit de me in eodem vico, ij s redditus annualis de 
quodam mesuagio quod Willelmus de Crystemesse et luetta de 
Hauboys uxor eius quondam tenuit de me in parochia S. Johannis 
de Madermarket, ij s reditus annualis de quodam mesuagio quod Hugo 
de Bateman tenet in Pottergate, x s viij d redditus annualis de diuersis 
tenementis in foro super le Cobelere Rowe, viij s redditus annualis de 
diuersis tenementis apud Qwetemarket, sex acras et unam rodam terre 
arabilis in campis de Capella beate Marie de Campis siue ibi habeatur 
plus siue minus prout jacent in quatuor peciis, et totum pratum quod 
habui in pratis iuxta Carhowe. Habendum et tenendum predictis 
Matheo et Willelmo etc. seu uni eorum qui supervixerit etc. Etcum 
predictus Matheus supervixerit predictum Willelmum le Brun, ego, 
Magister Johannes, volens omnes donaciones meas supradictas ratas 
et inconcussas permanere etc. predicto Matheo etc. hac carta mea 
concessi et confirmaui. 

IV. Nicholas de Acle, the capper, is bound to pay an annual rent 
of 6s. to Walter de S 1 Faith, chaplain, for a messuage in S 1 Peter 
Mancroft, in the Calceria, which Nicholas is to keep in good repair so 
that the rent may not be diminished, and also he may not obstruct the 
entry, thereby preventing Walter from distraining freely for the rent. 
And if sufficient distress to cover the rent due cannot be found in this 
messuage, more may be taken in the shop of Nicholas, at the corner of 
Hosiergate, and in his messuage there. 

Nicholaus de Acle le Chappeller die Sabbati in festo S. Luce 
Ewangeliste anno xv E.I. [18 Oct. 1287] cognouit quod ipse 
heredes etc. tenentur Waltero de S. Fide, capellano, heredibus 
etc. in vj s annualis redditus soluendis eis annuatim ad quatuor 
terminos anni de quodam mesuagio quod idem Nicholaus recepit 
in foedum de eodem Waltero in parochia S. Petri de Mancroft in 

4 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

vico de Calceria. 1 Et predictus Nicholaus etc. sustentabunt pre- 
dictum mesuagium in bono statu et illud non deteriorabunt ex 
quo dictus redditus annualis ibidem percipiendus aliquando poterit 
perire, et ingressum dicti messuagii prout ibidem usitafrur conser- 
uabunt et non impedient quominus dictus Walterus etc. libere 
poterint distringere infra dictum mesuagium quicunque illud 
tenuerit pro predicto redditu cum necesse fuerit. Et si predictus 
Walterus etc. non possunt distringere competenter infra dictum 
messuagium pro redditu supradicto, idem Nicholaus concedit etc. 
quod predictus Walterus etc. possunt distringere infra shoppam 
ipsius Nicholai que est in corneria de Hosiergate, et infra 
mesuagium ipsius Nicholai ibidem. 

V. Ingelger le Grys and his wife grant a messuage to John Cusyn, 
mercer, which Ingelger formerly purchased of Robert de S l Edmund, 
goldsmith, and his wife in Over Newport in S l Peter Mancroft, having 
on the west side a stone-house belonging to the Chapel of S l Mary in 
the Fields. The premisses are charged with the payment of a root of 
ginger to Ingelger at the Nativity of the Lord, and ud. apiece to the 
lords of the fee viz. Henry le Cauz and the Prioress of Carrow. 

Ingelger le Grys lindraper, ciuis Norwici et Cristiana uxor 
eius die Mercurii post festum SS. Simonis et Jude anno xv Ed. I. 
[29 Oct. 1289] cognouerunt se concessisse Johanni Cusyn, mercero 
ciui Norwici, pro nouem marcis argenti etc. unum mesuagium etc. 
quod predictus Ingelger nuper adquisiuit de Roberto de S. 
Edmundo aurifabro et de Agnete uxore eius in parochia S. Petri 
de Mancroft in superiori Neweport super lapideam domum que 
pertinet ad Capellam beate Marie de Campis versus occidentem. 
Habend" etc. reddendo inde annuatim predictis Ingelgero etc. unam 
radicem zinziberis ad Natale Domini. Et dominis feodi viz. 
Henrico le Caus etc. xij d annuatim, et Priorisse et Conuentui de 
Carhowe xij d annuatim pro omnibus seruiciis. 

VI. Hugh de Bromholm quitclaims to Peter le Mouner, woadman, 
an annual rent of 6*. 8</. from a messuage formerly Harvey le Mercer's 
at Fibridge, in the parish of S 1 Clement, having the river on the south, 
which Peter lately purchased of the executors of Nicholas Chaumpanye. 2 

Hugo de Bromholm, ciuis Norwici die Veneris in vigilia 

1 The shops of the shoemakers or chaucers. 2 Introduction V. 4. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 5 

Omnium Sanctorum anno xv E.I. [31 Oct. 1287] cognouit se 
concessisse et omnino quietum clamauisse etc. Petro le Mouner, 
vveyder etc. totum jus et clamium quod unquam habuit etc. 
in sex solidis et octo denariis annualis redditus quos clamauit 
percipere annuatim de quodam mesuagio quod quondam fuit 
Hervei le Mercer, scilicet quod predictus Petrus nuper adquisiuit 
ab executoribus testament! Nicholai Chaumpanye, et tenet in 
Norwico in parochia S. dementis de Fibriggate apud Pontem de 
Fibrigge, quod est inter mesuagium Magistri Stephani Wyz versus 
orientem et viam Regiam versus occidentem. Et abuttat super 
viam Regiam de Fibriggate 1 versus aquilonem, et super Regiam 
Ripam versus austrum. Habendos et retinendos etc. cum reuersione 
quadraginta denariorum annuorum quos Agnes que fuit uxor 
Johannis le Escot de Norwico inde percipit in dotem suam quando 

VII. Roger de Yelverton and Alice his wife have quit-claimed to 
Adam de Walsham all their right in a messuage in the parish of S l 
Laurence, which lies between the two bridges of Coselanye. 

Rogerus de Geluerton et Alicia uxor mea concessimus quietum 
clamauimus etc. Ade de Walsham etc. totum jus et clamium que 
habuimus etc. in quodam mesuagio in parochia S. Laurencii quod 
iacet inter duos pontes de Koselanye. Habendum etc. Pro hac 
autem concessione etc. dedit nobis dictus Adam decem marcas 
argenti. Testibus Hugone Clerico, Gerardo Knot, Simone filio 
Nicholao, Thoma de Lincoln tune Balliuis. 2 

IVIII. Robert de S 1 Edmund, goldsmith, and Agnes his wife have 
granted to Roger de Tudenham, clerk, and Isabel his wife is. annual rent 
from their messuage in the parish of S 1 John de Berstrete, between the 
messuage of William le Pundreys south, and the highway which leads to 
the Shirehall north, and it stretches from Berstrete to the ditch of the 
Shirehall. To have and to hold by rendering annually to Robert and 
Agnes a rose at midsummer. 

Robertus de S. Edmundo, aurifaber ciuis Norwici, et Agnes 

1 Obviously a clerical error for Fishergate, as is further proved by subsequent 
conveyances oi the property. 

2 This association of Bailiffs is not found in the printed lists. The enrolment occurs 
among those of 1287. 

6 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

uxor sua die Lune in crastino Animarum anno xv E.I. finiente 
[3 Nov. 1287] cognouerunt se concessisse et dedisse Rogero de 
Tudenham, clerico ciui Norwici, et Isabelle uxori sue vij s annualis 
redditus de mesuagio suo in parochia S. Johannis de Berstrete, inter 
mesuagium Willelmi le Pundreys versus austrum, et Iter Regium 
quod ducit in Curiam Comitatus versus aquilonem, et extenditur a 
Via Regali de Berstrete usque ad fossatum Curie Comitatus 
Habendum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim predictis Roberto et 
Agneti unam rosam ad festum S. Johannis Baptiste. 

IX. Richard, son of William Pikot of Wellebourn, and Matilda his 
wife, have granted to John le Lung of Martham, chaplain, a place of land 
6 f wide in the parish of S 1 Giles in the street of Lower Neweport. To 
have and to hold by rendering annually to Richard and Matilda one 
halfpenny. Richard and Matilda further grant that a wall of earth shall 
be built at the joint expense of the parties. 

Ricardus filius Willelmi Pikot de Wellebrun et Matildis uxor 
sua, filia Radulphi de Hemenhale, die Martis post festum Omnium 
Sanctorum anno xv E.I. finiente [4 Nov. 1287], cognouerunt se 
concessisse Johanni le Lung de Martham capellano unam placeam 
terre continentem in latitudine vj pedes in parochia S. Egidii in vico 
de Inferiori Neweport. Habendum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim 
predictis Ricardo et Matildi unum obolum. Insuper iidem 
Ricardus et Matildis concedunt quod quidam murus terrestris 
super terram predictorum Ricardi et Matildis et predicti Johannis 
equaliter inter ipsos sumptibus utriusque partis construatur. 

X. Matthew Tusceynz has given to John de Tudenham and Basilia, 
daughter of Lecia de Badingham, a messuage in the parish of S 1 Peter 
Mancroft between the messuage of Walter de Welleford on the east, and 
the messuage of Richard de Tacolneston and Robert de Saxthorp, cappers, 
and the highway called Holdtor 1 on the west, having the Market-Place 
on the south. 

Matheus Tusceynz die Martis post festum Omnium Sanctorum 
anno xv E.I. finiente [4 Nov. 1287] cognouit se dedisse Johanni de 
Tudenham, tabernario ciui Norwici, et Basilic filie Lecie de Bading- 
ham, totum mesuagium suum etc. in parochia S. Petri de Mancroft, 

1 Thought to be a corruption of " Hoel Thora," that is " Tabernacle of the Law " 
or Synagogue of the Jews situated there. See Introduction I. 6 b. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 7 

inter mesuagium Waited de Welleford versus orientem et mesuagium 
Ricardi de Takilneston et Roberti de Saxthorp, capillariorum,et Iter 
Regium quod vocatur Holdtor versus occidentem, cuius capud 
australe abuttat in parte super Forum Regale et in parte super 
schoppas quas Paulus de Pagraue ibi fecit edificari, et capud 
aquilonare super mesuagium Ade de Saham et super terram Waited 
de Welleford. 

XI. Simon, son of Seman Wrinel, has granted a stall to Richard, 
son of Adam le Gardiner of Salle, but since it appears to the Bailiffs that 
Simon is under age the conveyance is not endorsed by the court. 

Simon filius Semanni Wrinel de Norwico venit in Curia 
Norwici, die Veneris post festum Epiphanie anno xvj E.T. [9 Jan. 
1288] et recognouit se concessisse Ricardo filio Ade le Gardiner de 
Salle unum stallum in parochia S. Petri de Mancroft, quod quidem 
stallum est in Foro Carnium. Et quia dictus Simon est infra etatem 
ut Balliuis videtur non est carta indorsata. 

XII. Geoffrey le Taverner and Sibil his wife are bound to pay 
Beatrice, the widow of William Pikot, for her dower, four gallons of wine 
or the money value thereof yearly, half at the Nativity of the Lord and 
half at Easter, out of 16$. annual rent from a messuage of Geoffrey and 
Sibil in the Market obtained by Beatrice in the King's Court before the 
Justices in Banco, by writ of the King unde nichil habet. Beatrice has 
power to distrain from the messuage whenever the payment fails. 

Galfridus le Tauerner et Sibilla uxor eius die Sabbati post 
festum Epiphanie anno xvj E.I. [10 Jan. 1288] recognouerunt se 
obligates esse Beatrici, que fuit uxor Willelmi Pikot, in quatuor 
galonis vini boni vel eius pretii eidem annuatim in tota vita ipsius 
Beatricis soluend' viz. in festo Natalis Domini medietatem et in festo 
Pasche aliam medietatem singulis annis pro racionabili dote ipsius 
Beatricis quam clamauit versus predictos Galfridum et Sibillatn per 

Ibreue domini Regis unde nichil habet de xvj s annui redditus de 
mesuagio Galfridi et Sibille apud Forum unde querela in curia 
domini Regis coram Justiciariis de Banco et unde Beatrix fecit eis 
aquietanciam prout superius patet. Ita quod quociens Galfridus et 
Sibilla, in solucione vini vel precii in parte vel in toto fuerit cessatum, 
obligant predictum messuagium Beatrici ad distringend' ; Ita quod 
districciones in eadem captas retineat quousque sibi de vino vel eius 
precio fuerit satisfactum. 

8 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

XIII. Walter, son of Walter de Aswardeby, and Sarra his wife have 
granted to John de Sprouston, draper, citizen of Norwich, and Alice his 
wife a shed in the Drapery in the Omanseterowe, 1 having other sheds on 
the north and south, the church yard of S l Peter Mancroft on the east, and 
the King's Way west; to be held by rendering annually a clove to Walter 
and Sarra at the Nativity of the Lord, 2s. to the community of Norwich, 
5-r. to the Hospital of S l Giles in Norwich, and 4^. to the church of S c 
Peter Mancroft. 

Walterus filius Walteri de Aswardeby et Sarra uxor sua die 
Mercurii post festum S. Hillarii anno xvj E.T. [14 Jan. 1288] 
cognouerunt se dedisse Johanni de Sprouston drapero ciui Norwyci 
et Alicie uxori sue pro sex marcis argenti quas sibi dedit premanibus 
unam soldam cum fundo in quo sita est in Draperia Norwici in le 
Omanseterowe, que est inter soldam Rogeri Schod versus aquilonem 
et soldam Thome de Attlebrigg versus austrum, et cimiterium 
S. Petri de Mancroft versus orientem et Iter Regium versus 
occidentem. Habendum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim Waltero et 
Sarre etc. unum clauum gariophili ad Natale Domini, et Com- 
munitati Norwyci ij s ad terminos anni usuales, Hospitali S. Egidii 
Norwyci v s annuatim ad quatuor terminos anni usuales, viz., ad 
quemlibet terminum xv d , et predicte ecclesie S. Petri iiij d pro 
omnibus seruiciis. 

XIV. John, son of Richard de Heylesdon, and Alice his wife have 
granted to Adam de Bekles, tanner, and his wife a messuage in the street 
of Lower Westwick, abutting upon the church yard of S 1 Swithin's church 
on the south, subject to the annual payments of a clove at Easter to John 
and Alice; \d. to the King's landgable. And also subject for the perpetual 
maintenance of a lamp before the altar of the blessed Mary in the same 

Johannes filius Ricardi de Heylesdon et Alicia uxor eius, filia 
Johannis Nade, die Lune post festum S. Agathe anno xvj Ed. I. 
[9 Feb. 1288] recognouerunt se concessisse Ade de Bekles tannatori, 
et Cecilie uxori sue, totum mesuagium suum in parochia S. Swythuni 
in vico de Inferiori Westwyk, cuius capud australe abuttat super 
cimiterium ecclesie S. Swythuni. Habendum etc. Reddendo inde 
annuatim Johanni et Alicie etc. unum clauum gariophili ad Pascha, 
et ad landgabulum domini Regis j d . Et sustentando inde imper- 
petuum unum lampadem coram altari beate Marie in dicta ecclesia 
pro omnibus seruiciis. 

6 So called from omannesete, a kind of cloth sold tkere, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 9 

XV. Miriella, widow of Goscelin Godale, produces a deed of 
acquittance to Walter Oldbarlik and Steven de Stalham, executors of her 
husband's will, for the due execution of the bequests made to her ; viz. 
two stalls on the east of the Fresh-Fish Market. Rents on the Castle 
Ditch and two shops with reversion to his heirs. Two rents in the parish 
of S c Andrew. Two rents purchased of William de Knapeton, with 
reversion to his heirs. One half of his turves, heather and meat. And 
twenty coombs of barley in the name of dowry. Two thousand green 1 
herrings and three thousand red herrings, one lesser cup of silver, a pillow, 
a mattress, two blankets, a coffer, and a girdle ornamented with silver. 
The acquitance was delivered with the seals of Miriella and the Dean 
of Norwich. 2 

Miriella que fuit uxor Goscelini Godale, die Veneris post festum 
S. Mathie anno xvj E I. [27 Feb. 1288] recognouit quoddam 
scriptum in hec verba. Nouerint uniuersi quod cum Goscelinus 
dictus Godale, nuper defunctus, mihi Mirielle que fuit uxor eiusdem 
Goscelini quedam bona, tenementa et alia in suo testamento sub 
forma subscripta legauit, viz. Ego dictus Goscelinus lego Mirielle 
uxoii mee duo stalla in oriente de Fresh Fischmarket. Item 
redditus quos habeo super fossatum Castri, et duas schoppas ita quod 
post ipsius decessum reuertantur heredibus meis. Item duos 
redditus quos habeo in parochia S. Andree. Item duos redditus 
quos emi de Willelmo de Knapeton, ita quod post decessum [Mirielle] 
reuertantur heredibus meis. Item medietatem turbarum, bruar' 
et medietatem carnium et viginti cumbas ordei nomine dotis. Item 
eidem duo miliaria allecii viridis et tria milia allecii rubei. Item 
eidem unam peciam argenti minorem et unam culcitram et unum 
matteraz et duos chalones et unam cofram et unam zonam cum 
argento ornatam ; Walterus Oldbarlik et Stephanus de Stalham 
ipsius defuncti executores de predictis bonis et tenementis plenarie 
mihi satisfecerunt etc. unde ego ipsos executores ex nunc de 
premissis legatis per presentes omnino clatno quietos. In cuius etc. 
presentibus sigillum meum apposui et sigillum Decani Norwyci 
apponi procuraui. Data in festo purificacionis Beate Marie Virginis 
[2 Feb.] A.D. M.CC. Ixxx septimo. 

XVI. Robert Godale and Matilda his wife, Steven de Stalham and 
Matilda his wife, heirs of Goscelin Godale, grant to Miriela le Be, widow of 
Goscelin, in dower out of a messuage held by them in the parish of S' 

1 Fresh or uncured, z See Vol. I., p. 362, n. 2, 

io Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Andrew, the rooms which extend from the wall of the hall, by which wall 
is the upper bench of the said hall, as far as the land formerly of Henry 
But with a certain kyln and the moiety of a certain fish-house, and the 
common use of a well and free ingress and egress by the gates of the 

Robertus Godale et Matildis uxor eius, Stephanus de Stalham 
et Matildis uxor eius, heredes Goscelini Godale tenentes de uno 
mesuagio in parochia S. Andree, de assensu et voluntate Mirielle le 
Be. que fuit uxor predict! Goscelini, die Mercurii post festum 
S. Wynewaloy [io March, 1288] dotauerunt ipsam Miriellam de 
domibus que se extendunt a pariete aule iuxta quam parietem est 
superior bancus aule predicte usque ad terram que quondam fuit 
Henrici But, cum quodam torallo et medietatem cuiusdam Fishhus 
et communi usu cuiusdam fontis et cum libero introitu et exitu per 
portas pertinentes ad predictum mesuagium. 

XVII. Ernald de Weston and Agnes his wife quit claim to Hugh de 
Hardingham a piece of land with the houses built upon it in Barli- 
market Yard, in S 1 Peter of Mancroft, with all the wooden vessels therein, 
and with free ingress and egress at either gate of the court with plough 
and cart to the said tenement. 

Ernaldus de Weston et Agnes uxor eius die Veneris proximo 
post Purificacionem beate Marie anno regni regis Edwardi filii 
regis Henrici xvij [4 Feb. 1289] recognouerunt se unanimi 
assensu concessisse et omnino quietum clamasse pro se etc. Hugoni 
de Hardingham etc. totum jus et clamium quod unquam habuerunt 
jure adquisicionis etc. videlicet in quadam placia terre cum domibus 
etc. desuper constructis in Norwico in parochia S. Petri de Manecroft 
in Barlimarket Yerd, cum omnibus vasis ligneis intus existentibus et 
cum libero ingressu et egressu ad utramque portam curie cum 
carruca et caretta ad dictum tenementum, et cum aysiamento fontis 
curie prout alii tenentes ibidem excercent. 

XVIII. The Abbot of Woburn 1 demises to John, son of Adam Page, 
a place of land on the east part of the Abbot's messuage in the street 
called Longe Conesford, viz. from the corner of the Abbot's house of stone 
southward to John's house thence to the Abbot's gate and from the south 
of the gate descending to the house of stone. The Abbot reserves a 
space of i of 1 broad between the said place and the wall of Bartholomew 

1 Vol. I., p. 214. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 1 

de Acre for having a way for his carts and other business, and also 
over against the west part of his house of stone 71* for making his 
convenience. 1 

Prater Willelmus Abbas de Wouburn die Lune post festum 
S. Gregorii anno xvij E. I. [14 March, 1829] recognouit quoddam 
scriptum in hec verba. Nouerit uniuersitas nos dimisisse etc. 
Johanni filio Ade Page, clerico, unam placeam terre nostre in 
occidentali parte mesuagii nostri in villa Norwici, in vico qui vocatur 
Longe Conesford, viz. ab angulo domus nostre de petra linialiter 
versus austrum usque ad domum dicti Johannis, et a domo dicti 
Johannis iuxta Regalem Viam usque ad portam nostram, et a 
parte australi porte nostre linialiter descendendo versus dictam 
domum nostram de petra. Ita quod ad finem dicte placee retinemus 
nobis latitudinem decem pedum inter dictam placeam et murum 
Bartholomei de Acre ad habendum chiminum ad carrectas nostras et 
ad alia negotia nostra. Retinemus eciam nobis contra occidentalem 
partem domus nostre de petra quantum dicta domus durat latitudi- 
nem septem pedum ad nostrum commodum inde faciendum. 
Hebendum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim nobis etc. v s pro omnibus 

XIX. Seman Grym of Heigham by Norwich has granted to his son 
Henry, a chaplain, a messuage in the suburb of Norwich, together with 
all his land with tenter-ground 2 and the tenters erected upon it ; having the 
tenter-ground of Steven Tebaud to the south of it. Also several annual 
rents, among which are 2d. from the tenter formerly Robert de Aswardeby's, 
and a clove from William Popy. After Henry's death the whole is to 
remain to Mary and Sibil, daughters of Seman, by rendering annually to 
the house of the Holy Trinity of Norwich \\d. and to John Chese 2$. 

Semannus Grym de Heigham inxta Norwicum, die Jovis in 
festo translacionis S. Thome Martiris anno xvij E.I. [7 July 
1289] recognouit se concessisse Henrico filio suo, capellano, 
mesuagium quod Maria, filia ipsius Semanni, tenuit et eidem 
Semanno reddidit in suburbio Norwici simul cum tota terra sua 
cum tentorio et tentis super confectis etc. Quod est inter 
mesuagium Ade de Stirston clerici versus orientem, et super 
terrain Simonis le Bel versus occidentem, et abuttat super Viam 
Regiam versus aquilonem, et super terram Johannis de 

z Where cloths were stretched, ! Introduction IV. i. 

1 2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Framingham et super tentorium Stephani Tebaud versus austrum. 
Et totum redditum suum annualem ibidem scilicet de Roberto 
Wenge ij d De Adam clerico ij d De Huberto Tinctore ij d De 
Petro le Tundur vj d De tenta quondam Roberti de Aswardeby 
ij d De Thoma filio Ricardi Carpentar xvij d De Emma filia dicti 
Ricardi xij d De Willelmo Popy unum clauum gariophili 
Habendum etc. Et post decessum Henrici tenementum et omnes 
redditus remaneant Marie et Alicie filiabus Semanni. Reddendo 
inde annuatim domui S. Trinitatis Norwici xiiij d et Johanni Chese 
etc. ij s pro omnibus secularibus demandis. 

XX. Steven de Welles, goldsmith, and his wife have granted to 
Robert Godsweyn of Framlingham Castle a messuage, which they pur- 
chased of Sir Andrew de Hengham, in the parish of S' Bartholomew in 
Berstrete. To have and to hold by rendering therefrom annually a pair 
of gilt spurs to Sir Andrew, service to the lords of the fee, and a clove 
at the Nativity of the Lord to Steven and his wife. 

Stephanus de Welles, aurifaber, et Mariota uxor eius die 
Veneris post festum S. Fidis anno xvij E.I. [7 Oct. 1289] 
recognouerunt se dedisse Roberto Godsweyn de Framingham 
Chastel mesuagium quod Stephanus et Mariota adquisiuerunt de 
domino Andrea de Hengham in parochia S. Bartholomei in 
Berstrete, inter mesuagium Ricardi le Rus versus austrum, et 
cimiterium ecclesie S. Bartholomei et mesuagium Adree clerici 
versus aquilonem, et abuttat super viam regalem versus 
occidentem, et super terram Reyneri de Sculdham versus 
orientem. Habendum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim domino 
Andree de Hengham unum par calcarium deauratorum ad Pascha, 
et dominis feodi seruicia debita, et Stephano et Mariote unum 
clauum gariophili ad Natalem Domini. 

XXI. Robert de Berford, attorney of the Lord Bishop of Norwich, 
certifies that the Bishop has granted to John, the son of Simon le 
Mercer, a messuage, which once belonged to Hildebrond le Mercer in 
Conesford, viz. that which Robert de Dalby and his wife held of the 
Master of Hildebrond's Hospital 1 in the parish of S c Edward, abutting 
upon the highway and the common river. To have and to hold by 
rendering to the Master of the Hospital 8.r. 6d. per annum. 

1 Introduction VI. I. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 3 

Robertus de Berford, attornatus domini Episcopi Norwici 
factus per litteras suas patentes, die Lune post festum S. 
Edmundi Regis anno xviij E.I. incipiente [21 Nov. 1289] 
recognouit quod dominus Episcopus concessit Johanni filio Simonis 
le Mercer de Norwico etc. pro c s etc. unum mesuagium etc. in 
Norwico, quod quondam fuit Hildebrond le Mercer in Cunesford, 
viz. quod Robertus de Dalby et Katerina uxor sua tenuerunt de 
Magistro Hospitalis de Hildebrond in parochia S. Edwardi, cuius 
capud occidcentale abuttat super Viam Regiam, et aliud capud 
super communem Ripam. Habendum etc. Reddendo inde 
Hospitali dicti domini Episcopi de Hildebrond et Magistro 
eiusdem viij s vj d per annum pro omni seruicio etc. Et 
Magister Hospitalis de consensu domini Episcopi warantizabit etc. 

XXII. Bartholomew de Acre, merchant, has granted to the Friars 
of the order of S 1 Augustin, with charitable intent and for the welfare ot 
his soul [and the souls] of his ancestors in frank almoine, the messuage 
which he bought of Andrew de Acre, his servant, and Beatrice his wife, 
in the parish of S 1 Michael in Conesford, between the dwelling of the said 
Friars towards the south, and a messuage of Roger de Mode towards the 
north, the east head abutting upon the land of Gregory Croyde, and the 
west head upon the highway of Upper Conesford. 

Bartholomeus de Acre mercator et ciuis Norwici, die Veneris 
post festum S. Marci anno xviij E.I. [28 March 1290] recognouit 
se concessisse Deo et beate Marie et S. Augustino ac fratribus 
de ordine de S. Augustino karitatis intuitu, et pro salute anime 
sue et antecessorum suorum in liberam puram et perpetuam 
elemosinam, totum mesuagium quod acquisiuit de Andrea de 
Acre seruiente suo, et de Beatrice uxore eius in parochia S. 
Michaelis in Conesford, quod est inter domicilium predictorum 
fratrum versus austrum, et quoddam mesuagium Rogeri de 
Morle versus aquilonem, cuius caput orientale abuttat super 
terram Gregorii Croyde, et caput occidentale super Regalem 
Viam de superiori Conesford. Habendum etc. 

XXIII. John le Blekster and his wife have granted to William Celt 
of Plumsted their fish-house, which John bought of Thomas Yon and Avice 
his wife, in the parish of S 1 George before the gate of the Holy Trinity 
with the place of land, which he bought of Thomas and Avice, on the 
east side of the said fish-house, and it extends in length from the fish-house 

14 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

as far as the common lane called Normaneslane, which leads to Fibridge 
Quay. To have and to hold by rendering yearly $\d. and a clove. 
[Enrolled 1290.] 

Johannes le Blekstere et Johanna uxor eius concesserunt se 
dedisse Willelmo Celt de Plumstede totum Fyshusum nostrum etc. 
quod ego Johannes adquisiui de Thomas Yon et Auicia uxore eius 
in parochia S. Georgii ante portam S. Trinitatis ; cum ilia placea 
terre quam ego adquisiui de Thoma et Auicie ex parte orientali 
predicti Fhishus, et extenditur in longitudine a predicto Fishuso 
usque ad communem venellam que vocatur Normaneslane, scilicet 
que ducit versus Cayum de Fibrigg. Habendum etc. Reddendo 
inde annuatim v d ob' et unum clauum gariophili. 

XXIV. George de Yelverton, in his will, left to Nicholas his brother 
his seld in the Caligaria^ and his tongs and chest of tools, and all his 
tenter and place with the tools belonging to the tenter. This will was 
proved in the full court of Norwich according to the custom of rhe city. 

Georgius de Jeluerton, in testamento suo, legauit Nicholao fratri 
suo totam seldam suam in Caligaria Norwyci et forcipes et cistam 
cum atilio ad eandem pertinenti, et legauit similiter eidem Nicholao 
totam tentam suam et placeam cum atilio eiusdem tente, et cum 
omnibus pertinenciis suis sibi etc. imperpetuum. Et istud testamen- 
tum probatum fuit in plena curia Norvvici per Stephanum de 
Hosmund et Johannem de Poringlond et Willelmum de Jeluerton 
secundum consuetudinem ciuitatis, die Sabbati post festum S. Mathei 
anno xviij E.I. [23 Sept. 1290.] 

XXV. The executors of William de Welles have quit-claimed to 
Gregory de Illington, clerk, a messuage which had been William's in the 
parish of S 1 Clement in Conesford. It was between a messuage of William 
de Thorp and one formerly Sir William de Roingg's on the south, and the 
common lane which leads from Skeythegate, near the dwelling of the Friars 
of our Lady, as far as the Highway of Conesford on the north. The east 
head abutted upon the Highway, and the west upon the Highway of 
Gosehil. [Enrolled 1291.] 

Executores testamenti Willelmi de Welles cognouerunt se 
vendidisse, nomine predicti defuncti, et omnino quietum clamauerunt 
Gregorio de Illington clerico unum mesuagiuin quod fuit predicti 

1 The shops of the makers of leather buskins. See Streets and Lanes of Norwich, p. 26. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 5 

Willelmi in parochia S. dementis in Conesford, quod est inter 
mesuagium Willelmi de Torp et mesuagium quondam domini 
Willelmi de Roingg versus austrum, et communem venellam que se 
extendit de Skeythegate iuxta domicilium Fratrum de Domina 
usque ad viam Regalem de Conesford versus aquilonem, cuius caput 
orientale abuttat super viam Regalem, et caput occidentale super 
viam Regiam de Cosehil. Habendum etc. 

XXVI. Katerina, daughter of James Nade, with the assent of 
Mariota, her mother, has demised to William de Colton, merchant, two 
stalls in the Nedlererowe which are conjointly between the stall of the 
Society of Girdlers 1 to the south. To have and to hold by rendering 8s. 
yearly to Katerine and Mariota. [Enrolled 1292.] 

Katerina, filia Jacoby Nade de Norwico, cognouit se assensu 
Mariote matris sue ad feodi firmam dimississe Willelmo de Colton, 
mercatori etc. duo stalla sua in foro Norwyci in le Nedlererowe que 
sunt conjunctim inter stallum Societatis Zonatorum Norwici versus 
austrum, et stallum nostrum versus aquilonem, et abbuttat super 
soldam Willelmi But et Johannis de Poringland versus orientem, et 
super commune iter infra Nedelererowe versus occidentem. Haben- 
dum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim sibi et predicte Mariote etc. 
viij s argenti. 

XXVII. Peter de Bumstede, merchant, and his wife have granted to 
Nigel de Foxelee, merchant, a moiety of the house with ground and solar, 
which they had built upon land acquired by Peter of the Lord King, which 
once belonged to Elyas, son of Elyas the Jew, and was the entry to the 
Jews' School 2 in S l Peter Mancroft. The house is built between the house 
of Geoffrey de Bungeye north, and that of Richard le Bottman south, 
having the Market-Place on the west. The said moiety of it is that 
which is on the north, near the house of Geoffrey de Bungeye. The 
party wall built across the said house by the parties from the ground 
to the summit, being common to both parties, is to be repaired at their 
joint expense. They have also granted to Nigel land which belonged 
to Elyas extending from the said house to the Cockey, and from the 
land, which was the garden of the Jews' School, towards the south to 
the messuage of Geoffrey de Bungeye. 

Petrus de Bumstede, mercator, et Katerina uxor eius die Lune 
in festo S. Andree, anno xxij E.I. [30 Nov. 1293] cognouerunt se 

1 Introduction II. 2. a Introduction I. 6. b. 

1 6 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

unanimi assensu concessisse Nigello de Foxelee, mercatori ciui 
Norwici, medietatem illius domus cum fundo et solario quam 
fecerint edificari super quandam terrain quam Petrus nuper 
adquisiuit de Domino Rege, que quondam fuit Elye filii Elye Judey, 
et introitus Scole Judeorum in parochia S. Petri de Manecroft, prout 
edificatur inter dam urn Galfridi de Bungeye versus aquilonem, et 
domum Ricardi le Bottman versus austrum, et Regale Forum versus 
occidentem, scilicet illam medietatem dicte domus etc. que est ex 
parte aquilonali iuxta domum Galfridi de Bungeye prout patet per 
parietem extiansuerso illius domus a fundo usque ad summitatem 
inter ipsos confectam. Que quidem paries et fundus illius parietis 
erit communis utrique parti et communibus sumptibus sustentabitur. 
Concesserunt eciam predicto Nigello etc. illam terram que fuit 
predicti Elye prout se extendit in longitudine a domo supradicta 
usque ad Cokeyam, et in latitudine a terra ilia que fuit ortus Scole 
Judeorum versus austrum usque ad mesuagium Galfridi de 
Bungeye, et continet in latitudine ad occidentale capud iuxta 
predictam domum xxviij pedes, et ad orientale capud iuxta 
Cokeyam xxxij pedes. Habendum etc. Reddendo inde annuatim 
Petro et Katerine etc. xviij d argenti. 

XXVIII. Giles le Flemingg of Bruges, painter, 1 and Margaret his 
wife have granted to Walter de Cringgelford, and Alice Gildenwater 
his wife, all their messuage in the parish of S l Peter of Hungate, whence 
Walter and Alice used to receive 2s. annually. 

Egidius le a Flemingg de Bruges pictor et Margareta uxor sua, 
unanimi assensu, concesserunt Waltero de Cringgelford, ciui Norwici, 
et Alicie Gildenwater, uxori sue, totum mesuagium suum cum 
edificiis etc. unde predicti Walterus et Alicia solebant percipere duos 
solidos annuatim in parochia S. Petri de Hundegate. Habendum 
etc. Recognita in plena Curia Norwici die Veneris in festo 
S. Agathe anno xxij E.I. [5 Feb. 1294.] 

XXIX. John de Ingham, burgess of Yarmouth, and his wife have 
granted to Walter de Wymundham, merchant, a rent of TOJ. which is 
due to them yearly from a stall held by Walter in the Fish Market, in 
the place which is called The Hegheauter [High Altar?]. 

Johannes de Ingham, burgensis Gernemuthe, et Alicia uxor 

1 Introduction V. 4. ' 2 de. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 17 

eius, die Sabbati post festum Ascensionis Domini anno xxvj E.I. 
[17 May 1298] recognouerunt se concessisse Waltero de Wymund- 
ham mercatori, ciui Norwici etc. x s redditus qui eis debebantur 
annuatim de quodam stallo etc. quod predictus Walterus tenet in 
foro piscium, in illo loco qui vocatur le Hegheauter, quod est inter 
stallum quondam Johannis le Grant versus aquilonem, et commune 
iter ex omni alia parte. 

XXX. Richard, son of Lucy Herman of Breccles and nephew and 
heir of Richard Herman of Breccles, chaplain, late vicar of Narford, 
gives permission to his uncle's executors to transfer the legacy, bequeathed 
to the Hospital of S l Saviour, 1 which his uncle had begun to found, to 
a more suitable place and of greater benefit to the testator's soul. 

Istud scriptum lectum fuit in plena curia Norwici, die Lune 
post festum S. Martini anno xxxiv E.I. [14 Nov. 1306], Omnibus 
christi fidelibus etc. Ricardus films Lucie Herman de Breklis, 
nepos et heres Ricardi Herman de Breklis, capellani, quondam 
vicarii ecclesie de Nerfferd defuncti, salutem. Nouerit uniuersitas 
vestra quod licet prefatus Ricardus capellanus avunculus meus ilia 
tenementa et illos redditus que et quos sibi adquisierat in ciuitate 
Norwici in suo testamento legasset ad sustentacionem unius 
Hospitalis, quod dudum in honore S. Saluatoris in ciuitate predicta 
fundare cepit, iuxta quandam ordinacionem in serie sui testamenti 
predicti contentam Ego tamen prefatus Ricardus filius Lucie ( 
considerans quod voluntas ipsius avunculi mei circa ordinacionem 
antedictam cum propter dictorum tenementorum reddituum 
exilitatem, turn eciam propter ipsius Ricardi capellani negli- 
gentiam seu omissionem debitum non poterit sortiri effectum. Ut 
eius salubri proposito et anime sue saluti uberius propiciatur in hac 
parte, consensum pro me et heredibus tenore presentium prebeo 
pariter et assensum, quod excecutores testamenti predicti Ricardi 
auunculi mei omnia quod in suo testamento pro sustentacione illius 
Hospitalis et Hospitali ejusdem reliquit in locum apciorem et 
compentenciorem ubi magis sibi et aninie sue saluti perpetuis 
temporibus possit proficere pacifice transferre et assignare valeant, 
per hoc presens instrumentum meum liberam tribuo et concedo 
facultatem ; Ita quod nee ego nee aliquis alius meo vel eorum nomine 
circa premissa in aliquo prefatos executores aut eorum heredes vel 

1 Introduction VI. I, 

1 8 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

executores nee eciam eos ad quos predicta tenementa cum 
redditibus deuenerint in pios et perpetuos usus pro ipsius defuncti 
anima et omnium fidelium defunctorum animabus successiuis et 
perpetuis temporibus conuertend' inquietare callumpniare molestare 
seu quouis modo vel tempore impedire poterimus seu poterint 
inperpetuum quominus eorumdem executorum translacio seu 
assignacio circa premissa rate stabiles sint et perpetuum robur 
optineant firmitatis. 

XXXI. Adam Frere of Norwich has purchased a shop of Robert 
Bendiste and his wife, and since Robert, the son of the above Robert, who 
is under age, has been enfeoffed in some portion of it ; Robert Bendiste, 
senior, enters into a bond by an obligatory writing of the statute [of 
merchants] 1 to pay Adam ,40 if his son, upon attaining his majority, 
disturbs him (Adam) in his possession, or refuses to quit claim him ot 
the shop within a year after that event. [Oct. 1310.] 

Istud scriptum recognitum fuit in plena curia Norwich 
Nouerint uniuersi etc. quod cum Adam Frere de Norwico 
mercenarius nuper adquisiuerit in feodo de Roberto Bendiste et 
Alicia uxore eius quandam schoppam in Norwico in foro ; et 
quia Robertus filius dicti Roberti simul cum patre suo in 
quadam placea longitudinis septem pedum et latitudinis quatuor 
pedum fuit feoffatus, propter quod predictus Adam metuebat se 
de predicta schoppa per dictum Robertum filium Roberti nunc 
infra etatem existentem cum ad plenam etatem peruenerit de 
predicta schoppa implacitari etc. Hinc est quod Robertus 
Benediste obligauit se predicto Ade in xl u solvend' eidem Ade 
ad terminum in quodam scripto obligatorio de statute contentum. 
Quod quidem statutum in manibus Johannis de Upsale ex 
consensu partium traditur custodiend' et deliberand' in forma 
subscripta. Quod quandocunque Robertus filius Roberti ad 
plenam etatem, iuxta consuetudinem Ciuitatis Norwici, 2 attingat 
et predicto Ade et heredibus suis relaxacionem et quietam 
clamanciam de predicta schoppa fecerit expresse de se et 
heredibus suis, ex tune predictum scriptum obligatorium de 
statute de xl" prefato Roberto Benediste vel heredibus aut 
executoribus suis tradatur et deliberatur, 3 presencia dicti Ade seu 

1 13 E. I st. iii. See Introduction IV. I. 2 Sixteen years. 
3 This and other verbs, here correctly transcribed from the document, seem to require 
a. subjunctive form. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 19 

cuiuscumque alterius nullatenus exspectata, ac eciam cassatur, 
irritatur, cassatum et irritum denunciator, et pro nullo coram 
quibuscunque iudicibus reputatur in perpetuum. Et cum dictus 
Robertus ad plenam etatem attingat, et infra primum annum 
complecionis etatis quietam clamantiam facere recusauerit, vult 
extunc et concedit Robertus Bendiste etc. quod predictum 
scriptum de statute confectum predicto Ade Frere et heredibus 
etc. deliberatur, ut nunc est sigillatum ita ut dictus Adam 
Frere etc. exlunc racionabilem habeant accionem predictas xl u 
recuperand'. Concessum est autem quod si predictus Robertus 
filius Roberti infra plenam etatem ab hoc seculo discedat, 
predictum scriptum dicto Roberto Benediste etc. deliberatur et 
pro nullo adiudicatur inperpctuum. Et si contingat quod 
predictus Johannes de Upshalle, premissis autem non completis, 1 
ab hac luce migrauerit extunc predictum scriptum voluntate 
partium in manus cuiusdam alterius probi et legalis hominis 
tradatur custodiend' in forma predicta. De quibus autem scriptis 
viz. tarn de scripto obligatorio quam de scripto presenti tripartite 
cui vel quibus resident seu in cuius custodia traduntur modus 
necnon et inde forma coram Balliuis Norwici in Theoloneo 
eiusdem memoratissime irrotulatur. Ad omnia autem premissa 
fideliter obseruanda predicti Robertus Bendiste et Adam Frere 
huic scripto, necnon et cirograffato, sigilla sua alternating 

XXXII. The enquiry touching the nuncupative testament of Robert 
de Welburn, chaplain, conducted before the officers of the Bishop, who 
finally granted probate, is enrolled in the Bailiffs' Court as proof of the 
testament with respect to the testator's manse in Norwich. 

Testamentum domini Roberti de Welburn, capellani defuncti 
coram discrete viro Magistro Thoma de Foxton, dudum officiali 
venerabrlis patris domini Norwici Episcopi, nuccupatiuum* 
probatum fuit et postea coram W. de Knapeton, officiale predicti 
domini Episcopi, nunc abprobatum pro quodam manso quondam 
ipsius Roberti probatum fuit in plena Curia Norwici die Mercurii 
proxima post festum S. Fydis viginis anno xiiij E.I I. [8 Oct. 
1320] per Johannem de Brisingham capellanum et Henricum de 
Wroxham in hec verba. Memorandum quod cum testamentum 

1 Completum. * Or nnccupatiuuw. 

2O Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

domini Roberti etc. coram discrete viro Magistro Thoma de 
Foxton etc. predecessore nostro in officio, fuisset probatum in quo 
quidem testamento nuccupatiuo condito continebatur quod dictus 
defunctus premissis quibusdam legatis ad certos usus specialiter 
relictis omnia bona sua residua tarn mobilia quam inmobilia in 
usus pauperum ac in missis pro anima sua celebrand' reliquit, ac 
executores dicti defuncti quibus administracio bonorum eiusdem 
in forma iuris fuit et est commissa de quodam manso seu 
tenemento in Ciuitate Norwici in vico qui dicitur Coselanie, inter 
domum Prioris et conuentus de Walsingham ex parte una, et 
domum Willelmi de Alderford ex altera existent!, ad dictum 
defunctum pertinenti iuxta consuetudinera in dicta ciuitate 
obtentam ab antique pro anima euisdem defuncti disponere 
voluissent. Sed quidam cauillosi inter partes eo quod in huius 
testameuto de dicto manso specialis mencio non fiebat asserentes 
ipsum mansum sub dicto generali legato non debere comprehend! 
nee de mente dicti domini Roberti fuisse quod de dicto manso 
seu tenemento pro anima sua disponeretur prefatos executores 
multipliciter impediuerunt quo minus iidem executores de dicto 
manso seu tenemento iuxta dicti defuncti voluntatem pro anima 
eiusdem disponere potuerunt. Propter quod dicti executores ad 
dictum officialem recurrentes proposuerunt quod dictus defunctus 
tempore dicti testament! sui conditi, ut premittitur, de bonis suis 
disponendo de dicto manso specialiter sensit ac expressit, et 
ordinauit quod de eodem pro anima sua disponeretur, et quod 
illud tenementum per executores suos venderetur ; ad quod 
probandum petierunt se per dictum Officialem admitti. Cumque 
idem Officialis Magistero R. de Hakeford rectori ecclesie de 
Couteshale ad recipiend' in forma iuris vocatos in ea parte 
vocandos testes quotquot dicti executores coram eodem super 
premisso articulo ducerent producend' et ad examinand' eosdem 
vices suas commisisset constetque; nobis W. de Knapeton etc. per 
literas certificatorias dicti Commissarii et per dicta seu deposiciones 
testium coram eodem in hac parte productorum et examinatorum 
transmissas nobis inclusas prefatos executores dictum articulum 
sufficienter probasse, et dictum Robertum de dicto manso seu 
tenemento specialiter sensisse ac expressisse, quod idem mansum 
per executores suos venderetur et de pecunia hide redacta pro 
anima sua per eosdem disponeretur in missis celebrandis prout 
per dictas depositiones apparet luculenter. Nos, W. de Knapeton, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 21 

Officialis antedictus, expeditis in hac parte expediend', et 
omnibus rite peractis, dictum mansum ad administracionem 
dictorum executorum spectare debere pronunciamus et declaramus, 
et prefatis executoribus de ipso manso pro anima dicti defuncti 
iuxta extremam eiusdem voluntatem premissam disponendi 
liberam commissimus facultatem. In cuius etc. sigillum 
Officialitatis predicte apponendum Datum viij die Octobris A.D. 
Mccc vicesimo. 

XXXIII. William Bateman and John, his son, acknowledge that 
they have granted to John de Pulham and Margery his wife five acres 
of arable land in the suburb ot the Magdalen in the parish of 
S l Clement at the Bridge, and 8s. v\d. annual rent issuing from other 
lands in the same suburb. 

Willelmus Bateman Ciuis Norwici et Johannes films ejus, die 

Jouispost festum Annunciacionis anno xviij E. II. [28 March I325]et 

recognouit se concessisse Johanni de Pulham ciui Norwici et Margerie 

uxori sue pro quadam summa pecunie quam ei dederunt premanibus 

quinque acras terre arabilis iacentes in quinque peciis in campo 

de suburbio Norwici iuxta Magdalenam in parochia S. dementis 

de Fibriggate. Et etiam viij s argenti et obolum et unum clauum 

gariofili annualis redditus percipiend' annuatim de diuersis terris et 

tenementibus in campo de suburbio Norwici in predicto vico de la 

Magdalena, viz. de una acra terre quam Gilbertus de Tolthorp tenet 

in dicto campo iacente inter terram Prioris de Hykelingge, et terram 

Thome Fegge, et abuttat super semitam que itur de Magdalina 

versus Suddele versus aquilonum, quicunque illam tenuerit, j d per 

annum ; de xvj acris terre quas Simon de Greyneston quondam 

tenuit de feodo Ricardi Ulf de Magdalena in predicto campo iiij s 

vj d per annum ; de una acra terre quam Thomas Fegge quondam 

tenuit ibidem iacente inter terram quam predictus Symon quondam 

tenuit, et terram Hospitalis S. Marie de Magdalena, et abuttat super 

Regalem Viam que ducit a Magdalena versus Catton iiij d ; de ij 

peciis terre quas Willelmus de S. Jacobo quondam tenuit quarum 

una pecia terre vocatur Brudlond, et alia pecia jacet in cultura que 

vocatur le Brecke, inter terram Ricardi Ulf et capita diuersarum 

terrarum, v d ; de una acra terre que vocatur Neplond quam Robertus 

de Milham quondam tenuit vj* ; de una pecia terre quam Radulphus 

Salus tenet iacente inter terram quam idem Radulphus tenet de 

feodo Isabelle Leuerich et terram quondam Willelmi Albon, et 

22 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

abuttat super Marleram 1 iiij d ; de una roda et dimidia quas predicta 
Isabella quondam tenuit juxta terram Ranulphi Salutz tres obolos ; 
de una acra terre que vocatur Merelond et aliis terris ibidem quas 
Magister et Fratres dicti Hospitalis tenent xiij d ; de uno cotagio 
quod ipsi Magister et Fratres tenent apud dictam Marleram iiij d ; de 
mesuagio cum terra etc. quod magister Walterus de Jernemutha 
quondam tenuit ibidem iiij d ; et de una acra terre quam Thomas de 
Lincoln quondam tenuit inter terram Roberti de Milham et terram 
quam predictus Simon tenuit unum clauum gariofili, simul cum 
wardis releuiis escaetis et omnibus aliis commoditatibus dominiis ad 
predictum redditum quoquo modo spectantibus. Habendum etc. 

XXXIV. Nicholas de Costesey of Norwich having entered into a 
bond, before the waidens of the statute of merchants 2 at Norwich, for 
the payment of a debt of ;i6. due to Sibil Flathe of Yarmouth, her 
executor after her death, seises a messuage in Norwich belonging to 
Nicholas, and grants it to a burgess of Yarmouth until the debt and 
the expenses connected with it should be paid. [Enrolled 2 July 1325.] 

Omnibus etc. Benedictus Blok de Bungey capellanus executor 
testamenti Sibille Flathe de Magna Jernemutha salutem. Cum 
virtute cuiusdam recognicionis quam Nicholaus de Costesey de 
Norwico tabernarius nuper fecisset dicte Sibille de quodam debito 
sexdicim librarum coram custodibus statuti de mercatoribus apud 
Norwycum primo die Junii anno iiij Ed. II. [1311] terminis in 
eodem statute contends soluend', et quas idem Nicholaus dicte 
Sibelle in vita sua non soluit ob cuius solucionis defectum ego ut 
executor dicte Sibelle post mortem eiusdem omnes terras et 
tenementa que fuerunt predict! Nicholai in ciuitate Norwyci virtute 
cuiusdam breuis domini Regis de predicto statute, termino S. Hillarii 
anno xviij [1325], coram Justiciariis apud Westmonasterium 
recuperaui et que virtute eiusdem breuis michi et assignatis meis 
liberata fuerunt tenend' ut liberum tenementum quousque dictum 
debitum una cum dampnis que taxata fuerunt ad quadraginta solidos 
plenarie inde leuauerim, viz. de uno mesuagio ipsius Nicholai in 
Norwyco quod extendat ultra seruicia inde debita et reprisas in 
omnibus ad duos solidos per annum. Quod quidem mesuagium 
concedo et delibero Willelmo Sampson, burgensi Magne Jernemuthe, 
in hoc meo assignato tenend' sibi secundum formam statuti predicti 
quousque predictum debitum una cum dampnis plene inde leuauerit 
et inde tradidit ei predictum scriptum sigillo suo sigillatum. 
1 Chalkpit. 2 See No. XXXI, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 23 

XXXV. John Cusin, with the license and consent of King 
Edward II. and of John de Burcestre, rector of S' Peter Mancroft, has 
granted in frank almoine to John Gilbert of Foulsham and John Bolour 
of Hemenhale, chaplains, a shop in the Worsted-Row; 1 another in the 
Spicery-Row, two adjoining stalls in the Meat- Market, and two others also 
adjoining one another in the same Market. 13*. ^d. annual rent from 
shops and stalls, which Roger de Costeshey holds in the Fish-Market. 
los. from two messuages, which Philip de Wreningham holds in the 
parish of S l Giles. 4.5-. from a messuage, which Hamon de Sibton holds 
in the same parish; And 25. from a stall in the Fish-Market, which 
Alexander de Hardley holds. To have and to hold while they celebrate 
divine service daily for the souls of John Cusin, and his father, and 
mother and wife, of his ancestors and successors, of all to whom he is 
obliged, and of all the faithful departed. And Margaret his wife, 
although not nominally joined with her husband in the grant, came and 
confirmed it of her own free will. 

Johannes Cusin ciuis Norwici, de licencia domini Ed ward i 
quondam Regis Anglic illustris patris domini nostri Regis nunc, 
ac eciam de licencia domini Johannis de Burcestre Rectoris 
ecclesie S. Petri de Manecroft, die Martis post festum SS. 
Tyburtii et Valeriani anno iiij E. III. [17 April 1330] recognouit 
se, de consensu dicti domini Regis et predicti domini Johannis 
de Burcestr, concessisse domino Gilberto de Folsham capellano et 
Johanni Bolour de Hemenhale capellano diuina singulis diebus in 
ecclesia S. Petri supradicta pro anima sua et animabus patris 
sui et matris sue et Margarete uxoris sue ac animabus 
antecessorum et successorum eorundem ac omnium quibus 
tenetur omniumque fidelium defunctorum celebraturis, duas 
schopas, quatuor stalla et viginti octo solidatas annualis redditus 
in Norwyco, quarum schopparum una jacet in foro viz. in le 
Worthstederowe inter schoppam Galfridi de Salle ex parte 
aquilonis, et quandam schopham que quondam fuit Willelmi de 
Colton ex parte orientali, et abuttat super Viam Regiam ex 
parte occidenti, et shopam Johannis de Shotesham ex parte 
australi. Et alia schopa jacet in dicto foro viz. in le 
Spicerierowe cuius quidem pars abuttat super schopam Johannis 
Costinoble ex parte occidenti, et pars orientalis super commune 
mercatum, et alia pars australis similiter super commune mercatum, 
et pars aquilonis super schopam quondam Willelmi Puttok. Duo 

1 This is the earliest mention of the Worsted- Row. 

24 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

stalla coniunctim sub uno tecto in Foro Carnium quorum partes 
occidentis et orientis abuttant super communam viam, et caput 
australe super stallum Ricardi Thedham, et capud aquilonale 
super stallum Petri de Bumpstede. Alia duo stalla coniunctim 
sub uno tecto similiter in Foro Carnium quorum capud 
aquilonale abuttat super stallum Radulphi de Bumpstede, et 
caput orientale super stallum Ricardi Thedam, et capud australe 
super stallum Radulphi de Bumpstede, et ex parte occidentis 
abuttat super commune mercatum. Virginti et octo solidatas 
annualis redditus viz. de schoppis et stallis que Rogerus de 
Costesheye tenet in Foro Piscium xiij s iiij d . De duobus mesuagiis 
que Philippus de Wrenigham, sutor, tenet in parochia S. Egidii 
x s . De uno mesuagio quod Hamo de Sibeton tenet in eadem 
parochia iiij s . Item de uno stallo in Foro Piscium quod 
Alexander de Hardele tenet ij s . Habendum et tenendum eisdem 
Gilberto et Johanni capellanis et successoribus suis capellanis 
diuina singulis diebus ibidem pro animabus predictis celebraturis 
imperpetuum in liberam et perpetuam elemosinam. Ita quod nee 
ego etc. in predictis schopis etc. quicquam juris vel clamei 
aliqualiter decetero poterimus vendicare preter Cantariam 
predictam. Et Margareta uxor dicti Johannis Cosin libera 
voluntate sua cum marito suo venit etc. licet non nominata 
fuisset et recognouit se cum viro suo concessisse omnes schopas 
etc. predictis capellanis etc. 

XXXVI. John de Geywode has granted to Nicholas de Blakene 
all his movable goods and chattels whatsoever, viz. three cups and a 
taster of silver, nine coverlets, three mattresses, four quilts, ten pair of 
sheets, eight board cloths, four towels, five napkins, thirty-six copper 
vessels, three copper chargers, ten silver spoons, three copper pots, each 
of one gallon, four copper pots, each of three quarts, three copper pots, 
each of half a gallon, four copper pots, each of one quart, seven brass 
pots, eight brass pans, three basins, three ewers, one iron plate, three 
bankers, twelve cushions, two hassocks, three chests, seven chairs, ten 
tables, eight tins, six kelers, three vats, ten tubs, standels and barrels, 
two pair of iron andirons, two pair of iron tongs, two frying pans, three 
iron spits, two mortars, six pair of trestles, and the rest of his chattels. 1 

Ego Johannes de Geywode Ciuis Norwici concessi Nicholao 
de Blakene, Ciui Norwici, omnia bona et catalla mea mobilia 

1 These goods constituted the equipment of the Common Inn, See Introduction III. i, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 25 

cuiuscumque generis fuerint, videlicet tres pecias et tastour 
anjentea, nouem couerlytz, tria dong'es, quatuor qwyltes, decem 
paria lyntheaminum, octo horde clothes, quatuor manutergia, 
quinque sauenaps, triginta et sex vasa cunea, tria chargers cunea, 
decem coclearia argentea, tres ollas cuneas quamlibet unius 
lagene, quatuor ollas cuneas quamlibet trium quartarum, tres 
ollas cuneas quamlibet dimidie lagene, quatuor ollas cuneas 
quamlibet unius quarte, septem ollas ereas, octo patellas ereas, 
tres pelues, tria lauatoria, unam platam ferream, tria bankerys, 
duodecim qwissyns, duo dosers, tres cistas, septem cathedras, 
decem mensas, octo stanna, sex kelers, tres fatys, decem tubbys, 
stondels et barels, duo paria aundirens ferrea, duo paria tonges 
ferrea, duas patellas frix', tres brochias ferreas, duo mortaria, sex 
paria trosteles et cetera catalla mea in quorumcumque manibus 
existencia absque ullo retenemento vel clamio mei seu executorum 
meorum infuturum. In cuius rei testimonium presentibus sigilluir. 
meum apposui. Datum apud Norwicum die Martis in festo S. 
Michaelis Archangelli anno vij R.II. [29 Sept. 1383.] 

XXXVII. The Master of the Hospital of S< Giles requests that a 
distraint of two half-cloths taken by him from William atte Lane for 
a farm of i&s. may be appraised. The distraint being valued at 37^. by 
two jurors, the Master found two pledges to satisfy William concerning 
the balance. 

Memorandum quod Rogerus Erpyngham Magister Hospitalis 
S. Egidii in Nonvico venit in plena curia eiusdem Ciuitatis die 
Mercurii post festum S. Augustini anno xj R.II. [3 June 1388] 
coram Ballivis ibidem, supplicans ut quedam districcio duorum 
dimidiorum pannorum per ipsum Magistrum capta de Willelmo 
atte Lane super feodum eiusdem Magistri pro xviij 5 firme, quam 
dictus Willelmus debebat dicto Magistro pro arreragiis etc. 
apprecietur. Que quidem districcio appreciata fuit ad summam 
xxxvij 5 per Johannem Robert, et Johannem de Lyng juratos. 
De qua quidem summa que excedit debitum dicti Magistri viz. 
xix s ipse Magister inuenit plegios sufficientes ad satisfaciend' 
dicto Willelmo cum inde requisitus fuerit, viz. Thomam Spynk et 
Johannem de Walsyngham taillour. 

XXXVIII. Thomas Gyney, knight, makes a writing of manumission 
to his bondman, Adam Wulleman. 

Thomas Gyney miles venit in curia etc. xv die Decembris 

26 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

anno xvj R.I I. et petiit irrotulari ac remembranciis dicte curie poni 
quoddam scriptum suum manumissionis, factum Ade Wulleman 
propter perpetuam rei memoriam. Tenor vero cuius scripti talis 
est. Omnibus etc. Thomas Gyney miles salutem. Cum nuper 
clamaui Adam Wulleman de Byntre filium nuper Thome Wabald 
esse natiuum meum, sciatis me relaxasse et quiete clamasse 
eidem Ade totum ius meum et clamium et omnimodas acciones 
reales et personales quas habui seu quouismodo habere potui 
versus eundam Adam racione natiuitatis seruitutis villenagii, seu 
cuiuscumque alterius cause a principio mundi usque in diem 
confeccionis presentium. Ita quod nee ego, dictus Thomas, nee 
heredes mei nee quisquam alius nomine nostro aliquod jus vel 
clameum seu accionem versus prefatum Adam nee in sequela sua 
procreata vel procreanda nee in bonis seu catallis suis exigere 
vel vendicare poterimus infuturum, set ex omni accione simus 
exclusi inperpetuum per presentes. In cuius etc. Hiis testibus 
Johanne de Curson, milite, Willelmo Curson de Bek, Thoma 
Curson, Edmundo Hastinges et Johanne Haliwelle. Datum apud 
Norwicum die dominica post festum omnium Sanctorum anno 
xvj R. II. [Nov. 2 1393.] 

XXXIX. Thomas Bystere, citizen and mercer of London, has 
granted power of attorney to John Bally to compound with Nicholas 
Walsingham, another citizen and mercer of London, who is imprisoned 
in the Castle of Norwich, at the instance of Thomas, for a debt of 
^764 45. ^d. owing to him and acknowledged under the Statute of the 
Staple. 1 John Bally is also to receive the payments, and to acquit 
the sheriff of Norfolk for the discharge of the prisoner, the whole writing 
being confirmed by the seal of Mayoralty of London. Finally John 
Bally acknowledges his acquitance to the Sheriff in the Bailiffs' Court. 

Johannes Bally de London' attornatus Thome Byster de 
London' per factum ipsius Thome in hec verba ; Uniuersis etc. 
Thomas Byster ciuis et mercerus London' salutem. Noueritis me 
prefatum Thomam loco meo apposuisse Johannem Bally de 
London' verum et legitimum attornatum ad componend' etc. 
pro me et nomine meo in omnibus et singulis accionibus 
etc. pendentibus inter me et Nicolaum Walsyngham ciuem et 
mercerum ciuitatis predicte in prisona apud Norwicum ad sectam 
meam detentum, pro septingentis sexaginta et quatuor libris 

'27 E. III. st. ii. c. 9. See Introduction IV. I, 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 27 

quatuor solidis et quatuor denariis sterlingorum in quibus idem 

Nicholaus per scriptum suum obligatorium de statute stapule 

apud Westmonasterium pro mercatoribus edito mihi obligatur, et 

virtute cuiusdam breuis domini Regis Vicecomiti Norffolcie 

directe in prisona dicti domini Regis in Castro Norwici existit 

detentus. Dantem et concedentem dicto attornato meo plenam 

potestatem cum eodem Nicholao tractand', soluciones recipiend', 

ac dies solucionis limitand', et ponend' scripta quecunque in hac 

parte necessaria, et acquietancias pro me et nomine meo dand' 

et componend', ac eundem Nicholaum a prisona deliberari 

faciend' et ad largum ire permittend', necnon Vicecomites Ballivos 

et ministros quoscunque comitatus Norfolcie aut ciuitatis Norwici 

de deliberacione eiusdem Nicholai pro me et nomine meo fiend' 

et acquietand'. Cetera vero omnia et singula que circa premissa 

fuerint necessaria aut quomodolibet importuna, siue de eisdem 

dependenciis vel connexa, ordinand' faciend' etc. adeo precise et 

integre sicut ego ibidem personaliter interessem. Ratum etc. 

habentem totum quicquid idem attornatus meus pro me et 

nomine meo fecerit in premissis. In cuius rei testimonium 

presentibus sigillum meum apposui. Et quia idem sigillum meum 

quampluribus est incognitum sigillum Maioratus Ciuitatis London' 

hiis apponi procuraui. Et nos Johannes Shadworth Maior 

Ciuitatis London' memorat' ad instanciam prenominati Thome 

nostri Maioratus sigillum presentibus duximus apponend', scriptum 

London' xiiij die Marcii anno iij H. IV. [1402]; venit 1 in 

plena curia Norwici coram Ballivis xij die Aprilis et recognouit 

factum suum in hec verba. Nouerint uniuersi me Johannem 

Bally le London' attornatum Thome Bistere ciuis et merceri 

London' concessisse Edmundo de Oldhall vicecomiti Norffolcie 

quod ipse Nicholaum Walsyngham etc. extra prisonam ire 

permittat ad largum ubicunque aut quocunque ire voluerit, et 

quod idem vicecomes aut aliquis alius ministrorum suorum racione 

deliberacionis predicti Nicholai ex causa predicta nunquam in 

futuris impetitus erit aliquo modo. Sed quod idem Thomas 

Bistere ab omni accione versus dudum Vicecomitem et omnes 

etc. ratione deliberacionis dicti Nicholai sit exclusus imperpetuum 2 

In cuius etc. xj die Aprilis anno iij H. IV, 

1 This is John Bally in lines I and 2. 

2 Neither the creditor nor the debtor were Norwich citizens, and the Castle was 
the county prison as distinct from the city prison. The proceedings were in accordance 
with the statute of the staple and the record of them was enrolled in the Bailiffs' Court 
because the attorney was commissioned to grant those officers a discharge. 

28 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

XL. An indenture by which John, son of John Heryon, is bound 
apprentice to Walter Smyth, draper, for nine years. The friends of 
the apprentice are to find him in clothing for his body and bed during 
the first year of the term and Walter is to do so afterwards, and is also 
to pay him 40.$-. in the last year. The apprentice promises faithful 
service and to protect his master's property, undertaking not to marry 
without his master's permission under the penalty of his term being 

Hec indentura facta inter Walterum Smyth, ciuem Norwici 
le draper, ex parte una, et Johannem Heryon, filium Johannis 
Heryon de Rendham in Suff', ex altera parte ; videlicet quod 
idem Johannes filius commorabitur cum dicto Waltero in seruicio 
suo tanquam apprenticius eius continue seruiturus, a festo 
Prurificacione beate Marie Virginis [2 Feb.] proximo post datum 
presentium usque ad finem nouem annorum proximorum sequentium 
et plenare completorum. Per quod tempus dictus Walterus 
docebit et mformabit vel doceri faciet ipsum Johannem filium 
officium suum de drapers-craft, quo utitur, ut emend' et vendend' 
et omnia alia dicto officio suo pertinencia bene et fideliter faciend' 
pro posse suo et secundum ipsius Johannis filii ingenii 
capacitatem. Ac eciam inueniet eidem Johanni filio per totum 
terminum predictum sustentacionem suam ut in cibis et potibus, 
et per octo ultimos annos dictorum nouem annorum pannos 
linteos et laneos ad dorsum et ad lectum, caligas et sotulares 
competenter et sufficienter, prout decet tali apprenticio inueniri. 
Ac soluet dicto Johanni filio in ultimo anno dicti termini 
quadraginta solidos argenti. Et amici vero dicti Johannis filii 
inuenient eidem Johanni filio in primo anno dicti termini pannos 
linteos et laneos ad dorsum et ad lectum, caligas et sotulares 
sufficienter, sine contradiccione quacumque. Concedit insuper 
dictus Johannes filius quod ipse prefato Waltero et ejus attornato 
tanquam magistro suo fideliter humiliter et diligenter in omnibus 
licitis deseruiet per totum terminum predictum, et quod secreta 
sua firmiter celabit, preceptaque libenter faciet, nee de seruicio 
suo se absentabit per diem aut per noctem sine rationabili causa 
et licencia speciali. Dampnum non faciet quin illud restituet, 
neque id sibi ab aliquo fieri videbit quin illud pro posse suo 
impediet aut dictum magistrum suum inde premuniet. Set 
bona et catalla dicti magistri sui bene et diligenter custodiet 
et appruabit et fideliter inde ei respondebit. Uxorem non ducet 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 29 

infra dictum terminum contra voluntatem et assensum dicti 
magistri sui, nee fornicacionem aut adulterium faciet interim cum 
aliqua muliere in manso dicti magistri i>ui sub pena duplicandi 
terminum suum et seruicium suum predictum. Ad que omnia et 
singula ex parte dicti Waited pretnissa fideliter tenend', idem 
Walterus obligauit se heredes et executores suos per presentes. 
Et ad omnia et singula ex parte dicti Johannis filii premissa 
fideliter adimplenda et obseruanda, predictus Johannes Heryon, 
pater dicti Johannis filii, Johannes Halle de Rendham, Adam 
Baldevvyn alias dictus Barker de eadem constituerunt se 
fideiussores et principales satisfactores, obligando se cum dicto 
apprenticio et quemlibet eorum in solido et pro toto heredes et 
executores suos per presentes. In cuius rei testimonium huic 
indendato partes predicte et fideiussores sigilla sua alternatim 
apposuerunt. Datum apud Norwicum xvij die Januarii anno 
vj H. IV. [1405.] 

XLI. A dispute having arisen between John Lynsted and John 
Westgate, owing to the former claiming that the latter has built part of 
the east wall of a new house upon Lynsted's ground, Westgate appeared 
before the Mayor and requested that an inquiry may be held. The 
Mayor therefore appointed a jury of the masters of the masons' and 
carpenters' crafts to view the premises who decided in favour of Westgate, 
and the Mayor ordered their decision to be enrolled. 

Wher John Westgate of Norwich, calaundrer, did builde a 
newe hous of the est part of his mese in the parissh of S l 
Gregory, at which tyme oon John Ilberd, colermaker, was very 
owner of a nother mese lying on the est part of the mees of 
the said John Westgate and therto next adioynyng, whereof 
Robert Lynsted, couerlightweuer, is nowe owner which John 
Ilberd, aslong as he was owner, pesebly sufferd the seid bilding 
withoute grudge or and but helde hym wele contented 
with the same. And nowe of late the seid Robert Lynsted of 
his own mynde surmyseth and seth that John Westgate hath 
bilded parcell of the est walle of his seid newe hous upon the 
grounde of the said Robert as upon parcell of his seid mese. 
Therfor John Westgate, in eschewyng of such sklaunderous and 
noyffull wordys, made supplicacion to the right wurshefull 
Thomas Aldrich Maire and gouernoure of the City of Norwich, 
besechyng hym to assigne indifferent persones to haue the sight 

3O Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

of the seid edifying, Wherupon the seid Mayre accordyng to olde 
and laudable customes used in cases sembleable, the viij day of 
Maye the xxiij 1 ' yer of King Herry the VII. [1508] did calle 
bifore hym the masters of the mister or craft of masons viz. 
Thomas Merchaunte and John Mileham, masons, and Thomas 
Spendlove and William Cowper, carpenters, and also Richard 
Hause, mason, ther beyng by the maires comaundment, and them 
comaunded and charged upon ther holydom othes that they had 
made to god and to the Cite to vevve indifferently the seid 
edifying and therof to certify hym the trouth, all fauours and 
parcialitees by them or eny of them to either of the seid parties 
clerly to be set a parte. Which seid masons and carpenters by 
comaundment of the Maire vewid the seid edifyings, and therof 
by ther holydom othes certified to the Maire that the newe est 
walle of the newe hous bilded by John Westgate is bilded upon 
the olde fundacion of his oun walle, wherupon the olde hous 
stode afore the bildyng of John Wesgate of his newe hous as 
evidently by the seid fundacion it doth appere, and not upon 
eny parte of the tenemente that the tyme of the same bildyng 
was John Ilberdes and nowe Robert Lynstedes and that they be 
redy at all tymes to justifie accordyng to ther seid ooth whan so 
euer they be called at the charges of either of the parties so 
fyndyng hym greved. All which premisses the seid Maire 
comaunded to be enrolled emong other enrolmentes of charters 
munymentes and other evidences remaynyng in the Gilde Hall 
of the seid Cite, in asmech as they concerne frehold. 


Mostly Translated. 

XLIL Account of Peter Flynt. 1 

The account of Peter Flynt of the rents, entries and other 
receipts which belong to the community of Norwich from Michaelmas day 
in the 2i st year of King Edward to the same feast in the next year 


Arrears due. The same answers for 4 17*. 6d. received for the 
arrears owing of the debt of the Lord King as attermmed. And for 
235. 6d. received of arrears of the said debt not paid. And for 114^. gd. 

1 Introduction II. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 3 T 

of receipts for a certain debt in which the whole community is bound to 
Geoffrey de Bungeye. And for 33^. 4d. of receipts from certain persons 
that they might be exempt from the common tallage. 1 Sum ^13 los. id. 

Rents. The same answers for 63^. received of the rents of the town 
of Norwich. And for 9 i6s. 4d. of the receipts for fines made for 
entries. Sum 12 igs. ^d. 

Sum total of the receipts 26 gs. $d. 

Expenses. First, in the expenses of Geoffrey the clerk at Tatteshull 
on behalf of the business of the town, 13*. lod. In the expenses of the 
same Geoffrey and his fellows on behalf of the plea concerning the 
Spitellond, between the Prior of Norwich and the community of the town, 
6 iSs. 4d. In the expenses of the said Geoffrey and Gervase le Graunt 
incurred at London, for the said plea, 32^. Sd. In the expenses of the 
said Geoffrey incurred at London for the business of the whole com 
munity, 335-. 4d. In the expenses of Robert de Holveston and Robert 
de Weston incurred at London for the business of the town, 6is. 

Sum ^13 igs. 2d. 

Presents. In expenses and presents sent to the Justices of the Lord 
King and others his ministers and clerks during their several comings, 
4 us. $^d. 

For payment to Thomas de Framelingham for his fee, i^s. \d. 
To John de Mutford for his fee for the whole year, 2os. In the expenses 
of the same John incurred at London for the business of the whole 
community, i8.y. id. To John Norman for his fee from the term of S l> 
Michael, 6s. Sd. To Thomas de Framelingham for arrears of his fee, 
27 s. To John de Berstrete, clerk, for the drawing up of certain letters 
to the use of the whole community, 14^. To Edmund le Tundur for a 
certain debt, 3$. To the same Edmund, spent for wine in the Iter of 
the Justices, 6s. Sd. Paid to Gyliot le Taverner of divers debts on 
behalf of the whole community, 265-. Sd. In the expenses of two sergeants 
of the bench of the Lord King at London, 2s. Sum 6 45. id. 

In one horse bought to the use of Robert de Weston, 13^. In repair- 
ing a stall, 2s. To Odo de la Bothe for the constabulary of Norwich, 
I3.S-. 4d. Paid to William But and Robert de Horsford for the 
business of the town, zs. 4d. In parchment bought, 6d. In the stipend 
of a sergeant collecting the fines for entries, gd. In a beam (trona) 
bought to the use of the whole community, 65-. Sd. Sum 385. id. 

Sum total of the expenses 26 i$s. 

Like Account for the 22 nd year [1294-5] 

Arrears. The same answers for 52^. received for the arrears due of 

1 See No. CCCCXXIX. 

32 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

the debt of the Lord King as attermined- And for 15*. 6d. for arrears 
of the said debt. And for 305. for the composition (auxil') of certain 
persons that they might be exempt from the common tallage. And for 
4J. 6d. for timber sold. Sum 102*. 

Entries. The same answers for loSs. received of the fines made for 

Sum total of the receipts 10 IQS. od. 

Expenses. Paid to Thomas de Framelingham for his fee, 135. ^d. 
To John de Berstrete for his salary, \d. In parchment bought, 6d. To 
Geoffrey the clerk, for his expenses incurred at Teford, 1 5^. Paid to 
Simon Est for his fee, los. In the expenses of Geoffrey the clerk 
incurred at London for the business of the whole community, and 
claiming their liberties, 40^. To the Sheriff of Norfolk, 305. Sum 
4 igs. 2d. 

Presents. In expenses and divers presents sent to the Justices etc. 

$2S. <)%d. 

Bought. In reed (colom') bought for covering the Tolhouse, 225. $d. 
In the wage of a certain man covering the said house, for the job, 
145. gd. In one man hired for 4 days and a half for carrying earth by 
barrow loads to the said house, taking per diem id., gd. In straw and 
hay bought, lod. In the wage of one man hired for 2 days for repair- 
ing defects of the said house, 4^. In repairing one fork (furche), zod. 
In one man hired for 2 days for amending the way against the door of 
the Tolhouse, $d. In one weight bought to the use of the community, 
$d. Sum 415. $d. 

Paid to Richer de Weston out of a loan, 15^. To Richard de 
Felmingham of a debt, i6s. 4d. To William de Sessuns, i2d. To Roger 
Stel of a debt, lod. Paid for the arrears of the instalment 2 (stalliamenti), 
28*. Paid to John le Blekster of a debt, ys. Sum 6Ss. id. 

Sum total of the expenses ^13 

Like Account for the 2^ rd year [1295-6] 

Arrears and Entries. The same answers for 106^. 6d. received of 
the arrears of the debt of the Lord King as attermined. And for 2os. 
for the fines of certain persons that they might be exempt from the 
common tallage. And for 11 "js. 6d. for fines made for entries. 

Sum total of the receipts 17 145. od. 

Expenses. Paid to Thomas de Framelingham for his fee, 13$. 4</. To 
John de Mutford for the arrears of his fee, 40^. To the clerk of John 
de Insula for a certain charter read at Norwich, 6^. 8d. To Roger de 

1 Thetford. 

2 To make up the ,10 paid annually to the King for the arrears of the Fee Farm 
Rent. See Introduction II. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 33 

Tudenham for expenses incurred at London, upon his account, 405. To 
the Bailiffs of Norwich for the woad-market, 4os. 1 In the expenses of 
W. Gerard incurred at Yarmouth for the business of the town, 4*. In 
the expenses of the same incurred there at another time for the business 
of the whole community, gs. id. In one horse hired to the use of the 
community, i%d. Paid to the Bailiffs for the arrears of the instal- 
ment, 4os. Sum 9 i$s. id. 

Presents. In many and divers presents sent to the Justices of the 
Lord King etc. as in bread and wine, carcasses of beeves, and salt and 
oats, 6 $s. i\d. 

In the repair of Coslany Gates, 6s. 8d. In the repair of Nedham 
Gates, i6d. In parchment bought, iSd. In the repair of the Tolhouse, 
us. lod. In lath (asperibus) bought for the said house, 6d. In the 
construction of one bench in the said house, 6d. To a certain messenger 
going to Gypewyc for the business of the town, i2d. In the repair of 
2 cross-bows (arblast'), gd. In 2 hanapers, 2s. gd. In one banner 
bought to the use of the constabulary, 6d. Sum 27 s. \d. 

Sum total of the expenses 17 Ss. o^d. 

Like Account for the 2 ^ h year. [1296-7] 

Arrears and Entries. The same answers for 58^. ^d. received of the 
arrears owing of the debt of the Lord King as attermined. And for $s. 
received of pledges sold not being acquitted. And for 6s. 8d. received of 
William Albon. And for 75^. received for fines made for entries. 

Sum total of the receipts 7 $s. od. 

Expenses. Paid to Thomas de Framelingham and Hugh de Causton 
for the purchase of One writ, 20^. iod. To Thomas de Hekyngham 
and John de Ely, clerk, "js. id. To the clerk of Robert de Mauteby for a 
gift, 3.$-. 4d. In the expenses of Thomas de Hekyngham incurred at 
S l Edmund [Bury] for the business of the town, 10*. Paid to Thomas de 
Framelingham for his fee, 135. ^d. To Geoffrey de Bungeye of a debt, 
4S. \\d. To Thomas de Hekyngham for the land of William Pycot, y? 
Paid to Clement de Plumsted and the clerk of Robert de Mauteby, 
i os. Sum -]is. S^d. 

Presents. In many and divers presents sent to the Justices of the 
Lord King etc. 775. z\d. 

In barrels bought to the use of the Lord King, Ss. $d. In hired 
attendants (garcionibus) carrying the said barrels to the water, $d. In 
the repair of the beam (trone), i2d. In parchment bought and in the 
stipend of one clerk, i$d. In the expenses of the collectors of an 
eighth for one breakfast, 6s. 8d. Sum 17^. $d. 

1 See No. CCCLXXXIX. 2 See No. XLV. note. 

34 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

For payment to William But for the arrears of the instalment from 
Easter, igs. 

[Sum total of the expenses <) 5*. 

Like Account for the 25'* year [1297-8] 

Arrears and Entries. The same answers for 20*. received for arrears 
owing of the debt of the Lord King as attermined. And for 26s. Bd. 
received of certain persons for fines made. And for 6 us. for fines 
made for entries. 

Sum total of the receipts 8 1 7 s. 8d. 

Expenses, Paid to Simon Est for his fee, 13$. 4^. To Thomas 
de Framelingham, 13*. ^d. Sum 26s. 8d. 

In the expenses of Roger de Tudenham and William But in the 
plea of the Lord Bishop of Ely, 20*. In the expenses of John de 
Gouthorp while he was sitting over (in) the account, 20*. In the 
expenses of Roger de Tudenham incurred at London for the business of 
the whole community, 30*. Paid to Odo de la Bothe for the arrears of 
the instalment (installamento), i6s. To Thomas de Framelingham for 
the business of the whole community, 4^. id. In the expenses of Odo 
de la Bothe [going] to Theford for the business of the town, ys. In 
presents sent to the Justices, etc. 30^. gd. Sum 6 TS. lod. 

In the hire of one horse, i6d. In parchment bought for the rolls 
for the taxation of an eighth, Sd. Paid to William Albon for his 
labour at auditing the account, 6s. 8d. In expenses incurred for 
watchers at the sea, 145. Paid to a certain sergeant (servienti) appointed 
for measuring casks of meal, 6d. Sum 235. zd. 

Sum total of the expenses 8 lys. 8d. 

The Account of Peter Flynt for the 2gth year of Ed. /. [1300-1] 

Rents. The same answers for 44^. 8d. received of Nicholas de 
Castr' of the rents of assize. And for 40^. received from the 
Nedlererowe. And for 40*. received from the woad-rnarket. 1 And for 
izd. received from John le Neubryd. And for 6d. received from John 
de Gymingham. And for 4^. received from Geoffrey de Salle. Sum 
6 6s. 6d. 

The same answers for ^24 13*. 4^. received of fines made for 

Sum total of the receipts ^30 i gs. i od. 

Expenses. In payment to John de Hekingham for his fee, 133. \d. 
To John de Morlee for his fee, 13.?. \d. To John de Gowthorp 2 for 


2 He was one of the Bailiffs, to which officers this sum was paid in the accounts 
for the following years. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 35 

allowance of the instalment, 6s. 8d. In expenses of the same John while 
he was sitting in rendering his account, zos. Paid for Pycot's rent, 3^. 
To Peter Flynt in part payment of his debt, 20*. Paid to John le 
Graunt and his fellows for expenses incurred concerning the claiming the 
liberty of the town before the Justices, 265-. &d. In their expenses 
incurred over their account, 40^. Paid to Simon Est for his fee, 
20,y. In the expenses of Henry de Aula and Peter de Bumsted incurred 
at Dunwich for the business of the town, 45. id. In their expenses 
incurred at Yarmouth, 2s. Paid to Nigell de Foxele for a debt, 40*. 
In expenses of John le Grant and his fellows incurred at Thetford for 
the business of the town, 6s. 8d. Paid to Richard de Melton in part 
payment of his debt, i2S. To Robert de Holveston 1 in part payment of 
his debt, 6s. 8d. Sum ^n 14.?. $d. 

In repairing the Tolhouse, 2s. In two locks bought, \gd. In a 
chest bought to the use of the whole community, 8s. o^/. In two locks 
bought for the same chest, i$d. In keys (clau') bought for the said chest, 
i\\d. In parchment bought, \z\d. In the repair of one stall, 4*. id. 
In lath (asseribus) and nails (clau') bought for the Murage-Loft, 8s. gd. 
Sum 27 s. 6d. 

In presents sent to the Justices of the Lord King and others his 
ministers as in cloth, wine, oats, cloths of Wrthsted* and cloths of 
Aylesham, out of the courtesy of the whole community, ;i8 95-. 

Sum total of the expenses ^31 us. $d. [sic. ? 6f</.] 

Like Account for the 30'* year [1301-2] 

Rents. The same answers for 6 65. 6d. [as in the last account]. 

Entries. And for ,24 igs. ^d. received for fines made for 

Sum total of the receipts 31 5*. lod. 

Expenses. Paid to Simon Est for his fee, 2os. To John de 
Hekyngham and John de Morle for their fee, 135. ^d. To Nigel de 
Foxelee in part payment of his debt, 20*. To Peter Flynt for the like, 
2o.f. In the expenses of William Bateman incurred at Teford for the 
business of the town, gs. $d. Paid to the Bailiffs of Norwich on 
behalf of the whole community, 40^. In their expenses incurred upon 
their account, 205. For Pycot's rent, 3^. To Philip de Lyndeseye for 
the hire of a certain house, i2S. In the expenses of Robert de 
Pykenham incurred at Theford, 6d. In the expenses of John de Morle 
and his fellows incurred at Lenn for the business of the town, js. In 
the expenses of Roger de Tudenham and his fellows incurred at London 
in parliament, 4 55. To Alexander de le Sartryn of the debts of 

1 Burgess in Parliament. a Introduction IV. 2. 

36 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

William de Dene, los. In parchment bought, nd. To the Friars of 
S t- Augustin, 25. 4d. To the servants of John le Breton for a gift, 45. 
For the stipend of a certain attendant going to Gypewyc, and to the 
court of the Lord King, 4*. 6d. Sum 1$ 125. 

In presents sent to the Justices etc. as in bread, wine and other 
things, l^ iSs. io|d. 

Sum total of the expenses ^31 us. 2\d. \sic. ? los. 

Like Account for the 31" year [1302-3] 

Rents. The same answers for 6 6s. 6d. [as in the 29* year]. 

Entries. And for ^25 for fines made for entries. And for 65$. 
for the arrears of a certain collection made towards a present of [to] 
the Lord King. And for 6o.r. id. from a certain collection granted 
towards the building of a certain house near the Tolhouse. And for 
6s. Sd. received of Adam Sylvester. Sum ^31 izs. $d. 

Sum total of the receipts ^"37 iSs. gd. 

Expenses. Paid to the lord Walter Bacun in coined (numerata) 
money out of the courtesy of the whole community, 6os. To the 
clerk of the same Walter, 45. -}\d. In the expenses of Hugh de 
Rokelund at York, 6^. 8d. To John de Morle and John de Hekyngham, 
26s. Sd. To the clerk of William de Howard for a gift, 35. ^d. In the 
expenses of Robert Bendiste incurred about the present of the Lord 
King, 6s. To Peter Flynt in part payment of his debt, 20*. In expenses 
incurred at Teford for the Abbot of S' Edmund, 2~js. 6d. In the 
expenses of Walter Bacun, los. In the expenses of Robert Est incurred 
at Teford, 3*. \d. For Pykot's rent, 3*. In the expenses of the Bailiffs 
while they were sitting in accounting, 205. Paid to the same, 405. 
In the expenses of a certain attendant who came for procuring malt to 
the use of the Lord King, 22d. Paid for one amercement before the 
King, lod. To the clerk of the lord Walter Bacun, at another time for 
a gift, 6s. Sd. To Simon Est for his fee, 6s. Sd. To John de Morle 
for expenses incurred at Lenn for claiming the liberty of the town, 
3*. yd. To Alexander de Sartryn of a debt, los. To Robert de 
Holveston of a debt, 6s. To John de Mutford for his fee, 205. To 
John de Morle for purchasing writs, 25. In wax and parchment bought 
at divers times, 2id. In the expenses of Thomas But at Lenn in the 
business of the town, 55. To the same for his stipend for the writing 
(confectione) of the rolls, 25. Sum 14 17 s. ^d. 

In presents sent to the Justices of the Lord King, their clerks, etc. 
;io us. -z\d. In expenses incurred about the building of the walls of 
a certain house 1 near the Tolhouse by the common assent of the whole 
town, ^13 6*. Sd. Sum 23 i-js. io^d. 
Sum total of the expenses ^38 i$s. ^d. 

1 The Murage Loft. See the account for the next year. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 37 

Like Account for the 32'"* year [1303-4]. 

Rents. The same answers for 6 6s. 6d. [as in the 29 th year]. 

And for 335-. ^d. received of the aid granted to the use of the 
community on account of their transgressions. And for 9*. 6d. received 
of John de Stonhus for the hire of houses. And for IDS. received of 
John Petyt of a certain aid to the use of the whole community for the 
term of his life. Sum $2S. lod. 

Entries. And for ^"17 135-. 4^. received for fines made for entries. 

Sum total of the receipts 26 i2S. 8</. 

Expenses. Paid to John de Morle for the purchase of 2 writs, 
2$. Paid to John le Taverner of Walsham for wine for the past year, 
24*. 6d. To Thomas de Huningham for the past year of a debt, 6s. 
To John de Morle and John de Hekyngham for their fee, 135-. $d. 
To the same for their expenses incurred at York, 1 and for their labour 
in (de) the year last past, 265. 8J. To the same for their fee for 
Easter term, 135. ^d. In the expenses of a certain attendant 
(garcionis) going to York as attorney for the community to claim 
the liberty of the town, 25. $d. To Simon Est and Robert Est for 
their fee for Easter term, 33^. ^d. To Peter Flynt in part payment 
of his debt, 20^. Paid to the Bailiffs, of the entries, 405. In the 
expenses of the Bailiffs while they were sitting 2 in accounting, 2os. For 
Pykot's rent, 35. Paid to a certain messenger coming from the 
Court to Norwich for a tenth, i2d. To the Bailiffs for Walter Bakun 
for money of distraint (namii) 26s. &d. To the clerk of William Howard 
for a gift, 2S. To a clerk, collecting malt for the Lord King, 2s. Paid 
towards the expenses of three sergeants going to Lenn for the affeerment, 5^. 
Sum 12 \\d. 

Bought. In lath bought for the Murage House, y. gd. In iron nails 
for the same house, 13^. In one lock for the door of the Murage 
House, 3^. In straw for the house of the community at the coming of 
the Justices there, $d. In one carpenter hired for repairing the said 
house, 2s. 2d. In one ring bought for the door of the Murage House 
and in repairing other things in the same house, 5^. In expenses 
incurred about the repair of defects in the Tolhouse, 35. $^d. In nails 
bought for repairing the defects, 6d. In one man hired for thatching 
(cooperiend') the Tolhouse, 6\d. In timber bought for the Tolhouse, 
i2d. In parchment bought at divers times for writing (confectione) the 
rolls and other business of the community, 2s. 3^. In expenses incurred 
about the bench at the Tolhouse, 18^. Sum ITS. [i] \d. 

In expenses incurred about the repair and amending of a certain 

1 The Chancery was placed at York in this year, the King being in Scotland. 

2 Probably at Westminster at the King's Exchequer. See Vol. I., No. CL. 

38 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

house which is called the Common House near the gates of the Priory 
of Norwich, ^4 4*. $%d. 

In presents sent to the Justices, etc. as in bread, and wine and 
other courtesies, 9 us. id. 

Sum Mai of the expenses 26 13^ 

Like Account from 29 Sept. 1304 to 3 May 1305. 

Entries. The same answers for 105^. \d. received for entries from 
Michaelmas Day, the 33 rd year of the King's reign beginning, up to the 
day of the Invention of the Holy Cross in the same year. 

Expenses. Paid to John de Morle, 35. \&d. which he has paid 
upon the account for the whole community of the town. Paid to Simon 
Est on Wednesday next before the Circumcision [30 Dec. 1304], 6s. &d. 
To Thomas de Byrston on the same day for his labour, 3^. ^d. To 
John de Hekyngham on the same day for his labour, 35. ^d. To Robert 
Bendiste for his labour, 3^. \d. Paid to John de Morle for his fee, 
13^. 4</. To Richard de Luthe in part payment of his debt for warding 
Bayon who is imprisoned, 6s. 2>d. Sum 40*. 6d. 

Presents. In presents sent to the Justices, etc., 6 55. io\d. 

Sum total of the expenses 8 6^. 

XLIII. The Bailiffs' Account for the year 1350-1. * 

In presents to the lord Prince Edward before the feast of S l 
Michael [29 Sept. 1350] in the time of Geoffrey Coteler, John de 
Elyngham, Reginald de Gurmuncestre and Adam Berte then Bailiffs of 
the City of Norwich [1349-50], ^4 i2s. %d. 

Also in presents to the same lord Prince Edward when he came to 
Norwich for the tournament on Monday the feast of S Nicholas the 
bishop in the 24 th year of the reign of King Edward the third [6 Dec. 
1350] in the time of James de Bliclyngg and his companions then 
Bailiffs of the said City [1350-1] as appears by the items, 21 as. id. 
besides 15*. for 6 cygnets bought of William de Dunston which are not 
accounted for in that sum. Also in presents for the Queen when she 
came to Norwich as appears by the items, g 135. $d. In presents to 
Sir Robert de Ufford 2 by the command of the Bailiffs, 245-. Also given 
to Sir Richard de Keleshull Justice of the Lord King for holding assises 
and gaol delivery on Monday in the close of Easter in the 25 th year of 
the Lord King Edward aforesaid [25 April 1351], 13^- $d. Also to 
Robert de Thorp at the same time, los. Also given to Northwold the 

1 This roll has no heading. 

2 Eldest son of the Earl of Suffolk who died in his father's lifetime. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 39 

clerk at the same time 40^. Also to two Marshals at the same time, as. 
Given to John de Berneye, 1 40*. Also to his clerk, 6s. 8d. 

Also in a breakfast at the tavern of Matilda Fissh on the Thursday next 
after the Conversion of S l Paul in the 25 th year of the Lord King Edward 
the third [27 Jan. 1351], namely for John de Berneye, Robert Clere, 
and Roger Varley 2 and the Bailiffs and for other men of the said City 
as appears [by] the items, us. $d. Paid to Richard de Byteryngg 
and Robert de Bumpsted when they went to parliament representing 
(pro) the said city, 7 6*. &d. Also paid to the Bailiffs i mark for the 
proffer of the account made at Westminster on the feast of S l Michael 
in the 24 th year of the present Lord King [29 Sept. 1350] according to 
custom, and [2 marks] when the account was rendered, 40^. 

In divers expenses among the servants of the Lord Prince at the 
tavern at the time of the tournament, 22^. 8d. 

In divers expenses incurred by the Bailiffs from the feast of S l Michael 
the Archangel in the 24 th year of the present Lord King [29 Sept. 1350] 
until the month of Easter 3 in the 25 th year of the same King [1351], 
in messengers of the Lord King and in divers others coming for 
business (negotio), 15^. 2d. In a breakfast at Merkeshale tavern about 4 the 
feast of S' Martin [n Nov.] in the 24 th year of the present Lord King 
[1350], namely for John de Berneye and his companions Justices of the 
Lord King, at Hengham, i6s. 

Also in the expenses of Richard de Colton going on behalf of 
Roger Midday, i$d. 

In the repair of Coslany Gates, 4.?. id. In repairing a lock for 
Nedhamgates by James de Bliclyngge, \6d. 

Given to Sir Thomas Brambre for the community, ^10. Given to 
Peter de Bruges for remitting victual of corn and malt, g. Paid to 
John Treye, Bailiff, for the proffer made on the feast of S l Michael in 
the 25 th year of the reign of the present King [29 Sept. 1351], 20$. 
Paid to Walter the clerk for his fee, 40*. Also in sealing the letters 
of Sir Thomas de Brembre, id. In wine bought at the tavern of 
Matilda Fissh at a banquet of Sir Thomas de Brembre, zs. $d. Given 
to a certain messenger of the Lord King about (citra) the feast of 
Easter [17 April 1351] \2d. Given to two messengers of the Lord 

1 See below. 

2 These men, with the Earl of Suffolk, Richard de Keleshull, and Robert de Thorpe, 
were among the Commissioners of Peace appointed for Norfolk in Feb. 1350. They 
were also appointed Commissioners under the Statue of Labourers in the following year. 
Cal. I'at., 1348-50, p. 526; and 1350-4, p. 89. See No. XLIV. ** * 

'' Easter day was April I7th. 

4 Citra, really "on this side of." The word appears to be frequently used for 

40 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

King about the feast of Pentecost [5 June], 2s. Given to Robert 
Messager about the feast of the apostles Peter and Paul [29 June], i2d. 
Give to a certain other messenger of the Lord King, i2</. They ask 
that there may be allowed them of the tenth of the Lord King on 
behalf of Richard Spynk, 1 2os. Also on behalf of the same for the tax 
of ;6o granted in the community for speeding the business of the City, 
i mark. Given to Robert Messager [Messenger] of the Lord King, 2S, 
Also to two couriers, messengers of the Lord King, 3^. 

In one beam (trunco) bought at the command of the Justice for the 
stocks made by John de Bereford, 6.r. 6d. Also paid to the smith for 
repairing the ironwork of the stocks, 9*. Also for repairing the lock of 
the stocks and for other necessaries, &/. 

XLIV. The Bailiffs' Account for the Year 1397-8. 

The account of Thomas Hert, Walter Niche, William de Crakeford, 
and John de Wurthsted, Bailiffs of the City of Norwich, of their charges 
and expenses incurred for the honour (honestate) and necessity of 
the said city from the feast of S l Michael the Archangel in the twenty 
first year of the reign of King Richard the second [29 Sept. 1397] until 
the feast of S' Michael in the 22 nd year, during one whole year. 

First, in the expenses of the Justices of Peace in the said city for 
food and drink at one breakfast in the feast of S l Luke the Evangelist 
[i8 th Oct.] in the same year, 4*. 8d. Also in the expenses of the same 
Justices another time, viz. 26 Oct. in the same year, for food and drink, 
3*. 6d. Also in wine given to the same Justices at their other session 
[on the] 22 Jan. \2d. Also in a gift to one courier (corrour) of the 
exchequer [on the] 17 March, (:d. Also in the expenses incurred and 
paid by William Spynk about the procuring of a writ of procedendo in the 
plea levied in the court of the said city against Leonard de Kerdiston, 
knight, concerning his writ of supersedeas served upon the said Bailiffs 
in the same year in diminution of the liberties of the said city, and for 
reclaiming (convocand') the said liberties etc. 40^. Also in a gift to 
Thomas Monk, messenger of the Lord King, for making a deduction on 
the part of the Lord King of those 500 marks promised to the King by 
some of the community of the said city, zos. Also in a gift to a sergeant of 
the same Thomas, 2od. Also in the expenses for one breakfast made for 
the same Thomas, the King's messenger, and 2 lampreys bought, 8.y. iod. 
Also in the expenses of John Yelverton exerting himself about the 
despatch of the said business against Leonard Kerdeston, 40^. Also 
paid to John Copping for a cloth of Wursted bought from him and 

1 He was exempted for his work on the walls. See Introduction II. 6, and 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 41 

given to the Crown Clerk of the Lord King for his aid performed in 
the same business of the said city against the said Leonard, 26$. Sd. 
Also in the expenses incurred with the coroners of this City at 
Bokenhamferye upon the view of the bodies of two women drowned in 
the water of the liberty 1 of the said city, for the aid of the said coroners 
for the oversight and support of the liberty of the said city etc. 13^. Also in 
a gift to the minstrels of the Lord King and of the Lord Duke of York, 
45. Sd. Also in a gift to one courier (currour), ^d. Also in a gift to 
one minstrel of the Lord King, \2d. Also in the expenses of Reginald 
Maundevill going to Berningham to John Wynter for the business of the 
said city, iSd. Also in a gift to the crier (proclamatoris) of the Justices 
assigned (ad assissas) this year, \id. Also for cherries (cherris) bought 
and given to the same justices, \\d. Also in bread given to the same, 
iBd. Also in 3 quarters of oats bought and given to the said Justices 
assigned, i4^. Also in the expenses of the Justices of the Lord King 
assigned, at Abrahamhall, of the consent of the greater part of the com- 
munity, 1 8s. 5</. Also in the expenses at one breakfast for Lexham and 
Yelverton and several notables (nobilibus) of the community at holding 
a conference for divers businesses of this city, 195-. id. Also in 
wine given to the Lord Bishop of Norwich 2 at his coming to Norwich, 
8s. gd. Also in one jar (olla) of grenegingere bought and given to the 
same Lord Bishop, \is. ^d. Also in spices (pulveribus) bought for the 
Lord King's pies 3 and other expenses about making the same, gs. lod. 
Also paid to the carrier of the same pies, ^d. Also in the expenses of 
Thomas Middilton going to Cambridge for the business of the said city, 
6s. 8d. Also in the expenses of Reginald Mundevill riding for Yelverton 
for having his counsel with the community, iSd. Also paid to John 
Rollere, cook, for his labour at Thetford and for his divers expenses 
there, 6s. 8d. Also paid to Thomas Middilton for his labour there, 
6s. 8d. Also in a gift to one sergeant of the Lord King, 6s. 8d. Also 
in a gift to one messenger of the Lord King carrying a quarter of 
Henry Ropere, a traitor of the Lord King, and in a gift to one, his 
sergeant, 4*. 6d. Also in expenses incurred at one breakfast at Norwich 
for Edmund de Thorp, Robert de Berneye, Ralph de Shelton, John 
White, knights, the Sheriff of Norfolk, the Mayor of the town of Lenn 
and several other gentlemen (gentilibus) and notables (nobilibus) of the 
country and of this city for the honour of the said city, 34^. ^d. Also 
in expenses of the purveyors of wines of our Lord the King, 3^. 8d. 

Sum of the expenses 16 45. 6d. 

Also the abovesaid Bailiffs request of the community of the said 
city for the purchased fee of the Castle out of custom, 4 ;io. Also 

1 See Vol. I. p. 223 n. 2. * Henry Despencer. 3 See No. CCCLXXXVIII. 
4 See Vol. I. p. xlii. 

42 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

they request of the same community for making their account, 605. Also 
paid to Thomas de Lexham, attorney of the community for his wages of 
the year afforesaid, 20*. 

Sum total ,30 45. 6d. 

XLV. A Pipe or Estreat Roll for I357. 1 

Of the sum in the Pipe [Roll] in the thirty first year [of E. III. 


Of Robert Benedicte 2 and his heirs for a certain place in Norwich, 
35. 4d. Of William Bateman of Norwich and his heirs of rents of three 
places in Norwich, \2d. Of John de Weston, citizen of Norwich and 
his heirs for a certain place in Norwich, zd. Of the Prior and brethren 
of the order of S l Augustin of Norwich for a certain lane in the same 
city, id. And of arrears, id. Of the citizens of Norwich of the fee 
farm of their town, ,113 8*. od? Of the same citizens of the new 
increment 4 of their town, 40*. Of the same citizens of rents rendered 
in increase of the said city, 5 ;io. Of the same citizens of several small 
farms, 6 9*. $d. Of the Bailiffs of the city of Norwich of divers rents of 
the Jews' 7 houses in Norwich, iid. Of Nicholas Pycot of the annual 
rent of the moneyers' house which was released to him by M. de 
Pateshull, 8 $s. Of Geoffrey de Wilughby of Norwich, clerk, of the 
farm of two messuages and one acre of land in Norwich, icxr. 9 Of John 
Athol of Norwich for a certain place of void land with the appurten- 
ances in Norwich, iid. Of the citizens and Bailiffs of the city of 
Norwich of the farm of divers places about the Castle-Ditch of Norwich, 
54*. 4</. 10 Of Thomas But of two debts, 60 35-. g^d. Of William 
Bisshop and Roger Virly, Mayor of the Staple in the city of Norwich, 
of divers farms, 86. 2od. Of Hugh Aslac, of a fine for trespass 
and contempt of the King, aos. Of the citizens of Norwich of several 
debts, 10. 

1 Demand to the Bailiffs for payment of sums due to the King, estreated [extracted] 
from the King's Roll of the Pipe. 

2 He had the grant of the smaller piece of the seal for the recognisances of 
debts in Norwich in 1307. Rot. Pat. I E. II. m. 19. See Statute of Merchants 
13 E. I. st. iii. 

3 This with the five following items makes the total of ,126 u. 4</. the amount of the 
fee farm rent at this period. See Introduction II. i. 

4 See Vol. I. p. 221. n. 3. 5 Ib. p. 19. 6 See No. CCCCXLVII. 

7 The Book of Pleas f. Ix. adds "as is contained in Rolls 16 and 12 [year] of the King's 
father [Ed. I.?]." 

8 Ib. " Nicholas Pycott owes 3*. of an annual rent of the moneyers' houses, which were 
delivered to him by Martin de Patishull in his iter, as is contained in the Roll for 14 
H. [III.]." 

9 See No. CCCCXLVII. ] See Vol. I. p. xlii. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 43 

XLVI. The Treasurers' Roll, 1375-6. 

The account of Peter de Alderford and Walter Nyche Treasurers of 
the City of Norwich from the feast of S l Michael in the 49 th year of 
King Edward III. [29 Sept. 1375] to the same feast in the next year. 

First, received of Henry Skye and his companions, Bailiffs in the 48 th 
year of King Edward III. [1374] in part payment of the farm of the city 
for the same year, ^33 8s. \\\d. Of John atte Moer and William de 
Eton, Treasurers for the year last past, for the arrears of the last 
account, ^"4 14$. io\d. Of Henry Skye, his companion having died, 
late Treasurers, for the arrears of their account, 8 los. 2\d. Of 
Thomas de Surlyngham, Collector of the common rents, ^18 125, 6d. 
Of Thomas de Bukton, late Treasurer, for the arrears of his account, 
4 125". l\d. Of entries this year, ,11 6s. 8d. For the gates this 
year, "js. zd. Sum 81 13^. od. 

Received of William Boteler and William Ryngman, collectors 
(taxatoribus) of Mancroft, for the Barge, in full payment, 50^. Of John 
de Beklis and Nicholas de Sibton, collectors of Wymer etc. 265. 
Of William de Burgoine and Richard de Sporle, collectors Over the 
Water etc. i6s. 4(1. Sum 4 125. ^d. 

Received of Thomas Cole and William Bladsmith, collectors of 
Conesford, in full payment of a double tenth, 355-. Of Thomas de 
Jeron and Michael Toppay, collectors of Mancroft etc. 48^. Of Richard 
de Baketon and Thomas de Amerynghale, collectors of Wymer etc. 
^3 14^. lod. Of John de Eggefeld and John Mentil, collectors Over 
the Water etc. 565. Sum 10 i$s. loef. 1 

Received of Hervey de Egemere and Richard de Wilbeye, collectors 
of Conesford, for the residue of the subsidy in full payment, 385. $d. 
Of John de Sail and William de Reveshale, collectors for the same, in 
full payment, 205. Of John Palmere and Walter de Fornsete, collectors 
for the same, in part payment, 30^. Sum 4. 8s. ^d. 

I Received of Thomas de Beston and William Swon, late collectors 

Over the Water, for the old tax, in full payment, 13^. ^d. Of Robert 
Pope and Richer de Blyburgh, collectors of Conesford, in part payment 
of a double tenth, ^13. Of Richard de Yarmouth and Stephen 
Girdlere, collectors of Mancroft etc. ^23 45. Of Robert de Bungeye and 
William de Metton, collectors of Wymer etc. ,29 53. Of Robert 
Noreys and Richard de Lyng, collectors Over the Water etc. ,20. 
Sum ;86 2S. ^d. 

Received of John Fullere, smith, for a stall near the Murage Loft, 
this year, ^d. In divers towers leased this year, 2s. ^d. Sum 2s. 8d. 

Sum total of the receipt ^187 12$. $d. 

1 A double tenth was about ^190, of which this sum was the arrears. 

44 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Fees paid. First, paid to Edmund Gornay for his fee this year, 20^. 
To Edmund de Clipesby, 2os. To the said Treasurers for their fees 
this year, 405-. To Thomas de Worthsted 1 etc. 13^. ^d. To William de 
Worthsted, clerk of the community etc. 405. Sum 6 i^s. ^d. 

Money paid. First, paid to Clement Hereward by order of the 
Bailiffs in part payment of the farm of the City, to be paid at London, 
,20 6s. %d. Paid to Henry Skye and Hugh de Holand to the 
use (ad opus) of Sir Thomas de Morieux, 2 knight, for his fee, 
;66 135. ^d. To Hugh de Holand and his companions for portion of 
the farm of the City in arrear, ,29 55-. yd. In the wages of 
Bartholomew de Appilyerd and William de Bliclyngge going to the 
parliament of the Lord King, on Monday next after the Feast of S l 
George [24 April] for 81 days, and for their share of the common 
banquet there made by the commons of the realm, ^27 13^. ^d. To 
Thomas de Bumpsted by order of the auditors of the account for a debt 
of the community, ^3. To John de Welbourne for the expense of the 
barge by order of the Bailiffs, 40$. To Roger de Ridelyngton for 
keeping (custodia) the barge, 16 13^. \d. To Thomas Hert for a 
debt of the community by order of the Bailiffs, 53^. To John Palmere 
for a debt of the community by order of the auditors, io.y. To Thomas 
Spynke and his companions, Bailiffs for the past year, ^4. Sum 
^172 15*. 5</. 

Small Expenses. First, for a rope for the bulls, y. f)d. In expense 
of the Tolbooth as in reed, clay, rods, iron bolts [and] latches (shottis 
sneckis) and stipend of the workmen, 48$. To Henry Mirigo for 
carrying away muck from the Tolbooth, $s. For parchment and paper, 
3^. 4</. For wax for the common seal, 8d. In expense upon making 
the account, zs. Sum ^3 os. ^d. 

Sum total of the receipt ^187 12$. $d. 

Sum total of the expenses and payments 182 gs. 6d. 

Be it remembered that the said Treasurers rendered their account 
before the auditors of the account on the Thursday next after the feast 
of S* Mary Magdalen in the first year of the reign of King Richard II. 
[23 July 1377] and there remain in arrears upon the said account 
^5 2s. nd. which they have forthwith upon their account paid to John 
de Multon and Robert de Bernham, Treasurers, for the present year. 

XLVII. Extracts from the Treasurers' Roll, 2 and 3 Richard 
II. [1378-9]. 

Received. For entries this year, ^39 6s. %d. For 3 towers leased 
to Thomas de Worthsted, custos of the city ditches, 3^. For a tower 

1 Warden of the city ditches. 2 See No. XLVIII. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 45 

leased to Nicholas Coek, ^d. Another to Thomas de Tiryngton, ^d. 
Another to Robert Drake, 6d. Another to Walter Smith, 6d. Another 
to Edmund Sipatre, is. Another to Roger Popy, 6d. Another to Ralph 
Smith, is. Another to Roger Yon, is. Another to John Fulcher, is. 
Received of John de Lenn and Thomas de Hardele, taxers of Conesford, 
;i7 155. $d. Of John de Dunston and Hugh Barbour, taxers of 
Mancroft, ^37 2s. 8d. Of Nicholas de Corpsty and Richard Skiueyn, 
taxers of Wymer, ^43 i"js. zd. Of Clement Shelfangel and Walter 
Wakand, taxers Over the Water, ^29 9*. 6d. 

Paid. To 2 esquires (armigeris) of the Lord King coming for 
borrowing 400 marks for the Lord King, 10 marks. For their expenses, 
2os. To William de Bliclyngge to be paid to the minstrels at the 
coming of the Lord Duke of Lancaster, 205-. To the Admiral 1 for 
excusing the barge, 5 marks. To John Stapil for the same, 40*. To 
John Haukin for the same, 13^. 4</. To Thomas de Middilton, carrying 
the charter of our liberty to London, i^s. $d. To Sir Henry Hastyf, 
Baron of the Exchequer, 40^. To the clerk of the same, 13^. ^d. And 
for their expenses, 27$. id. 

In removing the mast of the barge 2 and for spars (sparris) for 
covering the said mast, 125. id. To John Whytfare for the carriage of 
the utensils of the barge from Thorpe to Norwich, i$s. &/. To the 
same by the whole community for supervising the barge with the utensils, 
6s. %d. To Roger Yon for the same by order of the Bailiffs, 65. 8d. 

In expenses upon the chamber of receipt (solar' recepti) 3 as in 
timber, nails, board, tile, lime, sand, and cloth for the hangings (doser'), 
and the covering of the chequer table (scaccarii) there and red lashings, 
and the stipend of the artificers there, 38^. id. To Richard de Colton 
and Adam de Poryngland, late Coroners of the city, for green wax, 4 by 
the order of the community, 13*. ^d. To Hugh de Holand for the rent 
(pensione) of a house where the utensils of the barge were lodged, 
135. 4d. To John Greygoes for the barge by the order of the Bailiffs, 
205. For red paper at the chamber of receipt, &/. For canvas for 
covering the charter of our liberty [going] to London by Thomas de 
Middilton, its. 

Sum of the whole receipt ^"374 17^. $\d. 

Sum of all the payments and expenses ^326 45. id. 

They beg to be allowed of the taxers of Conesford for money 
advanced to the community, for the tax of Henry Skye, 125. Of John 
de Foxle remitted by the community, 6s. %d. Sum i8.r. %d. 

1 The Admiral of the North (of the Thames), not of Norwich as Blomefield, III. 103. 

2 See No. CXXX. 

3 Kirkpatrick in Streets and Lanes of Norwich, p. 36, says this was the Murage 
Loft. 4 Fines under the seal of the Exchequer in green wax. 

46 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Of the taxers of Mancroft, for the tax of Thomas de Bumpsted, 
4oj. Of John Pykyng, senior, 195. Of Ralph Skeet, 30^. Of John 
Latymer, 35*. Of Henry Lomynour, 305. Of Nicholas de Blakene, 
335. Of William de Worthsted, 26s. 8d. Of John Drask, io.y. -Of 
Robert de Bernham, 135-. ^d. Of Thomas de Boughton, 135. Of 
Reginald de Bungeye, izs. Of Letice Gronger, remitted by the com- 
munity, 2S. Sum ^13 4s. od. 

Of the taxers of Wymer, for the tax of William de Hornyngge, 
2os. Of John de Salle, taverner, 20^. Of Bartholomew de Appilyerd, 
40^. Of Walter Nyche, 20^. Of James Jakes, 205. Of Simon de 
Bliclyngge, 40^. Of Thomas Hert, 40*. Of Thomas Markaunt, 165. 
Of Henry de Botlisham, i6s. Of Henry Ged and his companions, 
IQS. For Holmstrete, 335. A,d. Sum ^13 15^. ^d. 

Of the Taxers Over the Water, for the tax of Reginald Cobbe, 
26s. 8<Z. Of Thomas Spynk, 1 i8s. Of Peter de Alderford, i8s. Of 
John atte Moer, i8s. Sum 4 os. 8d. 

XLVIII. Extracts from the Account of divers Citizens 
appointed in the room of the Treasurers. 

The Account of Bartholomew de Appilyerd, Nicholas de Blakene, 
Walter de Bixton, Hugh Holand, Henry Lomynour, Ralph Skeet, 
Thomas Spynk and Henry Skye, from the Feast of S* Laurence the 
Abbot 5 R. II. [6 Nov. 1381] to the Feast of S l Michael then next 
coming [29 Sept. 1382] 

Paid. To Nicholas de Blakene in part payment for the tenement 
late John de Welborne's, 2 ^33. To Henry Lomynour for wine at the 
time of the tumult, 3 ,10. To John de Dallyngge, smith for henglis* 
and hoki& to the new house in the butchers' market, 6s. 8d. To 
Henry Spragy for racks and mangers at Geywod's, 6 6s. 8d. To 
Robert [the] Clerk for the transcript of the charters and statutes, 
6s. 8d. To Thomas de Taterford for inrolling charters, 6s. 8d. For 
crutches ? (crusis) bought at the time of the tumult in the Market 
and at Mushold, 7^. 6d. 

The account of the above Citizens from the Feast of S' Michael 
6 R. II. [29 Sept. 1382] to the same Feast in the next year. 

Received. Of the Old Rent clear this year, 4 TOJ. 2d. Of the 
new rent etc. 495. 8d. Of the Stathe, 35 marks. Of the farm of the 
houses, ;n igs. $d. Of the Meat Market, ,41 14*. ud. Of the 

1 See No. CCCXCIII. 2 The Worsted Seld. 3 Lytester's Rebellion. 

4 Sockets of hinges. 5 Pintles of hinges. 6 The Common Inn. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 47 

Fish Market, 12 os. 8d. Of the Wool Market, 4 125. 8d. Of 
the Poultry Market, ^ 8s. Of John de Buckishale, 53^. 4d. Sum 

Fees Paid, To Edmund Gornay for his fee this year, 205. To 
Edmund de Clipesby etc. zos. To John Drake etc. 135. 4d. To John 
de Tasburgh, Common Sergeant, etc. $ 12$. To William de 
Worthstede, Common Clerk etc. 53^. \d. Sum 8 i8s. 8d. 

To Adam Redberd and Robert de Egemere for the expenses of 
the barge, 14 marks. To John Osmund, Chaplain, 4. To 
Reginald Maundvyll towards London for suing out the writ of the 
Lord King for the Clerk of the Market and other business, 505. 
To Henry Lomynour for expenses incurred before (coram) the coming 
of the Lord King, viz. . . - 1 canopy and shelter (celo et castello), 
6 i6s. gd. To the Seneschal of the Marshal, $. To Richard 
de Riedham for a horse bought at the time of the tumult, 26s. 8d. 
To John Tasburgh for a wheel-barrow, iod. For the expenses of the 
Clerk of the Market at the hospice of Roger Taverner, los. For 
nails and rackestavis, 25. For planckis and boerd to the mangours, 
45. To John Peyntour for the painting of the banner, 20^. 

The Account of the above Citizens for the term of S* Michael 
7 R. II. [1383] and for the term of the Nativity of the Lord 

Paid. To Reginald Cobbe for the Lord Thomas Morieux, 2 20$. 
For a horse at the time of the tumult, ,3. To Nicholas de Blakene 
in full payment for the tenemement late John de Welbourne's, n 
marks. To John Peyntour for the repair of the banner, 15.5-. To 
Robert de Elyngham for the making of a wall (parietis) by the church 
yard of the Church of S' Peter, los. For repairing (renovand') the 
boat of the barge, 8d. For rent to the church of S l Gregory 3 for 
3 years past, 6*. 

XLIX. Extracts from the Treasurers' Account, 8-9 Richard 

Received. Of the arrears of the last account, 4 143. od. Of 
the store in the chest (stauro in pixide), 16 los. gd. Of the old 
rents this year, 10 125. $d. Of the new rents, 58^. Sd. Of the 
Meat Market, ^37 i8s. od. Of the Fish Market, 16 45. od. Of 
the Wool Market, 4 2s. od. Of the farm of the houses, 

1 Torn away. 2 Master of the Horse. 3 See No. CCCCIII. 

48 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

12 3-r 6d. For entries this year, ^20 135. $d. For pigs, 1 -js. 2d. 
For the Stathe, ^23 los. od. For millstones lodged at the Stathe, 
;6. Of Eustace the merchant 40*. For the tenement formerly 
Adam Wynter's, 10 marks. For the tenement formerly Robert de 
Derham's, ^"5. For the Poultry [Market], 1 os. \\d. For a 
ruinous house in the Meat Market, 6s. &/. Of the executors of 
John de Salle, 20^. Sum total of the receipts ,\H 13*. nj</. 

Paid. To Thomas Spynk and William Appilyerd for parliament 
during 39 days, -3. To William Appilyerd for a commission for 
arraying the gates and walls of the city, and for another commission 
for arraying and apportioning men at arms and archers, and for the 
supersedeas (superseas Justiciar') of the Justices for the said array, 2 
^4 13^. 4-d. To Nicholas Hubert for saltpeter and quick sulphur 
(sulfure vivo), ^14 n^- d. [Spent] about erecting the walls near Iron 
Doors, ^19 3-y. ^d. To Nicholas Hubert for a gunne bought by 
William Spycer, 11. To the clerk sent by the Mayor of London and 
Sir Robert Knoll for having a navy (navigio), 405. To a messenger of 
the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury for the said navy, 6s. 8d. For 
painting 30 paneyers? 23$. $d. To Nicholas de Corpsty for the 
impairment (deperdito) of the cloths bought for the said navy, 30^. 
To William Spycer for earnest money given for gunnes^ 20$. To the 
Master of the gunnes for carriage from London to Cambridge, and 
from Cambridge to Lenn, los. For the carriage of the gunnes from 
Lenn to Norwich, 6s. For a carpenter and the repair of 30 paneyers, 
i8< For linen cloth to the standard (vexillum), id. For painting 
the same, i8</. For the carriage of the gunnes to the field, 14^. 

L, 9-10 Richard II. [1385-6]. 

Paid. In a present to the Lord Duke of Lancaster, 50 marks. 
To Godefrey, the barbour of the Lord Duke/ for one bleeding (letto), 
los. In a present to the Earl of Notyngham, 10 marks. In a 
present to the Earl of Suffolk, 20 coombs of oats, 20$. And two 
pipes of wine, 6 3^. ^d. To Richard Tumour for 7 stoppes to 
the gunnes, (>d. To John Ermeswell for making the ditch between 
the great Tower and Berstrete Gates, 2s. For a cart for 5 days 
at Westwyk Gates, 7^. 6d. To 2 labourers at Westwyke Gates, id. 
In expenses about making the ditch at Barreyates, 28^. In expenses 
about making the ditch at Conesford Gates, 35^. gd. In expenses 

1 Pigs at large in the streets. 

2 An invasion by the French was expected. 

3 Bread baskets. 4 See Norfolk Arch<zolo,>y, Vol. XVI. p. 46. 

A Portion of a Treasurers' Roll showing the whole of the 
receipts for the year ending at Michaelmas 1386. 

The heading is " Compotus indentatus Edmundi Warner et Willelmi Chaundeler. 
Thesaurariorum Civitatis Norwici, a festo Sancti Michaelis Archangelli Anno regni Regis 
Ricardi secundi nono usque idem festum Anno reuoluto." 

The Roll was written in duplicate and in reverse. That is to say, in line with the 
receipts here given were the last items of the payments in the duplicate. It was then 
divided in indented form and in this instance both parts are extant. Usually such a word 
as INDENTURA or CYROGRAPHUM was written along the line of division in order 
that the two parts could be the more surely identified. In the present case, apparently, 
use was made of seven meaningless ciphers. The lower part of two of them will be seen 
on the right. 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 49 

about making the ditch at Westwyke Gates, i$s. g^d. For beer and 
the carriage of the gunne? 8d. 

Be it remembered that the Treasurers have received of the taxers 
of the Lete of Conesford in part payment of the tax, 8. Of the 
taxers of Mancroft etc. 20. Of the taxers of Wymer etc. ^20. Of 
the taxers Over the Water etc. 9. Sum ^57. 

Of the said sum they have paid to John de Gedeney, clerk of 
the Lord King for the apparatus of the ships of (ad) war, 50 marks. 
Also To Walter de Bixton and Walter Nieche for making full payment 
of 300 marks advanced to the Lord King, 12 8s. ^d. 

Be it remembered that they have received of the money advanced to 
the Lord King. Of the Lete of Conesford, ^"15 os. &/. Of the 
Lete of Mancroft, ^68 os. ^d. Of the Lete of Wymer, ^91 7.5-. lod. 
Of the Lete over the Water, ^"15 4$. ^d. Sum ^189 13.9. zd. with 
\\s. of Walter Bixton, and 27^. 6d. of John Ferrour. 

They have paid to Walter de Bixton and Walter Nieche for 
making payment to the Lord King of the money advanced, 250 marks. 
Also to the same for the like purpose, 20 i8.y. ^d. 

LI. lo-n Richard II. [1386-7]. 

Paid. For washing the mast [of the barge], nd. For 24 Ib. of 
rosyn for the mast, 35. 4^. For 3 potells of oil for the mast, zs. For 
airing (ventilacione) the sail of the barge, ltd. To the old Bailiffs 
for the new increment,- and for their account, ,14 8s. 6d. To two 
masons for one day for the inspection of the City Walls, izd. 

LII. n-i2 Richard II. [isSy-S] 3 . 

Received. Of Robert Waleys for the tackling of the Barge, ^"20. 

Paid. For a spar, one boll<* and the haft (helft) of a mattock, $d. 
For kaiage 7 ' at Yarmouth for timber, 40^. To the Friars Minors there 
for taking care of the timber, izd. For a rope (corda) for the bull, 
of the weight of 29 Ib. hemp, y. "j\d. To John Hirdeler for 3 
dozen hirdels, 1$. bd. In two large eels, 6^. One turbot, 6^. For 
4 shovels i riddle and ale, i&d. To John Peyntour for painting the 
Gates, 2S. (>d. For repairing the bull (bool) rope, 6d. To John 
Alunday for painting fire-places (caminorum), izd. For a skoop, \\d. 
In expenses to Yarmouth and Ipswich at divers times for the sale of 
the tackling of the barge, 20.?. For a gun late Thomas Shermans 
to John de Donston, \\s. To Robert de Elyngham for plaster of 

1 See No. XLIX. 2 See No. XLV. 

3 From the 1st Book of Treasurers Accounts. See Introduction III. I. 

* A bowl or knob, 5 Quay dues. 


50 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Paris viz. 62 Ib. 2.y. $d. To Richard Drewe for 2 pairs of 
quernstones (whernstones), los. zd. 

LIII. 12-13 Richard II. [1388-9]. 

Received. Of John Pool in part payment of the Worsted Celd 
for Easter term in the 13 th year, ^7 IO.T. od. Paid. To Peter 
Netesherd for six days, and one horse to S l Benets, 3*. ^d. To 
Thomas de Boure for the carriage of a last of bricks (tegule) from 

5 1 Benets, 15^. To Richard Blakehoumore for six lighters to the tower 
with bricks, 3*. To John Ratoner, 1 40^. 

LIV. 14 Richard II. [1390-1] 2 . 

Memorandum of money contributed in 14 R. II. for having the 
staple of wools at Norwich 

Of John Latymer, 335. 4^. Of Robert Popungeay, 40^. Of Edmund 
Warner, 20^. Of Thomas Hert, i^s. $d. Of William Crakeford, 2os. 
Of Roger de Bliclyngg, 405. Of John Shuldham, 2os. Of Walter 
Danyel, 20^. Of John Gilbert, 2os. Of William Lomynour, 2os. Of 
John de Trous, 2os. Of Nicholas Corpesty, 2os. Of Robert Brasier, 
2os. Of Thomas Spynk, 205. Of Thomas Leveriche, junior, 20.5-. Of 
Robert Bernham by the hands of Robert Popungeay, zos. 3 

Whereof, paid to Clement Hereward of the aforesaid money at 
London for William Appelyerd and Thomas Gerard, 20 marks. Also 
placed in the hands of Thomas Leveriche, junior, on the vigil of the 
Nativity of the Lord [24 Dec. 1390], ^4. Of which ^4, paid for a 
pipe of wine given to William Rees, 4 marks. Also to Robert de 
Berneye, knight, 40^. Of which 405-. the community contributed 13^. <\d. 

Paid to Thomas Spynk of the said money contributed, 2os. To 
William Lomynour, 205. To Nicholas Corpesty, 2os. To Thomas 
Leveriche, junior, 2os. To Robert Brasier, by the hands of Nicholas 
Corpesty, 20^. To John Gilbert, by the hands of William Lomynour, 
zos. To Edmund Warner, by the hands of William Lomynour, 2os. 4 
To Roger de Bliclyngg, by Richard White and John Wolrik, 4os. To 
Walter Danyel, by the hands of Thomas Fyncham, 2os. To John de 
Trous, by the hands of William Lomynour, 2os. 6 To John de Shuldham, 

1 Rat-catcher. 

2 In the " Book of Accounts " only. 

3 The sum total ought to be 17 6s. Set. Bernham's contribution has already been 
entered under Popungeay's. 

4 A marginal note explains that these 7 passed through the hands of Thomas 

''per Bilawe et Shotesham above the line, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

5 1 

by Lenn and Mendham, 2os. To William Crakeford, by the hands of 
William Lomynour, 20J-. 1 

LV. 18-19 Richard II. [1394-5]. 

Paid. For a transcript of a book called the Domesday, 2 6.y. &/. 
To Henry Hokeryng and Peter Sampson, taxers of the Leet Over the 
Water, on behalf of John Spynk, 3 as is contained in his charter made 
under the common Seal, 3*. To John Ermeswell for the repair of the 
walls of the Inne, zs. 8d. Le Dongon. For roofing (cooptur') the tower 
at the Hospital, 

LVI. 19-20 Richard II. [1395-6]. 

Paid. To Alan Smyth for fyrehookes, 175. To John atte Ee for 
freight (freyth) of timber from Colchester to Norwich for the stathe, 
4 marks [and] 40^. For windage 4 of 62 tuntight 5 of timber, 205-. To 
Thomas Potter for a brass soket to the capstane, 4^. 

LVII. 21 22 Richard II. [1397-8], 

Received. Of Thomas Wilyot for the Meat, Fish and Wool Markets ; 
the farm of the bakers' houses and Ropery, in full payment for 
Michaelmas term in the 22 nd year, 21 15^. 8</. For full payment of 
the farm of the Worstedeceld for one whole year, ;i8 i6s. ^d. 

Paid. To Walter de Bixton and Richard White [going] to the Parlia- 
ment at Shrewsbury on 19 Jan. for twenty-one days, ^7. For the 
reward of four knights [going] to Leicester with a supplication 6 to be 
presented to the Lord King, viz. Edmund de Thorpe, knight ; Edmund 
Noon, knight ; Robert de Berneye, knight ; and Ralph de Shelton, knight, 
^5. To the Abbot of Wendlyng for the new purchase made for having the 
Common Stathe for 600 years, 10 marks. 7 For the journey [itineracione] 
of the Bailiffs and 24 citizens to Thetford, in expenses incurred there, 
jCl 6.y. i\d. In a present given to the Bishop of Norwich, viz. a pipe 
of wine, twelve swans and a porpoise, ^3 12^. od. To the bailiffs of 
the past year, ,30 4^. 6d. To Henry Laburer for repairing the Cross 
in the Market, \i ) d. For i barrel of pitch (pyche) for the Cross in the 
Market, 4^. For a book made for the Community, for parchment and 
binding the said book, 35-. 

1 First Book of Treasurer's Accounts. See Introduction III. I. 

2 Extract from Domesday Book relating to Norwich. 

s See No. CCCXCIII. 4 Charge for the use of the windlass. 

5 A tun of rough timber = 40 cubic ft. "Perhaps for a licence to elect a Mayor. 
'Introduction III. i. 8 Probably Norwich City DomesJav. 

52 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

LVIIL 22-23 Richard II. [13989] 

Paid. To John Serene and Thomas de Lexham for making a 
supplication 1 to Richard, late King of England, 2 135. $d. To William 
Spynk for his expenses when riding towards the parts of Wales with the 
said supplication, 46^. 8d. To Andrew Messager spreading the news 
(different' noua) for the Bailiffs because of (pro) a thief being in the church 
of S l George at the Gate of the Holy Trinity, 4^. To Simon de Felbrigg 
by the assent of the 24 for having his counsel and friendship so that 
he might be a good mediator against the coming of Richard, late King 
of England, ;io. To James de Billingford for a commission of peace, 
2os. To six archers going with William Rees, sheriff, to London on 
behalf of (pro) the City of Norwich, 2os. In the expenses of one man 
coming from Lynn to examine the defects of the Common River, 6s. 8d. 

The Dungeon? Paid to Robert Perkyns for 1,000 bricks (teguV), 
$s. 6d. To Godefry Coupere for 12 hoops of 2 barrels, 8d. To the 
same for 6 hoops and 2 barelleshedes settyngin, ^d. For the carriage of 
20,000 bricks, zs. \d. For the carriage of hirdeles and piles from the 
Stathe, \d. For the carriage of 3,000 bricks from the Common Stathe 
as far as the Dungeon by water, 4^. To Richard Wilbegh for 3,500 
bricks, ijs. 6d. To Robert Snape, mason, for 12 shotholes at the 
Dungeon, price yd. a piece, qs, To the same for 30 noivehf price $d. 
a piece, 7^. 6d. For making the wyndas and rotej> 2$. To William 
Blakehommore for 5,350 bricks, price per 1,000 5^., 275. 3^. To 
Thomas Fyncham for 3,000 bricks at the Dungeon, 125. To William 
Chaundeler for 1,000 bricks, 5^. For a barrel bought at the Dungeon 
for tubs, 6d. For making 4 tubs of the said barrel, 6d. 

LIX. 1399-1400. 

Paid. To Henry Lomynour and William Everard, by the hands 
of the treasurers of the preceding year, for their wages when at 
London during 18 days in going and returning, viz. from 8 May 
i H. IV. r until the 26 of the same month about the furtherin the 

No. LVII. 

a The roll was engrossed subsequent to the King's deposition. 

8 The tower in the Hospital meadow, now the Cow Tower. 

4 Newels. 

n Root, substructure. 

"Henry IV. began his reign on 30 Sept. and the regnal years named on the rolls 
at this time are misleading. They are therefore omitted, e.g. This roll is given as 
running from Michaelmas I H. IV. to the following Michaelmas. Its correct period 
is from Michaelmas 23 R. II. to Michaelmas i H. IV. 

7 The Charter of i H. IV. was executed on 6 Feb. See Vol. I., p. 31. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 53 

work (prosecutione) of renewing the charter of the liberties, taking per 
diem 6s. Sd. 6. In the expenses of divers law men there, viz. James 
de Billyngford, Thomas de Lexham, William Snetesham, John Wynter, 
John Yelverton and others for the examination of the charter at six 
different times at London and Westminster, 2is. 2d. To the said James 
for having his counsel, 20.5-. To William de Snetesham for the same, 
6s. 8d. To Thomas de Lexham for the same, 20$. To the clerk of 
the said Thomas for writing petitions to the Lord King, 6s. Sd. To one 
Common Scrivener (scriptori) of London for writing 4 petitions to the Lord 
King, 40 J. To William Gascoigne for the inspection of the charter, 
6s. Sd. To James de Billyngford for the fine of the said charter, 20 
marks. For the fee of the charter, 12 marks, 9^. For the lace of the 
same charter, 2od. For writing the charter, 40^. For enrolling it, 
13^. 4</. To Hugh sergeant of John de Shotesham for the carriage of 
the charter from London to Norwich, i6d. Sum total ,34 i6s. 6d. 

Paid. To the Lord Thomas de Erpyngham, Chamberlain of the 
Lord King Henry, for bearing his good word to the King for the honour 
of the city and for having his counsel, 20 marks. For a roundlet full of 
red wine given to the Lady de Erpyngham against her coming to Norwich, 
price 4os. For 12 coombs of oats given to the same Lady, price the 
quarter 25., 125. For 24 capons given to the same, 75. For 10 swans 
bought and given to the same, 2os. Sum total \*i $s. Sd. 

Paid. To John the Common Sergeant for cleansing the common 
Market-Place at divers times, 6d. 

LX. 1400-1. 

Paid. To a messenger of the Lord King bearing a letter patent 
for making a barge, 20^. Given to Lord Thomas de Erpyngham, 
Chamberlain ot the Lord King, at his coming from Erpyngham to 
Norwich, 20 coombs of oats and 40 capons with carriage, 33^. ^d. In 
presents given to the Bishop of Norwich, at his coming to Norwich 
about (citra) 1 the feast of the Purification [2 Feb.], 10 qrs. of oats, 
26s. Sd. In 3 qrs. of oats given to the Justices of the Lord King at 
their coming to the assizes about (citra) the feast of S l Margaret the 
Virgin [20 July], ys. In a present given to the Bishop, i carne- of red 
wine, .3. In a present given to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 2 pipes 
of red wine, ^5. Sum total 12 gs. od. 

LXI. 1401-2. 

Paid. To William Fulkes for his expenses to Colchester to consult 
there with a man called Blaumester, 6*. 8d. To the said man 

^ee No. XLIII. note. 2 Meaning unknown. 

54 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Blaumester for his labour examining the place for the water mills to be 
new built, 2os. In the expenses of the horse of the said Blaumester in 
his inn, 2s. \\d. To William Fulkes when carrying the letter of John 
Bettes of Colchester, 45. To John Swanton for supervising the workmen 
in the Common River during 35 weeks, every week 16^., 465. 8//. 1 

LXII. 1405-6. 

Received. Of Geoffrey de Bixton in one year's full payment for an 
annual pension to the use of Margery, late wife of William Blakehom- 
more, issuing from a tenement formerly Hugh de Holand's 2 in Conesford, 
4 13^. 4^- 

Paid. To William Appelyerd, Mayor, for his fee, ^5 6s. 8</. To 
Walter Danyell, Mayor, for his fee for half a year, 25 marks, and according 
to the rate (pro rata) of that year viz. from the morrow of the Ascension 
[24 May, 1406] until Tuesday after Trinity [8 June, 1406], 325. id. To 
William Tweyt, Mayor's esquire for Michaelmas term, IDS. and according 
to the rate of that year viz. from the morrow of the Ascension to the 
feast of the nativity of S l John the Baptist [24 June], 3^. gd. To 
Steven Lynne and John Goldebeter, Mayor's mace bearers, for Michaelmas 
term, IDS. and according to the said rate, 3$. gd. To Thomas Erpingham, 
late mace bearer of William Appilyerd, Mayor, for i quarter, 5.5. To 
Margery widow of William Blakehommore, 4 13^. $d. (Charges for 
several scythes and sickles occur among the expenses for the river.) 

LXIII. 1406-7. 

Paid. To Walter Danyel, Mayor, for his fee for half a year, 
25 marks. To John Danyel, Mayor, for his fee for the other half of 
the year, 25 marks. To Edmund Warnere and Richard Drewe, Sheriffs, 
for the new increment 3 and making their account, ^13. To Robert 
Rose, goldsmith, for making the hernes of the Mayor's sword, and in 
silver viz. 6J oz. 2-js. nd. For velvet, silk and lineing for the sword, 
55. id. For a bever hat for the Mayor, 2od. To John Breton for 
making the scheetz^ of the Mayor's sword and furbishing at two times, 
and for silk, 2s. For a piece of worsted motlee given to a messenger 
bearing a letter from the Queen of Denmark, 5 17^. For a baytyngrope, 
22d. To Walter Drapere for 4^ ells of woollen cloth for James Bylling- 
ford, by command of the Mayor, \$s. To Walter Moneslee for 3 

1 Unfortunately the accounts for the next 4 important years are lost. 
2 See No. CCCCIV. and Introduction III. I. 

3 See Nos. XLV., CCCCXLVII. 

4 Sheaths. 

5 Margaret, sometimes called the Semiramis of the North. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 55 

qwayeres of paper bought for the Gildehall for enrolments (ad irrutoland'), 
15^. To Steven Welham for 10 riggis of fine grey, 1 price, ^d. the piece, 
for fur of the Mayor's hat and for making the same, 4s. To an esquire 
of the Lord King coming to the lord Thomas, the King's son, with 
letters of John, his brother, for 2 horses and a man hired of John 
Erlham, cook, 2od. For a bever hat bought by John Hempsted, 

LXIV. 1407-8. 

Sum total of the receipts for carting (rec' carect') ^"13 4$. 6d. 

Paid. To John Folkes and other workmen for a new cart with 
wheels, ix 2 exaltres clespes, carte-ledder spittes, 2 hirdles* and a cart-rope, 
26s. 8d. For 3 cwt. i qr. 18 Ib. of iron, 23^. 8d. To Alan Smyth for 
93 horse-shoes, 15*. 6d. To the same for carte strakes, cloutes and nails, 
weighing 145 Ib., i8s. i\d. To John Burgeny, smith, for the shoeing 
of the new cart, strakes, cloutes^ nails, and horse-shoes, 40^. To Master 
Steven for the cure (emendacione) of a horse, in medicine, 6|d. To 
Alan Smyth for 12 remowyng& horse-shoes, ^d. For bread bran, draf, 
fechis and griss" bought of divers persons, ^3 55. 5</. For 13 coombs 
3 bz. of oats, 145. iQ\d. For palfi bought, 45. To John Baddyng and 
John Sadeler for horse collars, trayes? carte-sadels, haltres, seles^ and whip- 
corde, 155. ^\d. For 43 Ibs. of carte-grease, 2i^d. For a horse keep, 
6d. To Robert Tristrem, for hay oates, bread, draf for the cart-horses 
of the community, accounting at the same time, iqs. To the same for 
the keeping (custodia) of a horse for 10 days, 

LXV. 1408 9. 

Received. Of Geoffrey de Bixton to the use of the community for 
the tenement which was William Blakehoumor's, 12 for an annual pension 
for one year, 4 13^. ^d. From the Cross for a farm during 5 weeks, 
2os. (12 8s. lod. was laid out upon the Market Cross this year) 

Paid. By the hands of John Bisshop at London for obtaining 
the alnage of worsted, 13 9 155. 4^. To William Oxonford, clerk 
of Sir Thomas Erpingham, knight, for his trouble for the same, 2os. 

1 Ridges of grey work i.e. vair, supposed to be the fur of the grey squirrel or 

2 Perhaps the clerk began to write " ixaltres " but thought better of it. 
3 Axletrees, clasps, cart-ladder, spokes (?) hurdles. 

4 Tires and clout nails. 5 Removings. 8 Brewers' grains. 

7 Grass. 8 Paly i.e. bran or chaff. 9 Traces. 

10 Seals i.e. names by which the traces are attached to the collar. 

11 The above extract of expenses is sewn to the foot of the roll. Similar entries have 
not been found in the accounts for other years. 

12 See No. LXII. "See No. LXVII. 

56 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

In divers expenses for a supper made for the Justices of Assise, 
the Sheriff of Norfolk, the Constable of the Castle of Norwich and 
other worthies (probis hominibus) both of the city and the country, 
4 gs. o\d. To the chamberlain and cook of the Justices, 401!. To 
two, their servants (garcin 1 ), 2s. To Sir Robert Berney, knight for 
having his counsel against the Abbot of Bury and the Constable of 
the Castle of Norwich, 2os. For a piece of worsted containing 8 ells, 
given to John Reymes Constable of the Castle out of an old promise, 
(promissione) 1 30*. To John Alderford for examining the evidences of 
the city in the book called Domesday and for writing the same, 105. 

LXVI. 1409-10. 

Received. In full payment for the Worsted Celd for one whole 
year, 7 iSs. &d. Of John Tudenham for chippes 3 bought at the 
Common Inn, 2s. 

Paid. To Robert Bakester for i wainscot for the pudding stool, 
$d. To Thomas Wright for the repair of a shop late William Lenne's 
and for making the pudding stool and shop of John Dunnyng during 
2 days, \zd. To Robert Dunston and William Ampulford being at 
London for obtaining the alnage of worsted, 25 marks. 3 Given to the 
Sir Thomas Erpingham, 10 marks; and for a purse in which the said 
sum was given, 15^. To the same for money lent by him at 
London, 10 marks, for the same alnage. Paid to Steven Welham for 10 
ryges of grey work for the Maior's hat, 2s. 6d. To Alan Smyth for 
a pair of manacles for William Lomynour, 4 6d. To Clement Smyth 
for a chain with a staple weighing 4 Ibs. for the same [William?], 
\od. To William Morton, carpenter, for a stok 5 for the said William, 
and timber for Coslany Bridge, 5^. To an Esquire at Arms bearing 
a commission of the Lord King for making a proclamation of peace 
between England and France on the sea, 6s. &d. To a Sergeant at 
Arms etc. bringing a commission of the peace made between England 
and Spain, 35. 4</. For the carriage of 9 pieces of Worsted from 
Norwich to London for the alnage of worsted, iS^/. For the carriage 
of a stok to Needam Gates for the chaplain there, and other expenses 
there, $d. To Robert Rose for gilding the pommel and the hiltes of 
the Mayor's sword, and for repairing the bosses of the sword, &d. 
To Matilda Silveron for tartaryn and for lineing in the Mayor's hat, 
in view of (erga) the fraternity of S 1 William, 6 26d. 

1 See No. LXVII. 2 Chips. The Common Inn was repaired this year. 

3 See No. LXVII. 4 He may have been a madman. r> A post. 

6 S t William's Gild Day was the Sunday after SS. Peter and Paul. 29 June. 

Selected Records of tke City of Norwich. 57 

LX VII. 1410-11. 

Expenses about the Alnage of Worsted Cloths. 

Paid. To Richard Kays, sergeant-at-arms of the Lord King, riding from 
London to Norwich and from Norwich to Yarmouth and North Walsham 
for making the proclamation of the lord king concerning worsted cloths, 
by agreement-, 5 marks, 6s. 8d. To Robert Berney, knight retained with the 
city for the same matter of worsted cloths, 26s. Bd. For i worsted cloth 
bought for John Cokeyn, 33*. 4^. For i worsted cloth bought for Brokesby 
abiding with the Archbishop of Canterbury, 30^. For the making of 
10 pairs of irons for the sealing of worsted cloths, 135-. ^d. For the 
engraving of the same irons and the carriage to London, is. To Robert 
Dunston and William Ampulford for proceeding to the Lord King and his 
council for resisting the malice and suit of the worsted-men of the country 
for the alnage and scrutiny of worsted cloths, 20, less igd. To William 
Ampulford riding with Richard Kays and his three servants to Yarmouth 
[and] North \Valsham for proclaiming the statute made concerning the 
alnage of worsted, for his expenses, 15^. lod. To the same William riding 
to Thetford, \Vigenhall and Lynn for making the said proclamation, and 
for appointing a substitute (substitucionem) for the scrutiny of the worsted 
cloths, 2os. To John Alderford for i writ and other expenses at London, 
us. gd. For 6 bolts 1 of worsted, viz. 3 white and 3 green for Rome, the 
clerk of the parliament, as ancient first fruits (premiss'), 34^. To William 
Twheyt, the Mayor's esquire for riding to London, IDS. To Reginald 
Halywell riding to London with letters, at one time, 13^. 4//. To William 
Twheyt, the Mayor's esquire riding to St. Benett's Abbey with the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, 3^ 6d. To Reginald Halywell riding to London, at 
another time for the alnage of worsted, gs. To William Twheyt, the 
Mayor's esquire for riding to London, for his trouble, 4od. To Oliver 
Groos for his diligence (occupacione) and support at the time of the 
sealing of worsted, 2 marks.' J 

They have received of Henry Crystyan and Nicholas Brethenham in 
part payment of the profits (perquis') of the sealing of worsted cloth during 
the time they were accountable [for them] ; From the feast of S l Martin in 
the 12 th year 3 of King Henry IV. [n Nov. 1410] to the feast of -the 
Purification of Mary in the 13 th year [2 Feb. 1412], ^5 13*. 4d. Of the 
said Henry and Nicholas in part payment of the farm of the said sealing 
beginning at the said feast of the Purification, 6 135-. 4^. Of Richard 
Deen of Worsted, late sealer, by estimation, 365-. 8d. 

' Rolls. -i Introduction IV. 2. 

A duplicate roll has "in the year abovesaid " meaning apparently 1411. 

5 8 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Paid. To Thomas Ocle and John Bilhagh, late Chamberlains of 
Norwich, 20, which they received of Thomas Benet and John Aleyn, late 
Treasurers for making the Gildhalle, 20. 

To two labourers carrying earth for two days to the mount 1 of the 
oven (ufne) there [Murageloft], \6d. For two spars, 3 stothis 1 and other 
timber to the cove 3 and to the hearth of the oven, \2d. To Robert Coupere 
for setting in of 3 stothis in the cove, 2d. To Thomas Baxstere for pilleres 
to the oven, 4^. To Alan Dully, smith, for iron hooks holding up (sursum 
tenent') the mauntr^ in front of (coram) the oven, weighing 25 lb., \s. 2<i. 
For an iron beylt? to the oven, weighing 12 lb., 2s. For 2 dozen counters 
and a box (loculo), 6d. To William Paston for having his counsel for 
annulling the patent of the Lord King granted to William Thweyt, by 
order of the Mayor, 135. ^d. To Bartholomew Appilyerd for his riding to 
London with a certificate to the Lord King for the bearing of the Mayor's 
sword, by order of the Mayor, 40^. To William Spynk and John Ryppeley 
for their riding to Erpingham and their costs and expenses on behalf of the 
election, of the Sheriffs by order of the Mayor, 405. To Alan Smyth for 
gemewys 7 to the trapdoor under the shop of Matilda Myntelyng weighing 
9 lb., i8J. To Thomas Nich for 2 pipes of wine given to Sir Thomas 
Erpyngham, knight, in the first year in which William Appilyerd was 
Mayor, 6. To the same for a pipe of wine given to \Villiam Appilyerd 
in the same year, ^3. Given to Richard Bryan, 2 yards (virg 1 ) of worsted, 
6s. 8< To Lord Grey, 12 lb. of grene gy 'tiger, 2"js. In a supper to Simon 
Felbrigg, knight, John Wynter, Edmund Oldhalle and [John] Lancastre at 
the "Rammesheed " in Chepe, 13^. \d. In the expenses of a man and a 
horse carrying the harnes of Robert Braklee, Thomas Marchall, Edmund 
Fullere and John Clerk from Norwich to London and from London to 
Norwich, los. For a breakfast made to John Wynter, Edmund Oldhalle, 
Edmund Wynter and divers other persons at London at the " Sarasynes 
Heed," 55. For wine given to Thomas Derham, Crosseby and others at the 
" Rammysheed," &d. In the expenses of John Clerk going and coming at 
3 times to London for defending the suits taken against him for divers writs 
in 3 different counties by Robert atte Wode executor of Thomas Nich, 
taverner, late citizen of Norwich, for 3 pipes of wine bought from the 
same Thomas, whereof two were given to Sir Thomas Erpingham and the 
third to William Appilyerd then Mayor, ^3. Paid to Robert Clerk for the 
kage 8 near the Morageloft, 33^. $d, 

1 Upon which the oven proper was constructed. 2 Studs. 3 Vaulted roof. 

4 Manteltree, the lintel over the oven door. 

5 A support for the vaulted roof. b Perhaps for the chequer table. 
7 Hinges. Lock-up. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 59 

LXIX. 1412-3. (Treasurers' Roll.) 

Received. Of Henry Christian and Nicholas Brethenham for the alnage 
of worsteds for one whole year, ^13 6s. 8d. Paid to Walter Eton, Recorder, 
for his fee, 335. ^d. Paid for certifyinge the Mayor's letter to the Lord 
King for William Thweyt, for the bearing of the Mayor's sword, 245. 8d. 
To William Kyng and John Preston for malmesey (malmesyn 1 ), rumney 2 , 
and bastard 3 , sent to Simon de Felbrigg, 6s. 8d. To the same for wine sent 
to Simon de Felbrygg, John Wynter and others when they were supping at 
" The Princes Inn," by order of the Mayor, 5^. 4//. To Henry Christian for 
the irons of the seals for worsteds, 45-. To the same for his allowance 
because he did not use (occupauit) the seal for 5 days, 3?. gd. 

Expense s for the wrestling (per luctac^. 

Paid. For Richard Bakere for woollen cloth, by the order ot Richard 
Drewe, 125. 6d. For the same for n ells (aln') of Kendale, 4*. 6d. For 
2\ yards (verges) of woollen cloth for his hood (capicio), 3*. 8d. For 6 qrs. 
kerseye, 2S. For a doublet, 7^. id. For a shirt (camisia) and a pair of 
breeches (braccarum), 2od. For making a gown and a hood and a pair 
of hose (caligarum), 26d. For a pair of shoes, 8d. For divers expenses at 
divers times at Dowes and "The Princys Inn," i is. nd. For 9 cartloads of 
stones carried to the kiln 4 at the Morageloft, io.y. 6d. 

Small sums expended upon Robert Berney, knight, John Lancastre, 
William Paston and Walter Eton when the accord was made (capt'j 
between the venerable men (vir') and the community of the City of 
Norwich. 5 

For a supper on Sunday. For bread i2d. In ale 2$. id. In wine 
5$. $d. Beef, mutton, pork (carne bourn, etc.), i8d. 2 capons, iod. 
a hens, $d. 4 pullets, 8d. Pounded (pond') peper, 2d. Pounded gynger, 
2d. Pears (piris) and walnotes, $\d. Veneger, 2d. Candell, \\d. Fagets 
and astel", $d. Sum, iy. ^d. 

Also on Monday. Bread, 2>. Ale, zs. <\d. 10 gallons of wine at 
iod., 8s. ^d. 6 gallons of wine at 8//., 45. Beef and mutton bought of 
Andrew Man, -js. id. Beef, mutton, and pork bought of divers persons in 
the Market, 3*. 2 capons, lod. 4 pullets, 8d. A dozen dowes, 7 6d. 
3 geese (aucis), 1 2d. Faget and astel, id. Sum, 30*. $d. [? 4^.] 

Also on Tuesday. Bread and wine, 2s 8^d. in the morning. A 
goose and 2 pigeon pasties, gd. in the house of Robert Barbour. On the 

1 A sweet wine from Greece. 2 A sweet Italian wine. 8 A sweet Spanish wine. 

4 Probably the same as the oven in No. LXVIII. 

8 All this occurs on the back of the roll and it cannot belong to this year, for it must 
relate to the Composition, Vol. I. p. 93, which was not executed until Feb. 1415. 
See Blomefield, Vol. III. p. 126. 

6 Logs of wood for burning. 7 Pigeons. 

60 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

said day at the inn (ospicium) of John Preston, in bread, iSd. 8 gallons of 
wine at io</., 6*. Sd. Ale, igd. Beef, mutton, and pork, 3^. 4 capons, 
i6d. 6 pullets, gd. 3 geese, izd. 3 sucking pigs (porcell'), igd. 
2 sucking pigs, i2d. A dozen and a half of pigeons, gd. 4 pullets, Sd. 
Grapes and walnotes, i^d. A galon of rumney and maluesyn, i6d. 
2 dozen dowes, izd. Pounded peper, g\d. Pounded gynger, yd. Saffron, 
4d. A capon, 6d. 5 geese, 2od. Venegre, ^d. Faget and astell, izd. 
Mustard and salt, 4^. To the cook for his trouble, \\d. Sum, 33^. id. [?Sd.] 

Also on Wednesday at the Inn of John Preston. Bread, zs. gd. Ale, 
35. 3</. 27i gallons of wine bought from Robert Barbour at lod , 23^. 
Fressheryng, gd. Bolnyd 1 heryng, ^d. Stokffyssh' 2 and saltffysh, 2$. 
Sturgeon, izd. 3 pykes and small perches, zs. <\d. 16 large perches, izd. 
1 6 large roches, izd. Half a hundred eels, Sd. Perys and walnotys, 
$s. lod. 12 large eels, iSd. A steyling 3 , i6d. 2 tenchys, 6d. 4 haddokes 
8d. 10 plays, 6d. For bakyng of elys and flour, $d. A gret pyke, 5^. 6d. 
Peper, z\d. Gynger, <\d. Faget and astell, Sd. Mustard and candell, $d. 
To John Kyng, cook, 8d. Sum, 53^. i\d. [?55^. 5^.] 

Also on Thursday. Bread, Sd. Ale, i$d. Wine, 45. 2d. Beef, 
mutton, and pork, i6d. 2 geese, gd. 2 capons, 8d. 4 pollettes, 6d. A 
dozen dowes, 6d. Salt and musterd, id. Ginger, zd. Faget and astell, 
$d. Perys 'and notes, ^d. Otemele, lyd. A potell of maluesyn, Sd. A 
dozen dowes, 6d. A cook for his trouble, ^d. Sum, izs. 2\d. 

Also to Robert Barbour for 23^ gallons and 3 pints of red wine, which 
Robert Berney, knight, Wynter, Lancastre, Oldhalle and others sent for in 
their chambers (cameras) at the time of the days of the said concord, 
igs. lod. Bread and ale expended at the inn of the said Robert, ^d. In 
the same inn for a goose, $d. 2 pasties of dowes, ^d. A potell of 
rumneye, 6d. A potell of renysshwyn, ^d. A pewterpot measuring i 
potell, \6d. To Robert Berney, knight, for his trouble when the concord 
was taken, 205. To John Lancaster [for the like], 2cxr. To William Paston 
[for the like], 13^. 4^. To the servants of the said Robert, John and 
William, Ss. 4d. In expenses of the horses of [the same persons], gs. ^d. 
Paid by the order of Richard Drewe for wyldefoul bought, 12^. 6d. To 
John de Fermerye for wine, 43. id. Sum, ^5 us. id. \] los. Sd.] 

Also to the collectors of the tax of the Lord King in Wymer Lete, 
granted to them in the common assembly by reason of the burnt houses in 
the said Lete, 50^. 

LXX.- 1412-3. (Book of Accounts). 

Be it remembered that Henry Crystian and Nicholas Brethen- 
ham received the sealing of worsted in the counties of Norwich and 

1 Swelled, perhaps stufled. - Dried fish. 3 A thornback. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 61 

Norfolk to farm from the day of the Purification of the Virgin 14 H. IV. 
(2 Feb. 1413) for one year then next coming, by rendering 20 marks at four 
terms of the year. 

LXXL 1-2 Henry V. [1413-4]. 

Received. In full payment of the old and new rents for one whole year, 
;i2 141. io^d. In full payment of the poultry market and the small 
stalls, ;io i2d. Of Robert Stalon for the farm of the common stathe, 
26 13^. 4</. Of Henry Christian in full payment for the sealing of cloth 
of worsted, ,13 6s. %d. 

Paid. To Henry Christian for the repair of the iron seal of worsteds, 
$d. For a hat bought of Richard Drewe without lining, 30^. To 
Katherine Crask for lining and tartaryn for the Mayor's hat (pilio), 2s. 6d. 

Expenses for the Wrestlers sent at the request of Sir Thomas Erpyngham 
to appear before the King. For a doublet for Richard Bakere, 6s. gd. For 
7 hoods (capic') given to the 7 wrestlers, iSs. $d. In silver delivered to 
William Thweyt for the expenses of the 7 wrestlers, ^3. For a breakfast 
given to the wrestlers on their return from London to Norwich, \6d. Sum, 

4 fa- 5^- 

For a valet (vadletto) with Richard Norton justice, riding with him and 
[who] was lying sick at Norwich, for his expenses, 6s. &/. For 8 gallons of 
wine given to the confessor of the Lord King, $s. ^d. Upon the Justices 
of the Lord King . . . for cherrys, 6d. 

LXXII. 2-3 Henry V. [1414-5]. 

Paid. To Roger the clerk of William Crakeford for [his] trouble 
because he has written [the names of] all the citizens summoned (suu 1 ) to 
appear (essend') before the Mayor with his mace bearer, and that he did 
enter all the citizens in the register from the year that they had a Mayor 
[1404] to the year that Richard Drew was Mayor [1413], by order of the 
Mayor, 2s. To Austyn Bange, for i labourer for carrying of muck out of 
"y e poremenys 1 house," 4^. For a book for entering the citizens-, 2s. 9|</. 3 

LXXIII. 3-4 Henry V. [1415-6]. 

Received. From the worsted celd viz. one chamber, of one worsted- 
man, 6s &d. For a house in Coteler Rowe granted to a Dowcheman for 
S weeks, 45-. 

! Possibly the Leper House at St. Giles' Gates. See Blomefield, Vol. IV. p. 245. 
- The " Book of Miscellaneous Matters before the Mayor." 
3 In the " Book of Accounts" only. 

62 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Paid. To Henry Christian for making irons for the seal of worsted, 
4</. To John Bonkes for 2 " ferrene sparres " for syntrell, 1 $d. To John 
Whythed for nails, for syntrell, 3^. To John Awdre for 6 boards to 
syntrell, 6d. To William Custans when carrying a letter from the Lord 
King to the city when the war in France was ended, by order of the 
Mayor, 40$. To Henry Engelose, John Berneye and William Chetoures, 
clerk, for divers expenses for the right of the community and our liberty 
at Carhowe when the inquisition was taken before the Escheator of the 
Lord King at Lodne, by order of the Mayor, 26s. &d. To John Mannyng 
and his fellows collectors of the tenth of the Lord King for burnt 
(ardentibus) houses in Wymer Lete, granted to them in the common 
assembly, 50^. In expenses at Newebrigg, 54.$-. -$\d. To a messenger 
of the Earl of Dorsetre carrying a letter from Harflew as far as 
Norwich, 20^. 

LXXIV.-4-5 Henry V. [1416-7]. 

Paid. For divers, expenses at London for the renewing of the charter, 
\$s. 6d. To Robert Dunston for prosecuting in the exchequer of the Lord 
King for a certain sum of money advanced upon a pledge 2 of the Lord 
King, 40^. To Henry Rafman for completing (implend') the sum of 
300 marks, advanced to the Lord King, 2 marks. For the renewing of the 
charter, 3 when the said charter was sealed, ^5. To John Lancastre esquire 
for conferring with the said lord [the Earl Marchall] for the sum of money 
which is being furnished (prestetur) to the Lord King, 20^. 

LXXV 5-6 Henry V. [1417-8]. 

Paid. To the Prioress of Carrowe for rents of Stalls and rent of 
Bixton's Stathe, 6s. &d. In the presence (in p'senc') of John Danyell, 
Mayor, Walter Danyell, Henry' Rafman, William Sedeman, and others for 
the renewing of the charter, 4 ^3. To Robert Brasier and Robert Dunston 
for the parliament at Westminster during 38 days taking per diem, 6s. &/., 
19 marks. To Robert Dunston for his riding to London for suing in the 
exchequer for the money advanced upon a gold coronet 5 (circulum), 40^. 
To Thomas Rous in the presence of the Mayor for suing in the Lord 
King's Bench for a copy of an inquisition taken against the city of Norwich 
before Edmund Oldehalle, and for having counsel for defending all matters 
against the Prior etc. ^4. For the expenses of a writ for the Mayor's 
oath (iuramento), $s. 6d? 

1 Perhaps cintre, the wooden frames upon which arches are built. 

2 See No. LXXV. i!>. 4 See Vol. I. pp. Ixx. and 36. 

6 See Blomefield, Vol. III. pp. 134-5. 6 See Vol. I. p. 320. 

7 In the " Book of Accounts " only. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 63 

LXXVI. 7-8 Henry V. [1419-20.] 

Paid. For the carriage (portacione) of a certain jewel 1 (jocal') of the 
Lord King at London and to petition for (prosequend') the security of the 
same, zos. To Nicholas Brethenham for a beaverhat for the Mayor, 40^. 
To William Spaldyng for furrying the said beaverhat, 6s. Sd. For 3 yards 
of red cloth, us. ; and 3 yards of cloth of medele, 2 js. 6d. for the vesture 
of William Paston this year. To a messenger of the Duke of Excetre 3 
bearing a letter with news, 6s. Sd. 

LXXVIL 8-9 Henry V. [1420-21]. 

Received. Of William Holm, chaplain, for the farm of a solar beyond 
the Bishop's Gates for one whole year, 4.?. In full payment for the 
worstedceld for the whole year, ^4 6s. &d. Of Richard Purdaunce for a 
certain fine made by (per) a chaplain in the office of Justice of Peace, 
135. ^d. Of the same of money levied against the King's coming, not 
expended, at two times, ,18 gs. 8d. Of Henry Mayster for the defaults of 
those who did not work at Coslany Gates, 6s. yd. 

Paid. To Hugh Grenak for i gallon and i quart of wine called Tyre 4 
given to the Treasurer and Chief Barons of the King's exchequer, 2od. 
To Beatrice Baxter for frenssh bread given to the same, 2s. To Walter 
Eton for making a letter to the Bishop of Norwich for the payment 
(pacacione) of 1,000 marks for which the King's coronet 5 (circulum) lies in 
pledge, 44d. To Robert Dunston, William Grey and Thomas Ussher 
riding to London with the King's jewel, for the cost of six horses, 2os. 
For three servants hired to ride with them, 55. For the repair of i lock, 
i chest (ciste) in the Priory of Norwich in which the King's jewel is kept, 
lod. To John Fitz Rauf, sheriff of Norfolk, and William Dallyng, under- 
sheriff, for having their favour for a writ taken against divers persons of 
the city at the King's suit, 46* 8d. To Robert Baxtere for a writ of 
dedimus potestatcm for the oath of William Sedeman, Mayor, \s. $d. For 
a pipe of white wine of Gascoigne given to Thomas Erpingham, knight, 
for having his good counsel against the King's coming, 5 marks. For 
William Babyngton, Justice of the Lord King's gaol of the Castle of 
Norwich, upon the delivery there, 2 qrs. 4 bz. of oats, 5*. $d. To Richard 
PurJaunce for John Preston riding to Lynn bearing a letter about the Lord 
King's jewel, 3^. ^d. 

LXXVIII. i Henry VI. [1421-2]. 

Paid. To William Sedeman Mayor for his fee for half a year, ^io. 

1 See Blomefield, Vol. III., pp. 134-5. 2 Mixed colours. 

3 See No. LXXX. A sweet wine. ' See No. LXXV. 

6 The .Mayor's fee was now reduced to 20 per annum. 

64 Selected Records of the City of Noiivick. 

To John Mannyng for the same, ;io. To Thomas Ussher for the 
expenses of riding to William Babyngton with a letter for the excusing of 
the exchange (escamb') 1 of gold in the City of Norwich, zos. To William 
Grey, mercer, for his costs to London for the exchange, 6s. 8d. To a 
messenger of the King bearing a writ for parliament and a pair of scales 
(scoles) with weights for gold, 6s. 8d. 

LXXIX. 1-2 Henry VI. [1422-3]. 

Paid. To William Magson, reder, working there [the stathe] upon the 
warehouse for 5 days with his servant, $s. qd. To William Spaldyng for 13 
rigges of fine grey and 10 rigges of erestigrey' 2 and the furrying [of the 
Mayor's hat], $s. $d. To Robert Rose for velvet, gilding of the bars, 
chape 3 and girdle, and the furbishing 4 of the Mayor's sword, 8^. 2d.~' 

LXXX. 2-3 Henry VI. [1423-4]- 

To John Dugard making and repairing the Cross in the Market 
with ship tar (bitumine) and roofing stalls, 3^. $d. To Richard Pilly for 
1 6 Ib ship tar, at \\d. per Ib, zod. To Thomas Asshman for 54 Ib of rosine 
at \d. per Ib, 2s. $d. To John Dugard for i earthen pot for mixing the 
ship tar and rosine, \\d. To John Bladsmyth bearing a letter to William 
Paston for saving, the issues of the community upon a writ directed to the 
Sheriff of Norfolk for a coronet 6 of Lord H. V. late King pledged 
(invadiat') to the community, and for his trouble at attending the said 
William about the answer, and remitting letters to the Mayor, 40^. To 
John Bladsmyth for expenses incurred in the King's exchequer about the 
answer, and saving the issues for a gold coronet, pledged to the Mayor and 
Commonalty, by the advise of the Mayor, 13*. ^d. To John Mey riding to 
London and bearing to William Paston the letters patent of H. V. by which 
the coronet was pledged to the Mayor and Commonalty, 1 1 s. To John 
Belhagh, sergeant, riding to Bishops' Lynn, bearing a letter to the Mayor 
and Commonalty of Lynn for holding the key, under which the coronet was 
shut up in the Priory of Norwich, 40^. To Robert Dunston and William 
Grey riding to Rysyng to treat with the Duke of Exeter for 500 marks 
advanced to Lord H. V. upon the coronet, and for the repayment of the 
said 500 marks, 20^. 

1 Or mint. 

~ A. variety of grey work, perhaps Irish. 

3 The metal plate covering the point of the scabbard. 

4 Burnishing. 

"' From this date the rolls are very intermittent and imperfect ; the following extracts 
are therefore taken from the First Book of the Treasurer's Accounts, which ends 1446-7. 
6 See No. LXXV. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 65 

LXXXI. 3-4 Henry VI. [1424-5]. 

Received. Of John Sayer and Isabell his wife for false measures for 
butter found in the keeping of Isabel, 2od. 

Paid. For a fir sparre bought for the pentys over (ultra) the puddyng 
stokkes, $d. For nails expended upon the puddyng pentys, $d. For 
2 stagnyng 1 hirdel and i wyndow stall bought of the wife of William 
Gamen, to be seviceable (ad deseruiend') there [the common stathe], gd. 
For the wyndyng of i dormaunt 2 in a house there called the wynhous, 8 13^. 
For a cabill bought for the crane, IQS. For 2 pair of purses (burs') for 
placing the common gold in, by order of the Mayor, 8d. To Robert 
Coupere for binding a buschell which is called the standard of the King, 
i2d. To John Tynkere for a lock for the dongeon in the Hospital 
meadow, 4d. 

LXXXII. 5-6 Henry VI. [H26-7]. 4 

Paid. To Thomas Wetherby, Mayor, for his fee for half a year 
granted in the common assembly held on Friday, before S' Petronilla, 
6 H. VI. [28 May, 1428] viz. for the whole year 50 marks, 25 marks. 
To John Arnald carpenter for a cappestan and the spokes for the same [at 
the Common Stathe], 175-. To Geoffrey Smyth for the plates under the 
cappestan and for vyroles 5 and a gogeon of iron required (deseruient') 
there, weighing 68 Ib. at 2d. per Ib, and for broddys used there, us. lod. 
To Augustin Bange for two logs for the bekerelF there, new made, 
135. 4d. To Richard Baxter, bracyer, working 34 Ib of the community's 
brass for the schives 8 for the bekerell, price of the work 2d. per Ib. 55-. 8d. 
To Thomas Tumour for 3 shyves of wood for making moldys, 6d. To 
John Wulfleet for a lock for the kitchen and a lock for the door of the 
oratorye [at the Common Inn], \od. For an iron ring and 30 keyes made 
for lockers (cistis), $s. 3</. To John Doraunt, carpenter, for a planke of 
popill called dressour in the new kitchen, 40^. For 400 sexpenynaill, 600 
fourpenynaill, 200 eightepenynailll, 1300 lathnaill, 400 threpenynaill, 2 iron 
bonds, for the sign of the peacock, 2 iron ancors, 4 hooks called ston- 
hookes weighing 14 Ib. at \\d. per Ib. io.y. $d. To Henry Todenham, 
carpenter, for fashioning (fact') the timber and boards for the baywyndowe, 
4 6s. %d. 

1 Scaffolding. 2 A sleeper or horizontal beam. 3 Winehouse. 

4 A lengthy account chiefly of the expenditure upon the various holdings of the com- 
munity, especially the Common Inn. A number of items for old materials sold are entered 
among the receipts. There is also a roll in duplicate. 

5 Ferrules. 6 A pivot. 7 The meaning is obscure ; perhaps a pulley. 
8 Sheaves, small wheels in which a rope works. 9 See No. LXXXIII. 


66 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Paid. To Richard Ber, goldsmyth, for 6 oz. of amelyng 1 silver at 34^. 
the oz. 17$. To the same for n oz. of silver at 32^. the oz. 295. $d. To 
the same for making the said silver into 3 skochonys and the gyldyng for 
the mynstralls, 2 marks. To Robert Rose for a belt (zona) with a bokell, 
and a pendaunt, and 3 bars of silver for the Mayors' black (nigr') scabbard, 
$s. To John Esger for divers wooden measures bought to be used as 
standards of the Lord King, $s. 

LXXXIII. 6-7 Henry VI. [1427-8]. 

Paid. To William Hervy, peyntour, for painting the sign of the 
peacock new made, and repairing the other old peacock belonging to the 
said inn [the Common Inn], by agreement, 46s. %d. To John Belaugh for 
bearing 2 torches in the field in the night against (citra) the coming of the 
lord [Duke] of Norfolk, by order of the Mayor, &d. For two cart loads of 
wood bought in the market for burning William Qwytte, eretic, 2 45. &d. To 
John Jekkes for the carriage of the wood from the city to Bishop's Gates for 
burning William Waddon and Hugh Pye, eretycs, by agreement made with 
the said John, \6d. To John Pecok for bread given to William Babyngton 
and John Cheneye, Justices of the Lord King, 2s. To Edmund Sterr for a 
potell of rupney 3 put into the said bread, 8d. To Master John Excetre 4 for 
half a hundred fagottes bought from him for punishing (comparand') the 
said lollards, i& To Edmund Snetysham for two logs to which the said 
eretics were bound, 6d. 

LXXXIV. 8-9 Henry VI. [1429-30]. 

Received. Of John Bslhagh, sergeant at mace, in full payment from the 
meat, fish, wool, and ropery markets, ^93 8s. id. Of Thomas Ingham, 
William Grey, Robert Chapeleyn, John Coppyng, Gregory Draper, and 
Henry Mayster, late wardens of the common treasury, namely ^207 izd. 
delivered to them by the hands of Robert Baxter. Mayor, viz. of the arrears 
of the said sum, ^4 17^. 8|<f. Of William Sedman because he is discharged 
from all offices in the city, ^20. Of John Folcard for the like, 20 marks. 
Money collected from certain persons assessed for the repair of the mills 
built anew ^37 i6s. $d. Of the profits of the mills from the Translation of 
S l Thomas the Martyr in the said 8 th year [7 July, 1430] until Michaelmas 
following, ^4 i9^, 5 In full payment for the wurstedecelde for the whole 
year, ^4. Of Edmund Lymbrenner for the farm of a solar at Bishop's 
Gates, 5.y. Of John Goddes and Robert Legard, late treasurers, of the 
arrears of their account, ^43 14*. $\d. By the hands of Robert Baxtere of 

1 Enamelling. 2 See Blomefield, Vol. III. p. 140. 

3 See No. LXIX. 4 Blomefield III. p. 139. 

5 Fifty marks were received for the farm of the Mills in the following year. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 67 

the executors of the most excellent prince, Lord Henry V. late King, for a 
coronet 1 pledged to the citizens by the said Lord King for 500 marks, 
200 marks. 2 

Paid. To Thomas Northalys for carrying the charter of the City's 
liberties from Norwich to London to be renewed and confirmed etc. 
^3 3-s-. %d. To the same for a box (cofyn), in which the said charter was 
carried, and a belt (zone) for suspending the box, $d. Paid. To William 
Cok and John Arnald, carpenters, for causing 4 water mills 3 to be 
constructed anew and repaired in the said city, as is more fully contained in 
certain indentures between the supervisors and treasurers of the city and the 
said William and John, in full payment, 100 marks. Total cost of the Mills 
^211 $s. id. 

LXXXV. n-i2 Henry VI. [1432-3]. 

Paid. To John Colman, farmer of the manor of Heygham, for loss 
occasioned (habit') in his pasture in Heigham, and in order that he might 
not complain to the Abbot of S' Bennet's, moreover for his good word 
before the said Abbot, by the order of Thomas Wetherby 4 Mayor, 13^. \d. 
To Ricard Bere, goldsmyth, for a silver skochon of the arms of the city 
made for a minstrel (histrion'), weighing 6^ oz minus 2 dwt. at 32^. the oz. 
and making the same, 24^. 6d. For expenses incurred for parcel of the 
revell made to Lord William, Bishop of Norwich, by the advice of Thomas 
Wetherby, Mayor, Aldermen and many of the commons, of which the 
Mayor and Aldermen have seen and audited the account, 6 23. 8d. 

LXXXVL 12-13 Henry VI. [1433-4]. 

Paid. To Richard Purdaunce in full payment for the vesture of the 
waytes this year, 3*. ^d. For a small key required for the excheker in the 
Guyhald, ^d. To William Tauerham riding to Bury for obtaining the seal 
of clerk of the Statute of Merchants to be granted to the community of 
Norwich by the King, 6s. 8d. To John Assger for a book for writing within 
all the assemblies and all acts which are discussed (aguntur) in the time of 
each Mayor from henceforth in the City of Norwich, 5 6s. 8d. 

LXXXVIL 13-14 Henry VI. [1434-5]. 

Paid. To Richard Monesle in common assembly for his expenses 
about the estreating of a tally for ^200 advanced to the Lord King, and in 

1 See No. LXXV. 

2 Two hundred marks were handed to the Treasurers by the Mayor to be expended on 
the New Mills. Vol. I. p. 350. 

4 Vol. I. p. 348. The next year Wetherby began to promote strife in the city. 
The First Assembly Book. 

68 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

the said assembly delivered by the said Richard to the Mayor, gs. 3^. To 
Richard Boteler, Mayor's sergeant, for a horse hired and for his trouble 
when riding to find out (explorand') by what way and on what day the Lady 
Katerine, the Queen, would come to Norwich, 2od. Delivered to the 
Mayor and Aldermen for money provided by them to be given to the said 
Queen, 10. 

LXXXVIII. 14 15 Henry VI. [i435-6"l- 

Paid. To Thomas Ingham, Robert Chapeleyn, Robert Londesdale 
and others for their expenses incurred in their riding to Wyngfelde to the 
Lord Earl of Suffolk for having the assistance of the same Earl to defend 
against the Abbot of S l Bennet of Holme in a commission of the Lord 
King, directed to William Goodred and others to hear and determine 
against the City of Norwich at Hengham, iooj~. 

LXXXIX. 15-16 Henry VI. [1436-7]. 

Paid. To Swanton of Yarmouth for wall tyle expended upon a tower 
of the Guyhalde for the common chest etc. to be shut up in (includend'), viz. 
2000 at 8s. the thousand, i6.r. To Andrew Flekke for lockkys keyes, 
barrys and bondys made for the chest in which the common seal is shut up 
(ceratum), 165-. %d. To a foreign carter for bringing the said chest to the 
Guyhald while the Earl of Suffolk 1 was present, 2d. For a cartload of 
window stalls from the old stathe to the market, $d. To Richard Lord 
vintner, for divers white wines bought at the instalment (stallacionem) of the 
bishop, 2 and afterwards returned to the said Richard because the bishop 
would not receive them. viz. for the detriment of the wines and other 
expenses, 7$. zd. 

XC. 16-17 Henry VI. [1437-8]. 

Paid. To Nicholas Ryngere working for i day at the Cross in the 
Meat-Market, 6d. For a barge of the Prior for conveying (nauig') the bishop 
to the manor of Thorpe with John Well 3 and the rest (cet') of the Aldermen 
of Norwich, 2d. To Simon Walsoken for 4 robes for the Waits, and for 
i robe for Thomas Aylemer, 33^. nd. For 3 ells of matsale 4 bought for the 
rolls 5 (pro roll') of the hoods (capiciis) [for the servants of John WellJ, izd. 
For i quarter of bleuwad del Inde 6 for the same, $d. To Robert Hay for 
33 ells of green cloth for robes delivered to the officer of John Well, 41*. 3</. 

1 Vol. I. p. 336. 2 Thomas Brown. 

3 Warden of the city, the liberties being seized. 4 Cloth made at Mattishall, Norfolk. 

5 Rolls of hoods encircling the head. 6 Blue woad of India, perhaps indigo. 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 69 

For 2 pieces of striped (stragulato) cloth, and 41 rayes, 46^. 2d. To Robert 
Drowry for 4 pieces of timber for making a trice 1 for the crane, yd.' 2 

XCI. 21-22 Henry VI. [1442-3]. 

Paid. To Richard Brasier for himself and John Gerard, Simon 
Walsoken, Ralph Segryme, Thomas Aleyn, and William Oldbarly riding to 
Wyndesore for making and presenting a supplication to the Lord King on 
Good Friday (die Parasceues) [19 April, 1443] f r l ^ e whole community, by 
the order of Sir John Clifton, governor, ^9 13^. ^d. To John Warnere, for 
the King's commission made for John Lynford 3 and Robert Aleyn for 
receiving the Sheriffs' office, 95-. 6d. For bagges of linen cloth bought, 
made for the 500 marks sent to the Lord King to be put in, lod. 

XCIL 22-23 Henry VI. [1443-4]. 

To John Intewode 1 and Robert Aleyn, sheriffs of this city, for divers 
expenses incurred by them, by the assent of the community, at the Lord 
King's exchequer for exonerating the citizens from ^113 8^. of the fee farm 
of the same city, 109^. $d. To Thomas Ingham, Gregory Drapere and 
Richard Brasyer riding to London upon the business of the community, for 
suing (prosequend') to the Lord King and his council for the restoration 
of the liberties etc. by the assent of the whole community and common 
counsil, 5 ;8 65-. %d. To John Clifton, knight, 20 marks, which he advanced 
to the community for part of the expenses of Thomas Ingham, Gregory 
Drapere, and John Drolle elected in the common assembly held at Norwich 
on Wednesday after the Epiphany in the 22 nd year of the present King 
[8 Jan. 1444], for suing etc. before the Lord King and his council for the 
reformation and restoration of the liberties etc. Moreover for the payment 
of 200 marks of the 1,000 marks of the fine etc. and doing other things on 
behalf of the community as are contained and specified in the assembly held 
on Monday after the Conversion of S l Paul in the said year [27 Jan. 1444], 
among other (matters). To Richard Bere, goldsmith, by the order of Sir 
John Clifton, warden of this city, by the hands of William Thurstan and 
John Belavve, in part payment of the expenses of the same warden this year, 
as appears by a bill signed with the sign manual of the warden, which 
emains with the said William, 7 marks. 

XCIII 23-24 Henry VI. [1444-5]. 

Received. Of William Aubre, Common Sergeant at Mace, in payment 
jf his charge, ^60 4*. 3^. Of John Hauk in part payment of the arrears of 

1 A pulley or roller. - The accounts or the next five years are missing. 

3 See Blomefield Vol. III. p. 164. 4 ib. 

5 Vol. I. p. 338, ct seq. 6 Vol. I. p. xciii. Note B. 

70 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

rents in the past year, 54^. 8d. Of the butchers coming once in the week 
viz. on Saturdays, each of them paying zd. per diem, ^5 135-. id. 

fees and wages [were paid to the following persons]. 1 To William 
Thurstan and Geoffrey Quyncy, treasurers, 40-$-. To John Hauk, common 
clerk, [including] parchment and paper, 4 6s. %d. To William Aubre, 
common sergeant at mace, 4. To Henry Waltham and Thomas Segore, 
sergeants at mace of Sir John Clyfton, warden, 40^. To Thomas Ingham 
going (exeunt!) to the parliament of the Lord King, in part payment, 20^. 
To Robert Toppes for the like, 20^. 

XCIV.-24-25 Henry VI. [1445-6]. 

Receipts of money of the community of the city of Norwich by 
William Aubre common sergeant at mace, because the persons elected as 
(in) Treasurers of the said city refused to occupy the office : viz. from 
Michaelmas in the 24 year of H. VI. [1445] to Michaelmas then next 
following; Gregory Draper and Richard Brasyer [being] at that time 
supervisors of the said city, and John Hauk, common clerk. 2 

Received. Of half the fine made by William Hemelyn, baxter, in his 
craft for the first offence against the assize of bread, 40^. Of half the fine 
made by Robert Estau, wever, for a default made in his craft in a piece of 
woollen cloth of one Ralph Picot, izd. 

Paid. For certain sea fish against the coming of Lord Walter, Bishop 
of Norwich, at his installment (stallac'). 3 First, for 4 turbots, 3 fresh cods 
(leng'), 4 large haddoks, 8 brettes, 4 40 crabbs and creves, 5 345-. yd. For 
6 lamperys, and the 8 th part of a barrel of sturgeon, 145. For 2 lucys and 
5 roaches, 2 marks. For an ox carcass, 2 sheep carcasses, 4 swans given to 
the Lord Bishop coming to the city before the dedication (day) of the church 
of the Holy Trinity [24 Sept.], by the order of the warden and assent of the 
Aldermen and part of the common council, 20^. To Henry Coll, clerk of 
Sir John Clyfton, 7 for a written commission directed to John Gerard, 
Gregory Drapere, Richard Brasyer and Richard Steynolf, for having the 
government of the city in the absence of Sir John, \zd. For fulling a piece 
of woollen cloth ordered for a doser in the upper hall of the Guyhald, by the 
advice of the aldermen and supervisors, iSd. For the beam of the wool balance 
new made, [and] for painting the same [and] for cord for the same, \ld. 
To John Mendham, clerk, collector of green wax in the county of Norfolk, 
for divers amercements in which the community is involved, 2S. qd. For 
fuel bought for burning meat and fish in the market, by the order of the 
warden; And for a new key and repairing the lock to the entry of the 
tower, $d. 

1 The liberties being seized. 2 Introduction III. I. 

3 Walter Lyhert was installed 3 April, 1446. 4 Brill. 5 Crayfish (lobsters ?). 

6 Plkec. 7 Governor of the city. See Vol. I. pp. xci, 352. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 71 

XCV. 25-26 Henry VI. [1446-7]. 

Receipts of money etc. by William Aubry etc. because in the present 
year there are no treasurers nor chamberlains viz. from Michaelmas 
in the 25 year of H. VI. [1446] to the Michaelmas following. Nor are there 
supervisors this year. John Hauk, clerk. 

By the hands of Thomas Segore, of the bakers refusing to come before 
the warden when they were summoned, of each of them 2o*/., us. 8d. Of 
William Rode, warden of the common quay, of the weighing or tronage of the 
iron and resine of the York merchants, 30^. Of 2 wevers for disobedience \ 
and opprobrious words given to the wardens of their craft, 4^. Of William 
the servant of William Strong, fuller, of a fine for muck placed at the mills, 
by Thomas Catworth, warden, 12^. Of William Frend, fuller, of a fine \ 
adjudged by the warden of the city and the aldermen, for the mandate of the 
wardens of his craft contemned, the said William speaking robust words, 
[viz.] that he is not bound to obey their orders etc. 6.y. &d. 1 

XCVL 26-27 Henry VI. [1447-8]. 

Payments made by William Aubry, Common Sergeant. 2 
Paid. For woollen cloth for 5 cloaks (togis) given to John Hauke, 
common clerk, Thomas Trewe, Mayor's esquire, (armigero), Nicholas 
Dunston and Thomas Segore, Mayor's sergeants at mace, and William 
Aubry, common sergeant, against the feast of the Nativity in the 26 th year 
[25 Dec. 1447] 4os. To the Prioress of Carhowe a seam (summa) 3 of 
wheat, that she might not take toll at the time of her fair, zs. 8d. To a 
foreigner (extraneo) of Wymondham bringing the letters patent of the Lord 
King, found at Wymondham, that the Justices of the Lord King might not 
hold (facerent) any sessions in the city of Norwich but only in the 
Shirehous, 4 i6d. To John Burgeys for wine given to the Provost of the 
Royal College of Eton, viz. one gallon of malueseye, by order of William 
Henstede, Mayor, i6d. And a gallon of red wine, 8d. And a gallon of white 
wine, 8d. For 3 yards (virg') of broad cloth, of blue (blod') colour, for the 
vesture of John Damme, Recorder of the City, price 45". 8d. the yard, 145. 
For burnishing (rubiginacione) 3 swords belonging (deservient') to the 
Mayor's office, and for keeping them for 5 years, igd. To William 
Henstede 5 for a bevyr hat and for tartaryne for the same, bought from him 
when he was restorred to the office of Mayoralty, 45. To Robert Roo, 
skinner, for a roll and the making of the same for the hat, 8d. To the 

1 No payments are recorded. 

2 Introduction III. I. The accounts from this time to 1457-8 are found in the 
"First Book of Apprenticeship Indentures." 3 Perhaps a load. 

4 See Vol. I. pp. xxxix., xl. 5 The Mayor, who had been in prison. 

72 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

same for 38 skins of pured grey 1 for the same, price $d. the skin, i2s. S</. 
For 6 wooden shields made for placing at divers gates of the city against 
the coming of the Lord King, by order of William Asshwell, Mayor, 35. To 
Robert Grey for painting the same with the arms of S l George, and the Lord 
King, and the City, i2S. To John Elger, goldsmyth, for gilding one of the 
maces which the Mayor bore before the lord king, 3^. ^d. For 2 faggots for 
burning a putrid salmon, \d. For a pie's nest (nido pice) extracted from 
the chimney (caminum) of a renter belonging to the hospice of the 
community, 2d. For varnishing the shields of arms aforesaid, to Robert 
Grey peyntour, i6d. For a breakfast made for William Yelverton Justice of 
the Lord King coming to the city of Norwich soon after the restoration of 
the liberties, at the hospice of the Mayor, Ss. 6d. 

For a breakfast made and prepared both for the Justices coming at the 
feast of S l Margaret [20 July, 1448] to deliver the gaol of the Castle, and the 
Sheriff and Escheator of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the Clerk of the Crown of 
the Lord King, and the Aldermen and others, being [held] at the hospice of 
William Asshwell Mayor, viz. To William Adkyn, baxter, for bread, 2id. 
To Henry Kyng and William Taverner for 9 gallons of red wine, 6s. For 

1 8 gallons of the best ale, 2s. $d. For 9 gallons medium ale, gd. To John 
Bekeliswade for a swan bought from him, zod. To Nicholas Lincoln for 
?. swans, 2S. ^d. To John Buklee for 6 cygnets (signicul 1 ), i&d. For 
6 geese bought in the market, 2s. For 4 sucking pigs (porcell), of 
Antyngham, shomaker, 2s. For 10 capons bought in the market, 2s. 8d. 
For 12 rabbits bought of John Durrant, junior, i&d. For a peacock bought 
in the market, izd. For a calf bought of Thomas Segore, 25. For 
3 quarters of lamb, yd. For 5 quarters of mutton, iSd. For 6 marybones, 
6d. For | Ib. of grees, 2d. For i quarter of butter, i\d. For 31 chickens 
bought in the market, zs. gd. For 200 eggs, izd. For chese (fro 1 ) and 
milk, i\d. For the spice? (thepis), id. For herrings, salt fish, z\d. For 

2 eel pasties, zd. For 3 quarts of vinegar (vini acr'), 4^. For beer, id. 
For i Ib. of tallow candles, i.\d. For a bushel of wheat flour (floris fri') 
used there, i id. To Thomas Aleyn, grocer, for divers spices provided for 
Buklee, bought from him, 4^. zd. To a cook of the Justices working in the 
kitchen for his trouble, \zd. To John Bukle, cook, for himself and his 

3 servants, and for 3 attendants (girantibus) in the kitchen, 45. _)</. To the 
same for 3 sets (garnyssh) of pewter vessels, hired from him, 6d. For a cart 
load of faggots, 20^. Sum 48*. 

XCVIL 27-28 Henry VI. [1448-9]. 

Payments made by William Aubry, Common Sergeant. On the vigil 
of S l Gregory [n March, 1449] while they (the auditors) were sitting 

1 Embroidered grey-work. 


Selected Records of the City of No-nvick. 73 

upon the determination of the accounts of William Aubry 1 ; In bread and 
ale, \2d. In fish salt and fresh, 14^. In oysters, 6d. In salmon, id. In 
figs, nuts and preserves (reser'), $d. In ale after the dinner (prandium), \d? 

XCVIII. Chamberlains' Accounts. 27 Henry VI. [1449]. 

Payments etc. made by Thomas Ingham, junior and Robert 
Hawys, Chamberlains 3 of the City of Norwich, from the feast of the 
Annunciation [25 March] 27 H. VI. [1449] until Michaelmas following. 

To William Henstede late Mayor in part payment of his fee for 
the 2i st year of the present King [1443], ;io. To Ralph Segrym and 
Thomas Aleyn late Sheriffs, by the assent of the Common Council, ^n 5^. 
To the same late Sheriffs in part payment of the money due for their office, 
because they were twice charged with the said office ; the said payment is 
also made from the arrears of the money collected towards the coming of 
the Lord King, ^10. To the executors of John Clifton, knight, in part 
payment of 300 marks viz. for (pro) the feast of the Invention of the Holy 
Cross in the year instant [3 May 1449], & I 3 S - 4^- To Thomas Trewe, 
lictor, for his fee this year, with 6s. %d. paid by William Asshwell, Mayor, to 
the same Thomas, 335. ^d. 40^. 

XCIX. 28-29 Henry VI. [1449-50.] 

Payments made by the same Chamberlains from Michaelmas 28 H. VL 
[1449] to the Michaelmas following. 

To a valet of the Lord King bearing a letter from the Lord 
King to the Mayor with certain credentials (credential 6s. 8</. To the 
steward (pinc^rne) of the Lord Duke of Norfolk, by order of the 
Mayor, 2$. 6d. 

C.-36-37 Henry VI. [i457-8]- 4 

Toll and Custom of the Gates. They answer for ^4 6s. &d, for the 
custom and toll of the gates collected by the porters -of the city of the 
goods of foreigners collected at the gates of the city this year, viz. of 
Fybriggates -js. 6d. ; of S l Augustin's Gates 1 1 s. ^d. ; of S l Giles' Gates 
135.; of Coslanygates 6s. %d. ; of Westwick Gates 4^. 6d. [? 14^. 6dJ\ ; 
of Nedham Gates 33*. ^d. 

1 From the next account it is evident that he was superseded by the Chamberlains at 
Lady Day, 1449. 

- Several other accounts were also audited at this time. 3 Introduction III. i. 

4 This is an especial roll containing the details of the Rents of Assise and of the 
Castle Fee. See No. CCCCII. 

74 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CI. 22 Edward IV. i Richard III. [1482-3]. 

And the said accountants answer for 425. Sd. from divers men 
occupying the ground of the community of Norwich at the first Free Mart, 
beginning on Thursday in the first week of lent in the 23 rd year of Edward 
IV. [20 March, 1483] and continuing for twenty days then next ensuing, for 
every foot of the said ground id. viz. from Florentius Johnson, hardeware- 
man, 8d., Robert Elys, cutteler, i$d., William Notte, hardewareman, Sd., 
the wife of John Digon, mercer, 6d., Thomas Thornham, wever, iod., 
Thomas Guttler and Thomas Tower of Halesworth, hardewaremen, 2S. 2d., 
Robert Skyner, purser, 4^., Richard Umfrey, smith, jd., John Newman, 
smith, iod., Robert Crowche, pynner, i^d., John Balle, hardewareman, 14^., 
Gerard Johnson, hardewareman, 15^., Peter Peterson, hardewareman, i$d., 
John Withinale, capper, ifd., Robert Drory, mercer, 13^., John Crudde, 
hosier, 2od., Peter William, mercer, gd., William Doget, pewtrer, iod., 
Richard Pernell for mercery, 6d., William Curteys, brasier, 2od., William 
Smyth, draper, izd., William Yekesworth, rafman, 40^., Robert Adams, 
shomaker, 15^., John Norman, shomaker, 15^., Robert Iryng, mercer, gd., 
William Phelippe, hosier, iSd., William Gryme, hosier, i2d., John Olyver, 
hosier, 14^., Richard Forthe, mercer, Sd. The said William Gryme, hosier, 
i2d., Richard Tumour, mercer, iod., Robert Belgemyn, cardmaker, &/., 
John Lumbard, hosier, i2d., Thomas Dereham, cordwaner, i2d., William 
Bacon, hosier, 6d., Nicholas Corpusty for mercery, i2d., William Cook, 
mercer, yd., One Plowryght, id., One Parker, glover, ^d., Edmund Buxton, 
cowper, \d. The wife of a certain Wiseman, ^d., Margaret Gabell, mercer, 
2d., Henry Berton, mercer, 5^., Reginald Tumour, tumour, ^d., John 
Parker, 3^., John Randoff, 2d., John Doget, zd., John Ingot, id., John 
Kyng, smyth, 2d., Edward Joynour, $d., John Noble, 3^., WiUiam Cutteler, 
6d., William Gracer, hardwareman, 4^., Thomas Anderson, hardewareman, 
id., Thomas Baldewyn, cowper, id. 1 

CII. 1-2 Richard III. [1483-4]. 

Given. In reward, by the order of John Coke, Mayor, to John 
Hogekyns for proclaiming the martes, id. To the sacrist of the chuch of 
S' Peter in the Market Place for ringing at that time with the largest bell 
for half an hour, 2d. 

CIII. 1-2 Henry VII. [1485-6]. 

Paid. To the Sheriffs of Norwich as annually in several preceding 
accounts, in aid of the fee farm of the city, ,30. To the same for the 2 

1 Introduction VII. 3. Almost the same persons came to the next mart held in the 
autumn. There were present, however, in addition, a brewer, a beer-brewer and 
hardwareman, a barbor, and a shere-grinder. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 75 

Marts held this year, that they may not, by their office, hinder anyone in 
coming and returning to his own [place] by any arrests at the same etc. as 
in the last account; 1 and for the discontinuance of the courts of the Lord 
King held before them, as at the Assembly held on Monday before the 
feast of S l David i H. VII. [27 Feb. 1486], nothing here in money, because 
it is agreed by the whole assembly that they may have, as they do have, the 
fines for making 4 citizens, so that no Sheriffs, holding office (occupaturi) 
from henceforth, may have of the community above the fines of 4 citizens 
who have been previously apprentices in this city. 

CIV. 2 3 Henry VII. [1486-7]. 

Profits of the Maries. Nothing, because the ground of the Community 
was not occupied nor hired. 2 

CV.-4-5 Henry VIII. [1512-3]. 

Paid. To 4 waits for sounding (sufBacione) the Martes at (per) the 
two times of the year, i6d. And to the sacrist of S' Peter for ringing at the 
Martes, ^d. 

CVI. 14-15 and 15-16 Henry VIII. [1522-3 and 1523-4]. 

Received, as. Sd. of the profits received at Tomblond on Good Friday 3 
(in die parasceves), whereof 14^. of the profits of half the vacant ground 
there by the walls of the Priory. 

CVII. 23-24 Henry VIII. [1531-2]. 

Gates and Towers. Received, ;8 of the executors of Robert Jannys, 
Alderman, of a certain annuity or yearly rent late graunted to the 
commonaltie for discharge of alle maner of tolles and customes to be taken 
at the gates of the citie. 

CVIII. 29-30 Henry VIII. [1537-8], 

Mynute Expences. Paid, in dyuers expences ffor the bothe at 
Maudelyn Feyer, that is to saye to Capon ffor makyng off the same bothe, 
2s. For caryeng off the bothe tymber to and ffrom the Fayer, and ffor 
house fferme off the bote tymber, -zs. gd. For nayles and lyme to the same, 
one poste, 2 couple of speres and one pece off tymber, and ffor taking doun 
and drynk, 2s. gd. To the goldffyner 4 ffor tryeng of certen metall ffounde 
upon Mussold, and ffor his charcole theron spent, \id. 

1 " But that they may freely come and go, no one being attached except in causes 
committed within the liberty of the said liberties." 

- This entry is repeated for many years. 3 Good Friday Fair. 4 Gold refiner. 

76 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CIX.-35-36 Henry VIII. [1543-4]- 

Offrynges and Certens of Guyldes. Received of Syr John Kempe, 
prest of y e Comon Halle, for the offrynges and certens of dyuerse guyldes 
kept there wMn the tyme of y is accompt. And fyrst of the Parish Clark es 
offryng, 3^. "]d. Item of the Mercers offryng, qs. \\d. And of them for 
a certeyn, $s. Item of the Taylours offryng, 4.5-. gd. And of them for a 
certeyn, 45. $d. Item of the Schomakers offryng, 35. i \d. And of them 
for a certeyn, 45. $d. Item of the Masons and Smythys offryng, 3$. 5^. 
And of them for a certeyn, 45. &,d. Item of the Beddevvevers offryng, zs. $d. 
And of them for a certeyn, 45. ^d. Item of the Wullen Wevers, Fullers 
and Shermen offryng, ^s. id. And for a certen, 4^. ^d. Item of the 
Bochers offryng, zs. id. And of them for a certeyn, 4$. $d. Item of 
the Reders offryng, zzd. And of them for a certeyn, 45. ^d. Item of the 
Goldesmythes, Sadlers, Kalendrers and Dyers offryng, 3.?. zd. And of them 
for a certeyn, 4^. qd. Item of the Carpenters offryng, $s. ^d. And of 
them for a certen and benevolens, 8s. 8d. 

Certens oonfy. Of the fishmongers for a certen, 4s. $d. Of the 
Worsted Wevers for a certen, $s. Of the Tanners for a certeyn, 4^. Of 
the Inkepers and Typlers, 55. Of the Bakers, Brewers, and Cowpers for a 
certeyn, for 2 yeres, 13^. ^d. Of the Hatmakers for a certen, 5*. Of the 
Barbers certen, 2 yeres, 6^. 8s. Of the Grocers, for 2 yeres certeyn, IO.T. 
Stfw >! 3 s - 6 ^- X 

CX. 36-37 Henry VIII. [1544-5]- 

Paid to Andrew Robynson ffor wedyng of the market place ouer 
growen w l wedys dyuers times w l in the tyme of this accompte, "]s. io</. 2 

CXI. Book of Accounts of Barnham Broome Estate. 1546 
1642. (Case 24 c.} 

M r Terris Chest. 

The Account of the Chamberlyns of Norwich as Baliffs of the Manor 
of Hawkyns in Barneham Broome from Lady Day 1623 for one year. 

Paid to M r Alexander Anguishe, Alderman, Treasurer of the stocke 
belonginge to the house called the Cliildrens Hospital, aswell the c u given by 
M r Alderman Fawcett deceassed towardes the erectinge and maintenance of 
the said hospital!, as also iij u xiiij 5 paid by M r John Fawcett executour of the 
said M r Alderman Fawcett for the forbearance of the said c h after yt was 
due, ciij 1 ' xiiij 5 . 

Item paid to John Everard, keeper of the said howse called the Childrens 

1 Introduction III. 3. 2 Introduction V. I. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 77 

Hospitall, for the dyet and mayntenance of the children kept in the said 
house, for three quarters ended at our Lady 1624, as by 3 severall warrantes 
may appeare, xxxvj 11 vj s viij d . 

Item paid to Christopher Fuller of East Dereham for the purchase of a 
closse conteyninge by estimacion fifty acres, ouer and beside the aforesaid 
ciij" xiiij 5 . mencioned to be paid to M r Anguishe, treasurer for the said 
hovvse called the Childrens Hospitall, by warrant of assembly, cccxxj" vj s . 

Item paid to M r Kynge, Towneclarke, the vj th of August 1623 for 
chardges and mony by him disbursed to Fullers wife about the purchase of 
the said closse, as by warrant dated the second of August appeareth, iij 1 '. 

Item paid for wrightinge of this accompt, ij s . vj d . 

Sum of the payements, iiij c Ixiiij" ix s . ij d . 1 

CXII. Girls' Hospital Account Book. 

The Account of the Treasurer of the Girles' Hospitall newly erected 
from 7 Feb. 165! to Lady Day 1654. (Case 2$f.) 

Inprimis this Accomptant doth here charge himself w th tenne poundes 
for the interest of ccl u which was given by M r Bobert Baron, late Alderman 
disceassed, for a begyninge of the said girles hospitall, for eight monthcs 
ended the 26 Maye 1653, with which monyes, and 200" more given by 
M r Henry Whitingham of London, the Great Garden was purchased of the 
Citty. 2 

CXIII. Book of Alnage Accounts 1580-1610. (Case 

The accompt of M r Fraunces Rugg and M r Richard Ferrour, Alder- 
men, Henrye Davy and Richard Toolye, junior, Tresaurers of the citie 
of Norwiche, of all suche profitts and commodities as doo aryse and 
growe by vertue of her Majesty's letters patentes for Alnage and 
Subsidie of all the new commodityes and drapereyes made within 
the sayd citic, for one whole yere ended the 20 April 1585, and 
in the 27 th yere of the reign of our soueraigne Ladie Queen 

In primis the said Accomptantes doo here charge themselves for 
monye by them received of William Lyttlewood appoynted to bee 
searcher and scalier of all the sayd commodityes from the 20 April 
1584 untill y e 20 Julye then next follovveng, viz. At -W. the piece ; 
For 262 Tuftes, IDS. \\d. For 2080 Damaskes, 4. 6s. Sd. For 
310 Caffaese, 12s. lid. For 1604 Olyotes, 3 6s. icxL For 580 
Valures, r 4^. 2d. For 670 Large Mockadowcs, \ js. lid. For 

1 Introduction V. I. - Ib. 

78 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

880 Buffynes, 1 i6s. Set. For 1008 Carrolles, 2 2s. od. For 
670 dozen of Hose at \d. the dozen, 1 Js. lid. For 1470 Sayes 
at id. the piece, 6 2s. 6d. For 440 Grogaryfes at \d. the piece, 
1 7-r. 6d. For 1204 grosse of Lace at \d. the grosse, i 5.5-. id. 
SUM, 2$ i is. id 

From the 20 July 1584 until the 20 October then next, viz. At 
\d. the piece, For 130 Tuftes, 5^. $d. For 1760 Damaskes, 
3 135-. 4//. For 140 Caffaese, 55. lod. For 124 Syettes, $s. 2d. 
For icxDS Olyottes, ;3 2s. 7\d. For 607 Large Mockadovves, 
i 5-y. $\d. For 710 Buffynnes, i gs. yd. For 510 Valuers, 
i is. $d. For 610 Carrolles, i $s. %d. For 540 dozen of Knytte 
Hose at \d. the dozen, 1 2s. 6d. For 1910 Sayes at id. the peece, 
7 \()s. 2d. For 124 Grogaryfes at \d. the peece, *js. yd. For 800 
grosse of Lace at \d. the grosse, i6s. 8d. Sum, 23. 

From the 20 October 1584 untill the 20 January then next, viz. 
At \d. the peece, For 50 Tuftes, 2s. id. For 2440 Damaskes, 
5 is. Sd. For 1506 Olyotes, 3 2s. gd. For 130 Caffaese, $s. ^d. 
For 140 Syettes, 5^. lod. For 830 Large Mockadovves, ,1 14^. yd. 
For 660 Valuers, 1 7s. 6d. For 740 Smalle Buffynes, 
i los. lod. For 880 Carrolles,^! i6s. Sd. For 732 dozen of Knytte 
Hose at \d. the dozen, 1 los. 6d. For 1944 Sayes at id. the 
piece, 8 is. od. For 43 Grogaryfes at \d. the peece, 2s. Sd. 
For 1 1 80 grosse of Lace at \d. the grosse, i ^s. yd. Sum, 
26 js. \\d. 

From the 20 Januarie 1584 untill the 2O Aprill 1585, viz. At \d. 
the peece, For 100 Tuftes, 4^. 2d. For 2616 Damaskes, 5 9^. od. For 
80 Caffaes, 3^. ^.d. For 1813 Ollyottes, ^"3 15^. 6\d. For 860 Large 
Mokadowes, ,1 i$s. lod. For 702 Valuers, ^"i gs. $d. For 8 
Plommettes, ^d. For 160 Bombasyes, 6s. Sd. For 140 Syettes, 
5-y. lod. For 760 Buffyns, ^i us. Sd. For 802 Carrolles, 
.1 13-y. $d. For 1040 dozen of Knytt Hose at \d. the dozen, 
2 $s. ^d. For 1304 grosse of Lace at \d. the grosse, .1 js. 2d. 
For 2038 Sayes at id. the peece, ;S 9-r. lod. For 16 Grogarynes 
at \d. the peece, is. Sum, 2S i6s. ^\d. In all, 103 14-r. 6^d. 

Also the sayd Accomptantes doo here charge them selves with 
monie by them received of Peter Obrie and Christian Verkyn, 
Aliens, appointed Seallers for the Crovvne Sealle of all the Bayes 
made within the citie quarterly, viz. From the I April, 1584 
untill the 30 June following viz. For 1133^ Dooble Bayes at 2d. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 79 

the peece, g 8s. nd. For 6/2| Single Bayes at \\d. the peece, 
4 4-y. of</. 

From the I Julie till the 30 September 1584, viz. For 1491 
Dooble Bayes at 2d. the peece, 12 Ss. 6d. For 640 Syngle Bayes 
at \\d. the peece, 4. 

From the I October untill the 31 December 1584, viz. For 890 
Dooble Bayes at 2d. the peece, 7 Ss. 4d. For 664 Syngle Bayes at 
\\d. the peece, 4 $s. od. 

From the i January untill the 31 March 1585, viz. For 981 
Dooble Bayes at 2d. the peece, 8 $s. 6d. For 604 Syngle Bayes 
at \\d. the peece, 3 15^. 6d. Sum, 53 I is. Q\d. 

Sum total, i$7 6s. 4^d 

Payed to William Lyttlewoode for his fee for sealleng the sayd 
commodityes and for collectyng the sayd summe of 103 14^. 6\d. 
beyng the total of his charge at 2s. the pownd, 10 7s. 6d. And 
allowed to him for 42,50x3 leads for the sealles of the sayd commodi- 
tyes at 4d. the hundred, 7 is. 8d. Also allowed to him for 
amendyng y e crown seall, 6d. And allowed to Peter Obrie and 
Christian Verkyn for their fee in sealleng the bayes and collecting 
the sayd summe of 53 I is. g^d. beeyng the totall of their charge 
at 2s. the pownd, 5 7s. 2d. Also allowed to the sayd Peter and 
Christian for 7072 leads for the sealles for the same bayes at ^d. 
the hundred, .1 3-y. 6d. And allowed to Thomas Corie, Towneclerk 
for wrytyng this accompt, 3^. \d. Summe of all the payments and 
alloivancys aforeseid 24 $s. Sd 

And so remayneth in thandes of the seid accomptauntes, 
133 2s. 


Extracts from the Assembly Rolls. 

CXIV. Assembly on Thursday after S l Andrew 46 E. III. [2 Dec. 


There was a discussion respecting a barge to be made by letter of the 
Lord King under his privy seal, directed to the Bailiffs and Community. 
And there were elected Henry Lomynour, John de Welbourne and Henry 
Skye to go to Yarmouth for ordering, providing and making an agreement 
concerning the making of the said barge in the best way they can. 

1 Introduction V. 4. 

8o Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CXV. Assembly on Friday after the Conception of the Virgin. 
[10 Dec. 1372]. 

Henry Lominour, John de Welbourne, and Richard Fisch were elected 
by the whole Community for causing a barge to be made for the Lord 
King, to interview (supervidend') a master carpenter, to make an 
agreement with him, and to buy timber, and to do all other matters for the 
Community at the charges of the Community. And a tax of a double 
tenth 1 is granted for making the said barge. 

CXVI. Assembly on Wednesday, the feast of S l Thomas the Martyr. 
[29 Dec. 1372]. 

There was a discussion concerning a Master for making a barge for 
the aid of the Lord King ; And Henry Lomynour reported that he has 
agreed with a very good master called John Pondere of Ipswich, and that 
the said master with his companions will work at the said barge at this city 
when the Bailiffs and Community shall wish. And there was a discussion 
concerning a cart to be sent to Ipswich for carrying their necessaries hither 
on the Friday next after the Epiphany [7 Jan. 1373] at the charges of the 
Community, Geoffrey Sewale and Richard Fisch are elected supervisors 
of the carpenters, and providers of food and all other necessaries each 
(uterque) of them taking 40^. the week. And the common seal is granted 
them for warrant. And they are sworn to act faithfully. 

CXVII, Assembly on Tuesday, the feast of S l Peter in Cathedra 
47 E. III. [22 Feb. 1373]. 

There was a discussion concerning a letter of the Lord King directed 
under the privy seal for causing the barge to be made and for ordering and 
providing concerning the master and sufficient mariners and for conducting 
the said barge safe to Sandwich on the first day of March next coming. 
Ralph Skiet, Bailiff, and Henry Lomynour are elected to go to Yarmouth 
to arrange for a master to conduct the said barge as above, and with the 
advice of the said master [to arrange for] a mast, sail, anchor, cable and 
ropes, and other necessaries for the said barge in the best way in which 
they can, and for the mariners as many as are necessary. 

CXVIII. Assembly on 3 March [1373]. 

Ralph Skiet and Henry Lomynour were elected in the preceding 
assembly to order and provide a master of our barge and they have chosen 
John Douhty in the name of the Community. 

1 About ^190. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 8 1 

CXIX. Assembly on 7 March [1373]. 

There was granted a tax of a double tenth for causing the Barge to be 
made. Also a warrant, sealed with the common seal, for buying a mast, 
cables and other necessaries was granted to Henry Lomynour and John de 
Welbourne going to Yarmouth in the name of the community. Also an 
obligation, sealed with the common seal, of ^200 to be paid at Easter 
next coming was granted to them. Also it was ordered by the whole 
Community that such proclamation shall be made viz. that all citizens 
shall pay in the Tolhouse to the auditors and treasurers of the city, at a 
certain appointed day, the money assessed upon them for causing the 
barge to be made. 

CXX. Assembly on Wednesday after S l Gregory. [16 March, 1373]. 
There was read there the letter of the Lord King under his privy seal 
for delivering the barge with all the equipment (apparatu) to John Brice. 

CXXI. Assembly on Tuesday in the Week of Easter [19 April, 


There was granted to the bailiffs an obligation of 200 for preserving 
them harmless concerning the imprisonment of those rebelling and 
refusing to pay the tax assessed upon them for causing the barge to be 
made to the aid of the Lord King. 

CXXII. Assembly on Friday in the Week of Pentecost. [10 June, 


The butchers complain against the cooks of the city because the said 
cooks feed calves, lambs and other [animals] in their houses to the great 
hurt of the said butchers and of the whole Community. And it is 
ordered by the whole Community that it shall be prohibited to the cooks 
by the Bailiffs that until (citra) the next assembly they shall no longer 
feed any beasts in their houses, and that the said cooks shall be 
forewarned to attend the next assembly to answer to the Bailiffs, the 
Community and the said butchers by what warrant they thus feed, as has 
been said, or why they ought not to do [so]. 

CXXIII. Assembly on Friday after Corpus Christi. [17 June, 1373]. 

It is ordained that if any cook shall feed ox, pig, calf, sheep or 
lamb in his house that for the first time he shall be amerced 20$. If he 
is found guilty for a second time he shall be amerced 40^. And that 
one half of the amercement shall remain to the Community, and the 
other half to the Bailiffs. And if he is found guilty for a third time he 
shall abjure his occupation, save by (nisi) the special grace of the 


82 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Also William de Spoerle and William Mannyng, shereman, were 
chosen supervisors of all victuals exposed for sale in the market of 
Norwich, so that no cook nor regrator may buy any victuals before the 
bell of S' Peter of Mancroft is rung for mass. 

CXXIV. Assembly on Wednesday after the octave of Trinity. 
[22 June, 1373]. 

There was a discussion there because, although the whole tax of a 
quadruple tenth 1 for causing the barge to be made had been fully paid 
the expenses of the said barge exceed the said tax by ^30 and more. In 
addition there are owing to Roger de Ridlyngton for small expenses 
for the boat of the said barge 40 s. $%d. Also to John Brice for two 
anchors 10 marks. Also it was agreed that the Community shall buy 
one other boat for the said barge larger than the other boat, because 
[that is] too small. And Simon de Aleman was elected to go to 
Yarmouth to provide for a boat in the best way in which he can and 
the treasurers shall pay for his expenses. 

CXXV. Assembly on the Vigil of the Nativity of S l John the Baptist. 
[23 June, 1373]. 

Having accounted for the expenses and costs of the boats and anchors 
that ought to be accounted for there is a deficit of ^"50. 

CXXVI. Assembly on Thursday after S c Edmund the Bishop. 
[17 Nov. 1373]. 

It is agreed by the whole Community that the treasurers shall pay to 
Roger de Ridlington for the necessaries to be bought (emend') ^15 4$. \d. 
whereof he shall have 445-. id. forthwith. 

CXXVII. Assembly on Tuesday after the Epiphany [10 Jan. 1374]. 

There was a discussion there concerning the arrest of the barge which 
John Brice has arrested for 2 anchors and 4 panniers (paneys) : And there 
were chosen 4 citizens viz. Henry Skye, Thomas Stannard, John de 
Bastwyk and William Boteler for electing 2 citizens to go to Yarmouth 
in the name of the Community for delivering the said barge viz. John de 
Welbourne and Geoffrey Sewale, and [it is agreed] that the treasurers shall 
pay their expenses. 

CXXVIII. Assembly on Thursday after the Translation of 
S' Thomas, 48 E. III. [13 July, 1374]. 

Be it remembered that Robert Rope, called to account concerning his 
liberty, came to this assembly and his evidences viz. charters drawn in 

1 fee Nos. CXV, CXIX. 

Selected Records of t/ic City of Norwich. 83 

divers times of Kings (diversis Regum temporibus) and his father's will 
enrolled ; He is admitted by the Bailiffs and the v/hole Community as our 
fellow citizen and his heirs forever. 

CXXIX. Assembly on Wednesday before S l Margaret. [19 July, 


There was a discussion there concerning the keeping of our barge 
coming from the service of the Lord King, the skipper (patronus) viz. 
Robert Twyg and the master of the said barge viz. John Greygoes having 
been arrested at Rye, as they say. And they are agreed that Thomas de 
Bukerton, treasurer, and John Pykyng [be elected] to go to Yarmouth to 
supervise the said barge with all the equipment, and for providing 
sufficient keeping for the said barge and its equipment; And they are 
agreed that Roger de Ridelyngton shall have the keeping of the said barge 
with all the equipment, and he shall have for wages, every day, 25. and the 
said Roger has sworn in this assembly for having the keeping. 

CXXX. Assembly on Monday after the Circumcision. [4 Jan. 1378]. 

Letters patent of the Lord King were read there for causing one small 
barge called a balinger to be made. It is ordained that two [men] of the 4 
leets shall be elected by the whole Community for assessing (agistand') a 
parish tax for the said balinger [which is to be raised] however from the 
more substantal (probioribus) [inhabitants]. William de Blachomore [and 
others] were elected for chosing two worthy (probos) citizens to take 
measures (proficissend') for causing the said balinger to be made [viz.] 
Geoffrey de Bixton and John Pykyng. 

CXXXI. Assembly on Wednesday after S l Luke. [19 Oct. 1379]. 

It is ordained that Walter Nyche and Roger de Ridelyngton shall go to 
Yarmouth for making the account with John Hakon, mariner, for the 
keeping of the barge. Also there were elected two Bailiffs and six citizens 
to confer with friar Walter de Disce 1 on behalf of John Hakon 
concerning the keeping of the barge. 

CXXXIL Assembly on Friday after All Saints 3 R. II. [4 Nov. 


There was a discussion concerning the stalls in the Butchery, whether 
they ought to belong to the Community or to the Bailiffs : And they are 
agreed that they put themselves to the discretion and judgement of Simon 
de Bliclyngge, Thomas de Bumpsted, Bartholomew de Appillyerd and 
Walter de Bixton. They are agreed that for the future the said stalls shall 

1 Confessor of the Duke of Lancaster. 

84 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

remain to the Community forever, without hinderance or contradiction of 
the present Bailiffs or of future Bailiffs. Also a deed concerning the said 
stalls, sealed with the common seal, is granted to Bartholomew de Appilyerd 
and his companions. 

CXXXIII. Assembly on Tuesday after the feast of Palms. 
[21 March, 1380]. 

It is ordained that no one, of whatsoever condition he may be, shall 
carry any muck by ships or boats, by night or day by the King's river, and 
if anyone does he shall be heavily amerced, viz. for the first time -ios. and if 
he is found thus delinquent a second time 40^. and if a third 6os. and if he 
be a "par civitalis " he shall lose his liberty, and if he be a foreigner he shall 
abjure the city without return save by the special grace of the Bailiffs and 
Community. And that the said amercement shall be equally divided 
between the Bailiffs and the Community. 1 

Also that if anyone has at this time cast or collected together any muck 
and refuse in the market place or in any places and locality of the city he 
shall remove it or cause it to be removed before the feast of the Nativity of 
S' John the Baptist [24 June] next to come, under the penalty of 40^. and 
for every day afterwards 40^. Also if anyone in future shall have placed 
any muck and refuse in the market place or in any places and locality, that 
he shall remove it or cause it to be removed within the 4 next days under 
the penalty of 40^. and for every day afterwards 40^. and the half part of 
the amercement shall be for the Bailiffs and the other part for the 
Community as above. 

CXXXIV. Assembly on Friday after the Invention of the Holy 
Cross. [4 May, 1380]. 

It is ordained that if any citizen shall implead in the court of the Lord 
Prior of the church of the Holy Trinity of Norwich any other citizen or 
any foreigner resident in the city who can be distrained (distringi) at the 
time of the fairs, he shall lose his liberty. 2 

CXXXV. Assembly on Monday after S' Augustin. [28 May, 1380]. 

There was read a letter under the privy seal for repairing the barge and 
there were appointed the 4 Bailiffs and 6 citizens to confer and treat with 
Sir William de Elmham, admiral in the northern parts. 

CXXXVI. Assembly on Thursday, the Vigil of S l Gregory 5 R. II. 
[n March, 1382]. 

Order is given to the Treasurers by the whole Community that they 

1 Introduction VII. 2. 2 See No. CCCCXVI. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 85 

shall pay to Thomas de Worthsted and Adam Redberd his companion for 
guarding the gates at the time of the tumult (rumoris) 1 6s. 8d. 

CXXXVII. Assembly on Friday in the Week of Pentecost. [30 May, 

John Pays is sworn for carrying muck by his boat by the King's river 
without injury to the river, and he shall warn the Bailiffs if any one else 
shall carry muck by the King's river, if he does not do that he shall be 
amerced 6*. 8^/. 

CXXXVIIL Assembly on Thursday after S l Matthew 6 R. II. 
[25 Sept. 1382]. 

John de Walsham, Geoffrey de Chichester, William atte Hill and 
Adam de Swerdeston present to the Bailiffs and Community by their oath, 
concerning the King's river for the common utility, viz. that no one may 
fish with a net called seynes or dragee in the said river within the liberty of 
the said city from the feast of S l Michael [29 Sept.] until the feast of S l 
Peter Advincula [i Aug.] under penalty. Also that no net of this kind may 
have any stone called capstan hanging [on it] of greater weight than two 
pounds under the said penalty. Also that no one, of whatsoever condition 
he may be, may fish with any net in the said river in the fortnight at the end 
of the month of April nor in the fortnight in the beginning of the month of 
May, except only with draglamms (draglammis) under the said penalty. Also 
that every one may fish with lamms,' 2 long and short, until the feast of the 
Nativity of the blessed Mary [8 Sept.] and not otherwise during the whole 
year under the said penalty in no manner. Also that no one may in any 
manner fish in the said river with leaps (lepis), trimmers (trimmis) and 
bmvenetis at no time of the year under the said penalty. 3 

CXXXIX. Assembly on Tuesday after S l Lucy. [19 Dec. 1385]. 
Bartholomew Appilyerd is elected to the office of Mayor of the 
Statute of Merchants. 1 

CXL. Assembly on Friday after S l Ambrose. [6 April, 1386]. 
It is agreed by the whole community that the malt market shall be 
transferred to the pillory. 

CXLI. Assembly on Thursday before S c Ambrose 9 H. V. [3 April, 

At which assembly it was ordained and a statute [was] there made for 

1 Lytester's Rebellion. 

2 Nets into which fish are driven by beating the water. East Ang. Gloss. 
Introduction VII. 2. Also in Book of Customs. 4 Introduction IV. I. 

86 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

the fullers and weavers in these words. We, the Mayor, Sheriffs, and 
Aldermen, by the assent of the Community of Norwich, under certain 
causes moving us, have ordained that those who exercise the craft of a 
fuller, and the craft of a weaver, within the liberty of the said city, shall 
every year elect two masters for either of the said crafts, according to the 
form of a certain ordinance drawn up by the assent of the Community of 
the said city in the form of an indenture under the common seal of the said 
city. Ordaining also and deciding by the same assent, that no one within 
the liberty of the said city shall in future set any woollen cloth to anyone to 
be woven or fulled, unless that weaver or fuller shall reside and ply his said 
craft within the said liberty. And if anyone shall contravene, and shall on 
that account be committed before the Sheriffs and the masters of the said 
craft for the time being, or by inqusition, examination, or in any other way, 
he shall pay for every default 6s. S;/. to be levied from his goods by the 
Sheriffs of the said city for the time being. Whereof one half shall remain 
with the said Sheriffs to be held to their proper uses. But the other half 
shall be delivered by the said Sheriffs to the masters of that art (artis) for the 
time being, in which craft that default was discovered, to be held to the 
profit of the said craft. Provided always that those who practise the said 
craft shall practise it well and faithfully in taking reasonably for performing 
and following their said craft. 

CXLII. Assembly on Saturday, the Invention of the Holy Cross. 

[3 Ma y> 1421]. 

It is ordained that every butcher, who brings any horns of any animal 
into the market of Norwich, shall lose the head of that animal as often as 
etc. And the keeper of the Gaol of the City of Norwich shall have and 
receive the said head thus forfeited, and shall give [it] to the prisoners. 
And in like manner the heart of the animal for the lungs (per les loungez). 

CXLIII. Assembly on Friday before S l James 10 H. V. [24 July 

It is ordained that the Chandlers, viz. the sellers of tallow candles, for 
the future shall sell a pound of candles by the old weight, viz. by four marks 
of troy weight, 1 and in no other way under the penalty of losing those 
candles which are not of that weight. And if anyone shall do the contrary 
of this ordinance he shall lose his freedom. 

Item it is ordained that the sellers of puddings and intestines of animals 
for the future shall sell the puddings and intestines of animals in the market 
place between the west part of the fish shop late Robert Papungeay's, and a 
certain arch, late Thomas Pennyng's, and not elsewhere, under the penalty 

. or rather more than 2 Ibs. avtrclupois. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 87 

of losing the said puddings and intestines of animals found in any other 
part of the market place except in the part aforesaid. 

CXLIV. Assembly on Tuesday after the Exaltation of the Holy 
Cross i H. VI. [15 Sept. 1422]. 

It is ordained that the common market viz. for butchers, fishmongers, 
and others such like, shall not be held henceforth in the City of Norwich on 
Sundays in so far as it concerns the Mayor, Sheriffs, Aldermen, and 
Commonalty. 1 And if anyone of the butchers shall do the contrary of such 
ordinance he shall pay for every default 2os. Whereof the Bishop of 
Norwich shall have for his gratuity 6s. &d. the Sheriffs for the time being 
6s. 8</. and the men of the butchers' craft shall have for the repair of the 
pageant of their craft, 6s. Sd. 

Also it is ordained that no one of the said city of whatsoever state, 
position, or condition he may be for the future shall keep any open shop on 
Sundays in Lent, nor on any Sunday of the whole year for selling anything 
there, cook;;, brewers, and taverners nevertheless excepted. And if anyone 
shall do the contrary of such ordinance, except as before excepted, he shall 
pay 6s. 8d. which the Serjeant at mace of the Community shall cause to be 
levied to the use of the same Community, as often as any one has been 
found delinquent against the said ordinance. 

CXLV. Assembly on Thursday before S l Peter in Cathedra 4 H. VI. 
[21 Feb. 1426]. 

It is ordained and granted in this assembly that no alien dwelling within 
the City of Norwich, whether he be a citizen or a foreigner, shall for the 
future presume to lodge or to receive in lodging any other alien coming to 
the said city for the purpose of merchandising, or their goods or merchandise. 
And if any such alien shall contravene or do the contrary, as often as he is 
found thus delinquent, he shall pay to the use of the Community, to be 
levied from his goods and chattels, 20$. 

Extracts from First Assembly Book. 

CXLV I. Assembly on Friday, the Feast of S [ Matthew 15 H. VI. 
[21 Sept. 1436]. 

It was granted that [whereasl all those inhabiting the said city and the 
liberty of the same and exercising the craft of Bakers during past times 
were accustomed to pay to the Bailiffs of the said city while the Bailiffs 
existed and after that to certain Sheriffs of the same city a certain rent of 
four pounds annually called furnage; concerning which payment a doubt 


88 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

was had between the Sheriffs of the said city and the bakers of the same, 
and traverse arose between them. And because it is more necessary to 
encourage the bakers craft there among others, and for avoiding the said 
doubts, and that the said rents of four pounds called furnage may be paid 
in future to the Sheriffs of the same city and their successors quietly in 
the accustomed manner ; in nullification of the said traverse they have 
determined and ordained by virtue of the liberties granted to them and 
confirmed by the most excellent princes, the Kings of England, that the 
said bakers and their successors, for the future, in every year forever, may 
elect among themselves and enjoy two masters in the aforesaid craft as the 
other craftsmen of the same city do and use, according to the form of a 
certain composition 1 in force there. Also at every examination of the assize 
of bread to be made there by the Mayor for the time being, the Masters of 
the said craft may be present if they wish according to warning to be given 
to them. Also whereas the men of the said craft have been wont to be 
empannelled before the Sheriffs of the same city in Inquests between party 
and party pleading before the same Sheriffs at the Guyhald aforesaid, while 
for the benefit of the common people flocking to the said city and there 
remaining they ought to be attending to the said craft ; It is established and 
ordained that those using the said craft in the said city and the liberty of the 
same, or their successors, shall never be empannelled in future between 
parties pleading in the said Guyhald before the Sheriffs there for the time 
being. Also when and as often as the Maior of the said City for the time 
being shall in the accustomed manner test the assise of bread there, he 
shall test the said assise of bread according to the highest price of the 
best corn sold in the market of Norwich, in the market next 
before the said test. Also if the said bakers or any of them or of 
their successors shall be dealt with by the Mayor or Sheriffs for the time 
being contrary to the premises, then the said rent of four pounds shall 
altogether cease. 

CXLVIL Assembly on Tuesday before S l Leonard 16 H. VI. 
[5 Nov. 1437]. 

It is granted that all sows (porce) and ducks wandering in the streets of 
the said city to the nuisance of the neighbours shall be expelled out of the 
city within 14 days next following after the first proclamation then made for 
them, under the penalty of forfeiting both the said pigs (porcorum) and 

CXLVIII. Assembly on Wednesday before S l Thomas the Apostle. 
[18 Dec. 1437]. 

It is ordained that, during 12 nights at the Nativity of the Lord next, 

1 Vol. I. No. XLI. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 89 

diligent watch shall be made in each Ward by the constables and by able 
men, and not of great or of youthful age, as the said watches are kept at 
other times of the year. 

Also it is ordained that the Warden 1 of this City on behalf of the Lord 
King shall cause to be proclaimed throughout the whole Community of the 
said community aforesaid, that every householder in the said city, the poor 
excepted, during 12 consecutive nights at the Nativity of the Lord next 
following, shall have outside the door or window of his dwelling a lantern or 
a sconce with a tallow candle, the pound weight containing 12 candles, for 
burning while night approaches until they are burnt out, to the comfort of 
the people of the Lord King there passing, and every delinquent shall pay 
for every offence 2d. to the use of the Chamber of the said city. 3 

Also for mitigation and combating accidents of fire, happening in this 
city in future, sufficient ladders and other instruments called cromes shall 
be more adequately appointed in divers parishes in every ward of this city, 
and they shall be kept in the open. So that every liege of the Lord King 
may have access to them for combating and mitiga'.ing the said accident. 

CXLIX. Assembly on Friday after Corpus Christi 18 H. VI. 
[27 May, 1440]. 

It is granted ordained and established that no one of the city, of 
whatsoever state position or condition he may be, shall in future use or 
cause to be used any measure in buying or selling unless such measure 
shall be in accordance with the statute 3 of the Lord King of England, 
and stamped with the seal of the Lord King ordained for this [purpose] in 
the City of Norwich, under the fixed penalty contained in the statutes 
of the same Lord King. And that every person of the said city, of 
whatsoever state, position, or condition he may be, having bushel or other 
measures not fully in accordance with the said statute, shall cause those 
measures to be brought before the Mayor of the said city at the Guyhald of 
the same city within eight days next coming, there to be measured and 
tested according to the said statute, under the penalty of forfeiture of such 
measure, by the Mayor and Aldermen of the said city first beginning 
[their yearly office]. Provided always that all and singular persons shall 
have the measurement and stamping of their measures whatsoever there 
freely and without any charge to be paid for them during the said eight 
days and no longer. And that the said ordenance shall be proclaimed 
without delay in every ward of the said city. 

CL. Assembly on Saturday, the Nativity of S c John the Baptist. 
[24 June, 1440]. 

It is granted that the men of the craft of Wosted-weavers of the city 

1 John Welles, the liberties being seized. - Introduction VII. 2. 

" 8 Henry VI. c. 5. 

90 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

shall collect and cause to be levied all the money of the custom of the 
Worsted Selde being in arrear, and from the day of the present assembly 
until the feast of S l Michael [29 Sept.] next coming reasonably to be levied, 
so that the men of the same craft may well and truly answer to the said 
Community concerning the said money by giving their oath etc. 

Also it is agreed by the whole assembly that all and singular the 
clothes called worsteds made and to be made within the said city for sale, 
and all cloths of Worsted which in any way come to the said city for sale 
for the future, shall not be sold nor bought in any place of the said city nor 
in the suburbs of the same except only in a certain hospice of the citizens 
of the said city called the Common Inn. That is to say in a certain place 
there accustomed and ordained for this purpose called the Worsted Selde 1 ; 
And whosoever shall do the contrary in any of the premises, of whatsoever 
state, degree, or condition he may be, he shall pay or cause to be paid to 
the Community of the said city 205. of lawful money of England as often as 
he shall be found delinquent. 

CLI. Assembly on Friday after Relique Sunday 30 H. VI. [14 July, 

MS 2 ]- 

John Togode, baker, was sent to prison on complaint of the Miller, 

because he has not ground his corn as ordained ; And whereas his fine 
stands at 6s. Sd. he was pardoned of 40^. by the assent of the Community. 

CLII. Assembly on Wednesday after S c Peter ad Vincula. [2 Aug. 

'A certain bill was presented by the masters of the Drapers' craft 
containing the customs which foreign drapers shall pay for their cloths ; 
And that they shall not loose (solvent) viz. unprikke 1 their burdens (onera) 
save only in the accustomed place. 

Viz for every Habyndon 3 kerseye, \d. For i dozen Kendale, \d. For 
i piece of broad cloth 24 or 26 yards (virg') long, id. ; and if it be longer 
according to the quantity. For i dozen narrow cloth, ^d. For i piece of 
Mattessale, \d. For i dozen Kendale russet, JU/. For i piece of frieze, 
i Id. For i dozen Pole 4 cloth, id. And that the said custom shall be 
levied on every cloth at its entry. 

CLIII. Assembly on Friday after S c Lucy 32 H. VI. [14 Dec. 1453]- 

It is ordained that all the inhabitants of the city shall keep and find 

lights before their doors and gates from the vigil of the Nativity of the 

1 Introduction III. i. 

a "Solvent onera" would usually mean " pay their debts." " Unprikke " appears 
to have been inserted to show that some other meaning must be understood in this case. 
Wuleker Wrights Vocabularies I. 583. " Fixura, anglice, prykkynge or festenynge." 

:; Abingdon. 4 Wclshepool. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 9 1 

Lord until the day after the feast of Epiphany of the Lord [6 Jan.]. And 
the said lights shall be lighted at the fifth hour after noon and their light 
shall last until the ninth hour. And all who shall thus find lights shall be 
forvvarned by the constable. And whosoever shall fail in the premises, as 
often as he shall be found offending by the constable, he shall lose a penny 
to be divided between them [the constables] and the Community and power 
and authority of distraining are granted to the constables. 

Moreover it is ordained that the gates of the city shall be shut at the 
sixth hour and opened at the sixth hour, and if anyone, of whatsoever 
condition he may be, shall come to the city after the closing of the gates he 
shall pay a halfpenny to the porters for his entry, unless he be a victualler. 

And it. is ordained [that] all those holding common inns in the city 
shall not receive or entertain any person or persons in their inns, except 
those for whom they are willing to answer according to the ancient 
ordinances of the city. And that all men dwelling in the city, of whatsoever 
condition they may be, shall warn their servants that they shall not be 
absent outside the houses of their masters after the eighth hour, under the 
penalty of imprisonment. 

Also it is ordained that, as regards the carriage of muck by water, a 
certain Richard Hert shall have the carriage of the said muck so to be 
carried by water and no one else, taking 4<-/. for the boat [load] provided 
that the boat shall be of half a last [burden]. And if any one else shall 
carry [it] that he [Richard] shall have power of arresting the said man, and 
of bringing him to the Mayor or the Chamberlain. And when he shall 
carry the said muck that muck he shall carry into and out of his boat by a 
barrow, and he shall not cast any muck within the chain. 1 He is sworn. 

CLIV. Assembly on Friday after S l Hillary. [18 Jan. 1454]. 

It was announced by the Mayor, that of the good will and attachment 
which Ralph Segrym bears to the community he proposes to construct 
a prison for detaining women therein and for separating them from the 
society of men, and for avoiding crimes which might arise. And this 
to be done of the goods and at the cost of John Wilbeye.- 

CLV. Assembly on Friday before Pentecost 33 H. VI. [23 May, 


It is ordained that no one, of whatsoever condition he may be, 
citizen or foreigner, viz. dwelling without the city or in the city, shall 
presume to buy any victuals, of whatsoever kind they may be, for retailing 
within the said city, before the tenth hour, under the penalty which is 
postponed (respectuatur) to the next assembly. 

1 Above the chain across the river at the Boom Tower. See No. CCCXCIII. 
- Blomefiekl IV. p. 232, says that Segrym was 'Wilbcye's execuUr. 

92 Selected Records of the City of Nonvic/t. 

CLVI. Assembly on Friday before S l Simon and S l Jude 34 H. VI. 
[24 Oct. 1455]. 

The ordinances for the worsted Seld ordained in the time of King 
Henry V. in [his] seventh year shall be observed in all points. Provided 
that the order shall commence on the feast of S c Martin in the Winter 
[i i Nov.]. 

It is granted that the cloth workers in the country shall in future 
expose all their cloths for sale every day in the week in the Common Inn, 
in the house 1 there provided. Provided always that they shall not sell by 
retail and only to the citizens of the city, under the penalty of losing the 
cloths. And this order shall last until the feast of the Annunciation of the 
blessed Mary next [25 March] according to the ordinances of the Worsted 

CLVIL Assembly on Friday before S l Laurence. [6 Aug. 1456]. 

A motion was made by the Mayor for keeping the day of the obit and 
commenoration of the benefactors of the Community in the College of the 
blessed Mary in the Fields on the day of S l Jerome [30 Sept.]. On which 
day and to which place the Mayor, Sheriffs, Aldermen, Common Council, the 
24 constables of the city and 2 masters of craft of the 24 honorable crafts 
of the city shall come, for respectfully observing the exequies under this 
form, namely, 13 poor persons in one suit to intercede, each of them to 
receive 2d. nine chaplains for reading the lectures at the said exequies each 
chaplain to receive 4^. to be spent in loaves for the poor and the prisoners 
both in the Castle of Norwich and in the Guyhald of the city, in either 
place, ^d. to the leper houses at the gates of the city, to each house 4^. for 
ringing \zd. and for 4 wax [torches] and the herce 2 i6d. Whereon the 
said Common Council wish to be advised. 3 

It was delared by the Mayor that the honourable man and special 
benefactor, Ralph Segrym, has bequeathed ;io for clensing the common 
river of the city. Concerning which it was asked of the common council 
how and in what manner they desired the said ^10 to be expended about 
the said clensing. Whereon the common council wishes to be advised. 

CLVIII. Assembly on Friday, 8 April 35 H. VI. [1457]. 

Richard Broun and others, executors of the will of Ralph Segrym, 4 
declare that, the poverty and need of the city having been considered, they 
propose to expend 200 marks of the goods of the said Ralph upon the 

1 The Worsted Seld. 2 A frame for the tapers. 

3 Introduction VI. 2. This motion was passed at an Assembly held on Friday after 
the Conception of the Virgin, f 10 Dec.]. 

4 Introduction VI. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 93 

repair of the walls of the city under the following conditions, viz. if the said 
two hundred marks are not sufficient for the repair of the walls around and 
throughout the whole city, that then it shall be arranged by the discretion 
of the common council of the city for the remainder of the repair of the 
walls in what way the said walls shall be repaired. 

And it was then moved on the said day that the Aldermen of each 
Ward of the city shall have supervision of and over the walls of such Ward 
where they are elected. Whereon the common council wishes to be 

CLIX. Assembly on Friday after S' Peter ad Vincula. [4 Aug. 1458]. 

Concerning halfclothes. It was declared by the Mayor, how he and the 
Aldermen at divers times had consulted for the reformation of the making 
of woollen cloth called Norwich cloth to the advancement of the poor of the 
city, so that the said cloths should be made more truly both in breadth and 
in length, and that the price of the same should be increased. And the 
Commonalty gave no answer, and thus it is postponed until etc. 1 

CLX. Assembly on Friday before S l Martin in the Winter 37 H. VI. 
[10 Nov. 1458]. 

There was a motion concerning the tokening of worsteads whether it 

o o 

shall be continued or no. And the common council, after many questions 
and answeres moved and brought forward both for and against, say that 
they wish it to be observed until Easter. So that the Mayor, Sheriffs, and 
Wardens of that craft and each of them shall make and cause to be made 
due execution according to the form of the ordinance. That is to say, it 
anyone, of whatsoever condition he may be, shall buy any cloth of 
worstead untokened or not sealed within the city, he shall lose and 
forfeit the said cloth and it shall be appraised, whereof one part shall 
revert to the office of the Mayor, the second part to the office of the 
Sheriffs, the third to the Community and the fourth part to the wardens 
of the craft, or to him who shall discover the cloth. And if any 
Alderman shall offend and contravene the ordinance, he shall lose the 
cloth and also six shillings and eight pence to the profit of the community. 

Also if any dyer, sherman, calandrer or blacker (blaker) dye, shear, 
calander, or black (blake) any cloth untokened or not sealed, he shall 
forfeit the said cloth which shall be divided as above. And it shall be 
lawful for any cocitizen to complain in any council to be held between 
this day and the feast of Easter if any thing shall be found injurious 
or wrong, or any unjust execution be adjudged or administered by the 
Mayor Sheriffs and Wardens of the craft.* 

1 Introduction IV, 2. ' 2 ib. 

94 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CLXI. Assembly on Thursday, the Vigil of the Purification of the 
Virgin, [i Feb. 1459]. 

It was moved and granted that the quay lately purchased of the 
Abbot of Wendling shall be repaired and constructed with all possible 
haste, according to the discretion of the Chamberlains and their council, so 
that it may be used by (deserviri) one man for brewing beer. And it is 
granted that no foreigner or anyone else, of what condition he be, shall 
brew beer for sale within the city except only he who shall dwell there in 
the said quay. Except that every citizen shall brew beer for his own and 
domestic use. 

It is also granted that the barrels to be ordained for beer shall be 
assayed according to the assize used in other places, and that the Mayor of 
the city shall supervise the assize of the said barrels. 

CLXII. Assembly on Tuesday, the Vigil of S l George 38 H. VI. 
[22 April, 1460]. 

Concerning Norych Clothes. It is granted that a certain seal (signum) 
lying in the common chest shall be newly executed so that cloths of wool 
called \roUencJoth Noj-wich Cloth shall be made sufficient in this form. It 
is accorded and assented Y euery cloth shall be tokened y l is sufficiantely 
made, and as for ]>e makyng ]}erof it is ]>us acorded and assented be \>e 
weuers and ffulleres, Y )' e weuers shall no stuffe take but soche as he wyll 
undertake to make a cloth sufficient in lengthe and brede, and }>e ffullere 
shall do his parte in his trade. And uppon Y ] ie wollenweuers haue 
broughte in a rolle of all ]?e names of ]?e craft wi]> her merkes, so ]>' be cloth 
which shall be sufficiantely made shall be tokened. And if }>e cloth be 
tokened and founde defauty under ]>e tokene, ]ian shall be tokener bere 
soche punysshement as can be auysed. And it is also accorded b l ]'e 
weuers, ffulleres, spynneres and corderes 1 shall haue redy money for her 
werkmanshipp, and what persone profre ware a5en ]> s ordenaunce and ]>e 
partes wyll, or ell if be parte take ware but first take his money and ban 
bye his ware, 2 shall lese xl d half to be parte and half to ]>e Commonalte. 
And also it is acorded ]> l ber shall no comown berer be fro bis tyme forth to 
bere cloth aboute to sale. It is ordeyned b l euery persone b l hath cloth to 
selle, and wyll selle it, shall putte it to sale be hym, be his wyf or be his 
children or seruaunt takyng for ]>e cloth whan it is tokened x 5 - 3 

CLXIII. Assembly on Wednesday after S l Mathias 39 H. VI. 
[25 Feb. 1461]. 

It was moved by the Mayor for the safeguarding of the city it shall 
stand thus, that five gates of the city shall be kept open and guarded at the 

1 Carders. 

- Receives money with the understanding that he will purchase the payer's goods 
with it. 3 Introduction IV. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 95 

expense of the Community and the rest of the gates of the city shall be 
closed and locked. And these five gates to be guarded and kept open under 
the following form : That is to say, Berstrete Gates with 3 men, Nedham 
Gates with 5 men, Westwyk Gates with 4 men, Coslany Gates with 3 men, 
[and] the Gates of Fybbriggate with 3 men. The Gates of Barregates and 
Bishop's Gates shall be guarded under this form, that is to say, the wickets 
of the said Gates shall be kept open and the wickets guarded, shut and 
opened, viz. by one man, by the discretion of the Mayor and the Aldermen 
of the Ward. 

And for the watch by night the said Gates and Wards shall be so 
guarded by a watch sufficient in number, according to the discretion of the 
Aldermen of the said ward, as shall be thought fit. 1 

CLXIV. Assembly on the feast of S l Romanus i E. IV. [9 Aug. 

It is ordered that the Constables of the city shall warn the inhabitants 
of the city, who keep open shops in the streets of the city, that they shall 
have ready and to hand within their shops as many staves as they have men 
servants in their shops for preserving the peace in the city, and for resisting 
rioters and rebels who desire to disturb the peace within the city, under 
the penalty of 40^. as often as etc. 

CLXV. Assembly on Friday after S l Peter and S l Paul. [2 July, 1462]. 

It was declared that the ship called the Barge of Yarmouth had been 
granted to the city by the owners for setting out in the King's navy at the 
expense of the Community. Wherefore, by the assent of the whole assembly, 
it is granted that the Mayor with the persons underwritten shall hear the 
proffers of the inhabitants voluntarily proposed towards the costs of the 
said ship. And when they are positively informed of the true amount of 
the expenses of the ship and of wages, the same proffers are to be collected 
and received, and the receipts to be accounted, and the expenses allowed in 
the common assembly next to be held. (John Butte, Mayor and 19 others 
are named.) 

Edward Coteler, William Swayn and William London are elected for 
hiring a certain ship at Lynn, seeing that the ship called The Barge of 
Yarmouth is, by the assent of the persons aforesaid, taken by Gilbert 
Debenham by the commission of the Lord King. 

CLXVI. Assembly on Friday before S l Bartholomew. [20 Aug. 

It was declared by the Mayor that the Community of the City has at 
present a ship hired at Lynn, called The Katerine, with sufficient equipme 

1 The Second battle of St. Albans had occurred on Feb. 17. 

g6 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

and victuals and 80 soldiers, of which 80, forty are at the expense of the 
King and 40 at the charges of the City, and the [vessel] is now named The 
Norwich Ship or The Barge of Norwich. 

CLXVII. Assembly on the feast of the Translation of S l Edward the 
Confessor 4 E. IV. [13 Oct. 1464], 

It was declared by the Recorder there were differences between the 
clergy and the laity concerning the guarding of a certain Thomas White, 
alias Blundell, who took ecclesiastical sanctuary (municionem) within the 
churchyard of the church of S l Mary Incombusta for the homicide of John 
Cook, yeoman, and how he had been guarded for 40 days. And seeing that 
he refuses to abjure the realm within 40 days, by the advice of William 
Yelverton the honourable Judge of the Lord King and others skilled in the 
law conserning and about the premises stated, a proclamation was made 
throughout the city by the Coroner of the Lord King in the said city, in the 
name of the King of England, that no one shall give, send, or throw food to 
the said Thomas White in any way whatsoever, under the penalty of a 
(charge of) felony, and of being taken as the King's enemy. Whereupon 
came Master John Salet, vicar general in spirituals of the reverend father in 
Christ, lord William, Bishop of Norwich, with the Prior of the Cathedral 
Church of Norwich, and a great number of other ecclesiastical persons, and 
claimed (petiit) that they may have leave to spend alms on the said Thomas 
for preserving ecclesiastical privilege, or that the said Thomas should be 
delivered to them under sufficient security to be found for him for the 
indemnity of the City. And the Recorder answers that these questions are 
very difficult and ambiguous in law to be answered, wherefore it is well to be 
further advised. 

CLXVIIL Assembly on Monday after S l George 6 E. IV. [28 April, 

It is agreed that Robert Tompson, lately commissioned for sealing 
clothes of wool, shall have for his counsel for conferring with them respect- 
ing the manufacture of the said cloths of wool, and for other matters 
incident to the said manufacture, these persons following, viz. on behalf of 
the weavers Thomas Lynne [and] John Knyght, and on behalf of the fullers 
Thomas Alicok, John Cloyte and Andrew Broun. 

CLXIX. Assembly on Friday before S l Peter in Cathedra. [20 Feb. 

Because the Kings River, a thing very useful to this City, is so greatly 
filled with dirt, so tha at divers times of the year dry ground is observed in 
certain places in the same, and the flow of the water prevented, and in 
addition to this greater and more harm occurs daily ; the Mayor, Sheriffs, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 97 

Aldermen and the sixty cocitizens elected for the common council, 
providing suitable remedies and desiring to remove those things which are 
injurious to the said river, have ordained by unanimous assent at this 
assembly, that every one dwelling in this City, poor people however 
oppressed with want alone excepted, shall apply his helping hand towards 
the following [works] in labour or money. That is to say thus, that every 
one whether he be occupier (possessor), owner (appropriator) or farmer 
shall heap up over against his dwelling before the day of May now 

next coming, all the filth in the streets opposite his dwelling to the middle 
(per medium) [of the street] and then the owner of that dwelling shall be 
bound to cause to be carried away and removed all the dirt and filth out of 
the King's Street before the said day. And they have further ordained that 
when the said streets are dried up by the fineness of the weather, every 
owner of every dwelling shall level the street to the middle (per medium) 
with sand or stone pavement, before the day of June then next 

coming. Provided however that a beginning of the leveling shall be made 
at the higher part of the ancient water drain, so that the water falling in 
future may run down to the lowest part of the street as far as the great 
gutters called the Cokeys, or directly to the river, and that no one in future 
shall do injury to this drain by raising it too much or covering it with sand 
or pavement. And if any one has previously been in the habit of so acting 
to the nuisance of his vicinity, he shall be absolutely compelled to correct 
his offence, and that every farmer of every dwelling shall only undertake to 
spread the said sand before the extent of his dwelling. And in the same 
way for carrying out these matters in the manner stated, all the wardens of 
churches shall be charged to the middle of the streets opposite to the 
churchyards at the expense of the parishioners, and moreover Convents of 
religious persons shall be called upon [to perform] the same in due form on 
their own behalf. And if any one through delay, neglect or malevolent 
disposition shall not perform the premises, then such offence shall be 
forthwith certified to the Mayor by the Aldermen and supervisors of that 
Aldermanry in which the said offence may be discovered by the same 
[persons], and that transgressor shall forfeit forty pence for every offence 
without any indulgence, and the Mayor shall cause those offences to be 
reported in writings to the Sheriffs, and the same Sheriffs shall cause all the 
sums of money so forfeited to be levied and collected, retaining of those 
forty pence for the office of the Sheriffs zod, and assigning to the use of the 
community by the hands of the said Mayor i2</, and to the supervisors 
certifying those offences Sd. And if those supervisors shall not give their 
diligence in all the aforesaid, and especially in the levelling of the streets, 
then their Aldermen perceiving the defaults of the same supervisors shall 
certify [them] to the Maior, and the defaults of such as is aforesaid shall be 
fully corrected. Moreover they have ordained that every one dwelling in 


98 Selected Records -of the City of Norwich. 

this City who will buy hay, fuel, heather, straw, or hair, or anything to him 
useful shall not permit the country people to strew or deposit any things, 
which putrifying may accumulate (ampliare) in the streets of the city, under 
the penalty of izd. for every offence, to be forfeited levied and distributed in 
the form aforesaid. And moreover they have ordained that at the assembly 
to be held annually in Lent, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Aldermen, and the sixty 
cocitizens for the common councill of the city, for the time being, shall 
elect and assign two supervisors in every Aldermanry for carrying out all the 
premises, that no excessive putrifaction may take place in future in the 
King's streets. And further they have ordained, with the unanimous assent 
of the whole assembly, if the Mayor, now being, shall not cause all the 
premises to be carried out with all diligence without remission, that then one 
hundred shillings part (de parte) of the greater sum, which he receives 
annually from the Community, shall be wholly retained in the hands of the 
Chamberlains, and by no means paid over to the same Mayor. And in like 
manner, if the Mayor immediately forthwith succeeding shall not give his 
diligence with effect both in carrying out the premises as, on behalf of the 
king's river, for providing remedies of the injuries of the river, and reforming 
[them] this summer time by the discretion and consent of the common 
council, that then one hundred shillings shall be retained in the form 
aforesaid, without payment of the same sum to be made to him. 1 

CLXX. Assembly on Friday, the Morrow of the Translation of S' 
Thomas the Martyr 8 Ed. IV. [8 July, 1468]. 

A certain ordinance for the brewers [made] in the time of Richard 
Brasier, Mayor for the second time, 2 shall be observed in all points ; and 
further that all and singular common brewers of this city shall appear before 
the Mayor, and shall give their oath under this form. For the tyme ye or 
your wife excercise comon brewyng ye shall graunte and delyuer to eny 
persone axyng berme callid goddisgood takyng forasmoche goddisgood as 
shall be sufficient for the brewe of a quarter malte a ferthyng at the moost. 
And noon denye, nor coniecte 3 by ffraude or subtilte such meanes wherby 
that such persones or persone shall be unspedde or onserued. Forseen 
alway, that for your owen use ye shall resonably reteyne and kepe at alle 
tymes accordyng to certeyn ordinaunces by the Mair, Shireffes, and comon 
counseile of this Cite theruppon ordeyned and made. And that this othe 
extende not to eny olde custome betwix the comon brewers and the bakers 
of this cite, herbifore lefully had and used. 

The Mair of this Cite comaundith on the Kynges bihalve, that alle 
maner brewers that shall brewe to sale from hens foorth withynne this cite, 

1 Introduction VII. 2. 2 Assembly, Friday after S r Valentine. 3 E. IV. 

3 Contrive. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 99 

kepe the assise accordyng to the statute, 1 and uppon peyne theruppon 
ordeyned. And wher as berme, othirwise clepid goddisgood, withoute tyrae 
of mynde hath frely be yoven or delyuered for brede, whete, malte, egges, or 
othir honest rewarde to the value only of a ferthyng at the uttermost, and 
noon warned, 2 bicause it cometh of the grete grace of god ; Certeyn 
persones of this cite callyng them selfe comon brewers, these premises not 
consideryng, for their singler lucre and avayle, haue nowe newely bigonne to 
take money for their seid goddisgood, for the leest parte therof be it neuer 
so litle, and insufficient to serue the payer therfore, an halfpeny or a peny, 
and ferthermore exaltyng the price of the seid goddisgood at their propr 
wille, ageyns the olde and laudable custome of alle Englonde, and specially 
of this cite, to grete hurte and slaunder of the same cite. Wherfore the 
seide Mair, by avis of the Shireffes, Aldermen and comon counseile of the 
seid cite, hath ordeyned and provided, that no maner brewer of this cite 
from this tyme foorth shall take of eny persone, for lyueryng, 3 yevyng or 
grauntyng of the seid goddisgood in money nor othir rewarde, aboue the 
value of a ferthyng. Ne that no maner brewer havyng the seid goddisgood 
shall, for no malice feyned ne sought, colour, 4 warne, ne restreyne the said 
goddisgood to eny persone that wille honestly and lefully aske it, and paye 
therfore the value of a ferthyng, as is bifore rehercid, their owen use 
resonabely serued oonly except, uppon peyne of forfetur of iij s . iiij d . to be 
paied as often as it can be founde that they or eny of them do contrary to 
this seid ordynaunce and prouision in fourme folowyng ; that is to sey, to 
the partie that proveth it, iiij d . to the officer doyng execucion, iiij d . to the 
Shireffes, xvj d . and to the comens, xvj d . Forseen alwaye that this 
ordynaunce and prouision extende ne streche not to eny olde custome 
bitwix the seid comon brewers and the bakers of the seid cite, resonabely 
herbifore bitwix them hadde and usid. 

CLXXI. Assembly on Monday, the Morrow of S l Leonard. [7 Nov. 

It is ordeyned by the assent of the comon counseile that hens forward 
ther shall be no persone selle withynne this cite any lynen warp, the which 
is byhoveable to Bedweuerscrafte, but if that warpe be truly nowmbred, and 
that it bere at the leest withynne the bowt of euery haspe 5 a yard by 
the Kyngges standard, accordyng to the half yarde reele. And if eny 
such yarne be founde defectif after proclamation hereof made, It is 

I ordeyned yat that warp so found defectif shall be brought byfore the Mair 
and Shireffs, and ther bifore them to be moten 6 and forfeted. Of which 
forfeture, the half valour shall streeche to the vayle" of the Shireffs, and the 
othir half to that persone that so shall fynde and prove the defaute. 

1 51 H. III. 2 Denied. 3 Delivering. 4 Excuse. 

5 Circuit of every skein. (i Debated. " Avail or profit. 

ioo Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CLXXII. Assembly on Friday before Holy Trinity 9 E. IV. 
[26 May, 1469]. 

It was moved by Geoffrey Sperlyng concerning a certain ell [measure], 
taken and seised by the present Mayor on the Vigil of Pentecost [20 May] 
last past in the scrutiny and supervision of the Prior's fairs etc. owing to 
the defect of the length of the same ell [measure]. Which same ell 
[measure] at the instance and special request of William Yelverton, sub- 
steward of the said Prior's court of the aforesaid fairs, was delivered to the 
same William for safe keeping until the Wednesday next following, on 
which day the said William re-delivered the aforesaid ell [measure] to the 
said Mayor, which remains in the chamber of the Gildhall of the city. 

CLXXIIL Assembly on Friday, 8 March 49 H. VI. [1471]. 

It is notified by the Mayor to the common council, that a grievous 
complaint is abroad in this city about the common beer brewers, concerning 
and about their weak and unwholesome brewing. And upon this, the 
persons underwritten are elected to taste and assay all and singular the 
brewings of the said common brewers, upon due warning to be given them 
thereon by such brewers at a suitable time. So that the present ordinance 
shall follow the effect of a certain ordinance here made for the brewing of 
beer, in a certain assembly held here on the Friday next after the feast of 
S l Valentine in the third year of King Edward IV. [17 Feb. 1468] namely, 
in the second Mayoralty of Richard Brasier, with a few words now newly 
added and expressed in the mother tongue in the following form. The 
common ale brewers of this cite shall not brewe to sale but tweyn maner of 
Ales. And also that they shall not brewe nowther with hoppes nor gawle, 
nor noon othir thyng which may be founde unholsom for mannes body 
upon peyne of grevous punysshment. (Two persons were elected in each 
Ward as tasters.) 

CLXXIV. Assembly on Tuesday after S l Augustin n E. IV. 
[28 May, 1471]. 

It is agreed that watches shall be made by persons equipped for 
defence (defensibiles), every night in the form which appears at the assembly 
held here on the 23 rd day of July in the ninth year of the present King 
[1469]. So that in every Aldermanry one Alderman and one constable and 
eight other equipped persons shall be present every night and to watch 
from the 9 th hour to the second hour. And because it would be too burden- 
some for the constables to watch every second night, therefore, 24 other 
persons with the 24 constables are appointed. So that one of these 48 
persons may always be present with the Alderman in every aldermanry. 
And thereupon these 24 persons are elected having power equal to the said 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 101 

CLXXV. Assembly on 28 May 13 E. IV. [1473]. 

[It is agreed] that John Russell shall be sergeant for the inspection of 
victuals in the market to receive of the Community in the name of stipend 
265-. %d. so that he shall claim nothing at the Nativity of the Lord by way 
of gratuities. And the new-elect [Mayor] conceeds that the same John shall 
be boarded in his house in the time of his Mayoralty. Provided, however, 
that the other sergeants at mace of the Mayor shall not be excluded from 
the inspection of victuals in the market. 

The buyers of victuals for the lepers near the city for the future shall 
not touch any victuals with their hands, but with a wand, and that the 
butchers and fishmongers permitting the contrary shall be punished accord- 
ing to the discretion of the Mayor. 

CLXX VI. Assembly on the Feast of S l Katherine 14 E. IV. 
[25 Nov. 1474]. 

It is ordained that all aliens bringing any merchandise by water shall 
lodge it at the Common Staith and not elsewhere. And that all other 
merchandise to be brought by them by land from Lenn, Blakeney or 
elsewhere on the sea-coast, shall be lodged at the Common Inn. 

CLXXVII. Assembly on the Vigil of the Conception of the Virgin 
[ S E. IV. [7 Dec. 1475]. 

It is ordained by common assent that every Merchant, coming to this 
City from the parts beyond the sea, shall lodge with citizens and not in 
exempt places for the time of selling his merchandise. And as soon as he 
has been lodged, that citizen who is host shall come before the Mayor 
and the Chamberlains, certifying them of the coming of such merchant, 
and shall become surety for the same, that the same merchant shall pay to 
the office of the Sheriffs the fine underwritten viz. \d. for the value of 20^. 
of his merchandise for the whole time he shall stay within the City, and 
thus according to the quantity less or more, whether the time of the stay ot 
such merchant may be for a year, quarter, month, week, day, or hour. 
And the quantity and value of such merchandise shall be viewed by the 
Mayor, or another by him to be nominated, the Chamberlains or one of 
them, always to be avowed (advocand') at the first coming of the said 
merchants. 1 

CLXXVIII. Assembly on 13 Feb. 17 E. IV. [1478]. 

That Thomas Bokenham and Hamo Claxton, Citizens and Aldermen 
of Norwich, shall be called before the Mayor, and shall be compelled, that 
is to say each of them, to send away a domestic servant, an alien and 
born in parts beyond the sea and far distant, whose parents as it is said are 

1 Introduction V. 4. 

IO2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

merchants there and fraudulently endeavour that their sons may be fostered 
here, so that in subtle manner they might teach the lucrative method 
in buying merchandise used here and transfer report thereon to their 
friends when they wish. And that in future such [aliens] shall not be so 
fostered here. 1 

CLXXIX. Assembly on Wednesday after S 1 Bartholomew 18 E. IV. 
[26 Aug. 1478]. 

It is ordained that no shearer of worsted in future shall use those 
instruments sharp and made of iron called rubbours, because many pieces 
of worsted are cut by them to the great loss etc. And this under the 
penalty per head of 65-. 8d. to be forfeited to the use of the Community. 
And that every iron smith, who hereafter shall make such [instruments], 
shall incur the same penalty. 

The Aldermen elect John Tomson, William Blofeld, Thomas Swayn 
and Richard Tedde with the 2 then Chamberlains, and the 60 citizens by 
the number of them present elect John Awbry and John Welles, 
Aldermen, for having oversight in the river for cutting the rushes and 
drawing them to dry land as far as possible, from the Mill of the City as 
far as Surlyngham, and for setting limits and bounds in what width the 
rushes shall be cut, and for providing a man to cut the rushes, and for 
making a contract with him for his labour to continue working thus (sic 
facturo) for a term of years, with security for fulfilling that contract, and 
according as they shall have done they shall certify when there shall be a 
suitable and convenient time. 2 

CLXXX. Assembly on Friday after the Assumption of the Virgin 
19 E. IV. [20 Aug. 1479]. 

It is ordained that each person dwelling by the river on either side, 
from the tail 3 of the Mills of the City as far as the chains near Conesford 
Gates, shall cause all the rushes growing in the river over against his own 
dwelling to be cut, and shall draw them to his own ground before the feast 
of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross [14 Sept.] in this year, under 
the penalty of 205. per head. And that the constables dwelling on either 
side of the river shall warn them to fulfil the present ordinance. 4 

CLXXXI. Assembly on Friday after S' Michael 22 E. IV. [4 Oct. 

It is agreed by common assent that the now Recorder shall ride to 
Harling to the lord King, who was personally present in this City this 
week, and with the same Recorder William Swayn and Hamon Claxton to 

1 Introduction V. 4. 2 introduction VII. 2. 3 Pool. 4 Introduction VII. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 103 

the same Lord King, being at the said town of Harling, to wait upon his 
majesty in order that of his plenteous grace he may further vouchsafe to 
seal with his privy seal a certain schedule or bill, which the same Lord 
King at his departure from this City graciously signed with his sign 
manual, for two perpetual fairs called Fremartes to be held in this City ; 
without rendering other fine or fee either then or thenceforth to the Lord 
King or to his heirs. And be it known that as for the cost and expenses of 
the said Recorder, William Swayn and Hamon, with the remuneration to the 
said Recorder for giving his worthy service, the same shall be paid at 
the cost of the Community. 

And .... besides divers other charges and expenses incurred 
for the said Lord King during his presence, fifty marks of gold were given 
to his supreme majesty etc. 1 

CLXXXIL Assembly on Friday after S l Valentine. [21 Feb. 1483]. 

It is agreed that all wishing to hire booths in the Free Fairs called Fre 
Mattes now, for the first time, about to begin, viz. on Thursday in the first 
week of Lent [20 Feb.] next to come, shall have and occupy in the Market 
Place of this city unoccupied places of the ground by paying to the 
Community for every foot, according to the measure of the length, \d, for 
this time. And that the present Chamberlains shall assign each one to his 
place of standing, for the benefit of the Community. 

CLXXXI II. Assembly on Friday before S l Peter and S l Paul i E. V. 
[27 June, 1483]. 

Proclamacions shall be made in the Market Place to morrow for all 
cattle and animals coming to the Free Marts, where they shall lie and walk 
within the City. 

CLXXXIV. Assembly on 22 June 2 R. III. [1485]. 

It is agreed by common assent, that at the next Marts the present 
Sheriffs shall appoint and mominate their present steward, or Robert 
Machon their Sub-Sheriff to be present as steward or warden of the court of 
the said Marts. 

CLXXXV. Assembly on Monday before S l Margaret 5 H. VII. 
[19 July, 1490]. 

Every person, who in future shall weave those merchantable things 
called worstedlyours,' 2 shall not work at weaving the same, unless he makes 

1 Introduction VII. 3. 2 Laces or bindings. 

IO4 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

them double in length two yards besides the fasses. 1 And that when 
doubly woven they shall contain in breadth 20 threads at least. And that 
all those merchantable things made to the contrary shall be forfeited, 
according to the discretion of the Mayor of Norwich, for the time being, 
when he has had view thereof. 

CLXXXVL Assembly on the Feast of S l Matthew 6 H. VII. 
[21 Sept. 1490]. 

It is agreed that the bill of the Shomakers craft shall be enacted 
according to the effect of that bill. And whosoever of the said craft 
shall act to the contrary, he shall forfeit six shillings and eight pence, 
and they shall be diuided in this form, viz. one part to the Community 
and the other part to the craft. Which same bill, word for word follows. 

To our right honourable Mastres, the Meire and his Brethern 
Aldermen, and to our good mastres and weelwillers of the Common 
Cownsell of the Cite, Sheweth to your grete discrecions the poor 
Artificers and craftymen of Shomakers of the seid cite, that wher 
dyuers jornymen and seruaunts of the seid crafte gretly disposed to 
riot and idelnes, whereby may succede grete pouerte, so that dyuers 
dayes wekely whan them luste to leve ther bodyly labour till a grete 
parte of the weke be almost so expended and wasted, ayenst the 
avauntage and profight werely 2 of them self and of ther Mastres also. 
And also contrary to the lawe [of] god and good guydyng temporall, 
they labour qwikly toward the Sondaye and festyuall dayes on the 
Saterdayes and vigils ffro iiij of the clock at after none to the depnes 
and derknes of the nyght foloweng. And not onely that synfull 
disposicion but moche warse so offendyng in the morownynggs 3 of 
such festes, and omyttyng the heryng of ther dyuyne seruyce ; Wherfor 
prayeth the seid artificers hertyly, that the rather for goddys cause 
and also that vertuous and true labour myght help to the sustentacion 
of the seid crafte, that by your generall assent may be ordeyned and 
enacted for a laudable custume, that none such seruaunt or jornyman 
from hensforth presume to occupye nor werke after the seid howre in 
vigeles and Saterdayes aforeseid, upon peyne by your discrecions to 
be sette for punyshment alsweel of the seid artificers for ther fauoryng 
and supportyng, as for the seid jornymen so werkyng and offendyng. 

Extracts from the Second Assembly Book. 

CLXXXVIL Assembly on Friday before Pentecost ro H. VII. 
[5 June, 1495]. 

Aliens Peter Peterson, Ducheman, [and] Gerard Jonson, Ducheman, 
are sworn as citizens for 5 marks [apiece]. 4 

1 Tassels or tags. 2 Verily. 3 Mornings. 4 Introduction V. 4. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 105 

CLXXXVIIL Assembly on 12 June [1495]. 

[Orders were passed for curtailing the charges of the gild feasts. 
They were repeated and made more stringent in 1531. See No. CCIV.] 

CLXXXIX. Assembly on Wednesday, 16 March n H. VII. 

There were sworn as citizens, Newell Addurge, Frencheman, for 
26s. &d. because he is an alien. He paid in hand 20^. and at the 
feast of S l Peter, which is called Advincula, 6s. &d. 

[Also] Andrew Kenetton, bagmaker, for 20^. if he is not a Scotch- 
man. And if he be a Scotchman and this shall have been proved he 
shall hold nothing of the liberty. 1 It is void because it was ascertained 
afterwards that he is a Scotchman and born in Scotland. 2 

CXC. Assembly on 15 March 14 H. VII. [1499]. 

It is ordained that no cocitizen shall in future employ within the 
city or take more apprentices dwelling with him than three under the I/ 
penalty of 1005. as often as etc. and those [shall] not [be taken] under 
the age of 14 years. 

CXCI. Assembly on Wednesday after S l Hillary 17 H. VII. 
[12 Jan. 1502]. 

Mekely compleynyth and shewen to your grete wysdoms and good 
discrecions your daily oratours Thomas Swayn, John Powle, and John 
Watts of the craft of wollenweuers within the seid Cite of Norwich in 
the name of all the hole craft within the same that wher the assises 
of clothmakyng in the seid craft of long tyme haue be discontynued 
and not kept to the uttir distruccion of the seid craft and to the 
grete hurt hyndryng and enpouereng of the artificers of the same 
Wherfor may it plese your good Maistershippes at the reuerence of 
god and in the wey of charite for the comune wele of the inhabitants 
within this seid cite and for the good ordre and reule of the 
artificers of the seid craft to enact in your comune assemble that 
no craftyman of the seid occupacion from the fest of the Annunciacion 
of our Lady [25 March] next comyng make no brode cloth whele 
sponne under the assise called a vij hundreth, 3 takyng for workman- 
ship of euery pees so made xx d . And that euery pece cloth so 
made conteyne in length xiij elles and in brede xj quarters 4 in the 

-iMicnii capia de libertate. ' 

2 This sentence occurs only in the Smaller Assembly Book. England and 
.land were at war. 

3 700 threads in the warp. * Of an ell. 

1 06 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

lome and that other peces of cloth aboue the seid assises of vij 
hundreth be of the assises of x hundreths or of xij hundreth And 
that every pece of x hundreth rok sponne 1 conteyne in brede xj 
quarters and on lenght xiij elles And also that euery pece of xij 
hundrethes conteyne in brede xiij quarters and in lenght xiiij elles 
takyng for workmanship of the seid peces of the assise of x hundreth 
and xij hundreth as the parties may agre w l concience after the 
quantite of the vij hundreth and that euery narowe cloth of rok 
spynnyng be of the assise of vj c and the lowast assise wele spone 
iij c di' [3! hundreds] under peyne of forfeture of euery brode cloth not 
wouen in forme aforseid ij s , half to the Maisters of the craft and 
halff to the Sherreves and to the Chaumber euenly to be deuyded 
Provided alwey that no brode cloth be made by ony artificer or 
artificers of the seid craft undir the assise of vij hundreth after the 
fest of the Annunciacion of our Lady aforseid undir peyne of forfeture 
of ich pece so made vj s viij d , halff to the Shirreves and Chaumber 
and halff to the maisters of the craft Also that no pece of cloth 
above specified shalbe put to sale till it be duly serged by the 
maisters of the weuers and fullers or on of either craft at the lest 
And such as shalbe founde sufficient upon the seid serge to be 
tokened with a token therto assigned upon peyne of forfeture of 
euery pece so put to sale the hole cloth callid xxiiij yerdes ij s , the 
halff cloth xij d , and the dosens vj d . Thos clothes aftyrward taken 
and founde defectiff to be brought afor the Meire for the tyme beyng 
to be kitte in iij peces The seid peynes to be levyed by the seid 
Maisters of weuers and fullers the on halff to ther use and the othir 
halff to the use of the Shirreves and of the Chaumber evenly to be 
devyded and if ony cloth be aftyrward founde defectiff after it is so 
serged and tokened by the seid Maisters that the tokeners therof to 
forfette for euery defawte of euery hole cloth xl d , halff cloth xx d , and 
the dozens xij d , halff to the Shirreves and halff to the Chaumber. 
And that it may plese your grete wisdomes and good discrecions at 
the reuerence of god for a comune wele of the seid cite, encrees 
and good ordre of the artificers of the seid crafty s, to enact and 
conferme in your seid assemble the premisses befor rehersid and your 
seid oratours with all the artificers of the seid occupacion shall dayly 
prey to god for you. 

J The rock was the distaff. "Rock spun" yarn appears to mean yarn spun by 
rotating the spindle with the hand. "Wheel spun" would be yarn manufactured either 
by rotating the spindle by a mechanical contrivance or simply twisting the wool after 
the manner of making hempen cord. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 107 

CXCII. Under the Assembly on Monday in the Week of the 
Passion of the Lord 23 H. VII. [10 April 1508]. 

On Tuesday in the week of the Lord's Passion etc [n April] 
John Pettman, junior, rafman, Thomas Leeke, bocher, Peter Dryver, 
rafman, and Robert Thorn, worstedweaver, entered into a recognisance 
before the Mayor viz each of them in IOQS. to be paid to the 
Chamberlain to the use of the community. 

The condition of this recognisance is such, that if Robert Broun, 
bocher, who is this day elected into the estate of an Alderman, shall 
for the future renounce his craft of bochers craft [to be occupied] by 
himself or by anyone else to his use. So that he shall in no (ullo) 
way meddle with (se intromittat in) the said craft for the future, and 
receive the oath of an Alderman whensoever he shall be called by 
the Mayor and his brethren, and shall cause himself to be enrolled 
in another occupation, that then [etc]. 1 

CXCIII. Assembly on the Feast of the Invention of the Holy 
Cross [3 May 1508]. 

Robert Broun desires from the Mayor and Aldermen that he 
may be enrolled in the mercers' craft (arte), and because he has 
promised that for the future -he will not occupy the craft (artificium) 
of bochers craft. 

CXCIV. Assembly on Friday after Ascension Day i H. VIII. 
[18 May 1509], 

It is agreed that in future all buildings within the City which 
shall be rebuilt anew shall be covered with thaktyle and by no 
means with reed straw called thakke under the penalty of 2os. for 
every offence of every house or building detected, to be paid by the 
proprietor thereof to the use of the community. 2 

CXCV. Assembly on Thursday in the Week of Easter [4 April 

It is granted by common assent that the stalls newly erected 
in the Market Place for hardwaremen and others who sell any 
wares in the Market Place, victuals and all things pertaining to 
victuals however excepted, and those shops of the Drapery, Mercery, 
Grocery, and of the said hardwaremen with the glovers shall be 
removed from the Market Place under the penalty of forfeiting such 
things sold in the Market Place to the use of the community, and 
making fine thereon by the discretion of the Mayor and of others, 

Introduction III. 2. 2 Introduction V. I. 

io8 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

his brethren to be called to him in this behalf, to the use of the 
community. And that for the future each one shall keep his shop 
in his dwelling or in his own shop. And warning shall be given 
hereon by the Chamberlains and the Common Sergeant for fulfilling 
all the promisses on the next market day and on the eighth day 
after that and no longer under the said penalty. 

CXCVI. Assembly on Tuesday, 9 March 3 H. VIII. [1512]. 

It is firmly ordained that in future all indentures of all and 
singular apprentices of any crafts taken within the city shall be 
enrolled and established before the Mayor of the said city within 
one quarter of a year next and immediately after their sealing. And 
if it shall happen that any such indenture shall be made [and] not 
enrolled in the said form the agreements of that apprentice shall be 
void and annulled, and the indenture made thereon shall be of no 
strength. For which same enrolment the Clerk of the Community of 
the said city shall not take above 6d. for each enrolment. 1 

CXCVII. Assembly on Friday, 19 March [1512]. 

Where heretofore the comoditie of byeng and sellyng of 
VVorsteddes and wevyng of the same as well in the Citie of Norwiche 
as elleswhere in all the realme of England have ben moche profightable 
to peple of the same realme by reason that the same worsteddes 
have been suerly wrought and made ; till nowe of late dyuers and 
many persons of the same crafte by ther subtyle and crafty meanes 
have wouen many and dyuers peces of worsted whiche ben defectiff 
in stuff and workmanship, lenght and brede, for whiche the weuers 
therof leue out of the same peces ther wouen markys and oftetymes 
brynge them to Innes and shermens houses in secret maner to be 
solde, and otherwhile brynge them to the tokeners houses in secret 
and selle them to the tokener. And so the tokeners conueye them 
in hydde and couert corners where as straungers hauyng no conyng 
to deserne the insufficiencies of the same clothes shuld bye them, 
wherby the Kyng our soueraign Lord, the byers and werers therof 
haue ben disceyued to the unyuersall hurte of the comen peple and 
great hurt of the said crafte of worstedweuers The Maiour, Aldermen, 
Shereffes and Commonaltie of the said Citie the premysses consideryng 
by auctoritie of many and dyuers grauntis to them their heires and 
successours by dyuers Kynges of Englond, progenitours to the Kyng 
our soueraign lord that nowe is, grauntid for remedies in such cases, 
and all others concernyng the comen weell to prouyde, have enactid 

1 Introduction III. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 109 

ordeyned and establysshed that fromhensforth no man of the said 
craft of worsted weuers nor non other in his or ther name shall selle 
wythynne the said citie any worsted or worsteddes wythynne any 
inne or innes, tokeners houses or other where, but openly in 
marchauntes shoppes or stretes of the said citie, where euery man 
may surely knowe that the worstedes [are] perfightly serged tokened 
and wouen marked accordyng to a statute 1 therof hadde and made, 
upon payne of forfeture for every pece so bought iij s , the one parte 
therof, that is to wete xij d , to the Maiour of the citie for the tyme 
beyng, xij d to the use of the citie, and xij d to the fynder of the 
same, to be leuyed of hym or them, so byeng and founde defectyuei 
of ther goodes and catalles withynne the same citie. And that besides 
that a like peyne to be assessid and in lyke fourme and cause 
levyed and in maner aforesaid to be devyded to be arrerid upon 
suche persone or persones that be owners or occupiers of the houses 
where suche pece or peces of whight worsted shall herafter ayenst 
this ordenaunce be founde solde. And that it shalbe lefull to the 
Maiours officers to the mace assigned, for all such forfeitures and 
paynes so founde att all tymes att the shoppes houses or dwellyng 
placis of them so founde defectiff, to distresse withoute fraude, collucion 
or disceyte, upon payne therupon by the Maiour and his brethern 
to be assigned. Provyded allwey that this ordenaunce shall not 
extende to the prohibicion or lettyng of ony tokener, sherman or 
inholder beyng citezen, to bye ony whight worsted or worsteddes in 
the shoppes, houses or dwellyng places, so they be bought by them 
to Iher propre uses for them and to ther propre behoue withoute 
decepcion, gyle, ffraude, craft or collusion in any wyse founde ayenst 
this present ordenaunce. Which bill is now by the whole assembly 
inacted and established. 

CXCVIII. Assembly on Thursday after the Nativity of S l John 
the Baptist 9 H. VIII. [25 June 1517]. 

It is agreed by the whole assembly that the sum of ^40 shall 
be levied of the inhabitants of the city after the rate of half a 
fifteenth 2 for the purpose of cleansing the King's river : And that 
the said sum shall be levied and collected by the constables of 
every ward before the feast of S< Peter ad Vincula [i Aug.] next 

And also that a common tumbril (biga) shall be kept within the 
city, and one channel raker (unum le canelraker}, and for that tumbrel 
there shall be collected of the inhabitants within the city ;io, and for 

>7 E. IV. c. i. -About 47. 

no Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

the channel raker 40^, for which the same channel raker shall collect 
the muck in the ways and carry the muck away weekly with the said 
tumbril. Provided that no one shall cast muck out of their houses 
into the said ways. 

CXCIX. Assembly on Tuesday before the Nativity of S l John 
the Baptist 10 H. VIII. [22 June 1518]. 

Fromhensforth shalbe hadde too comon cartes for the avoiding 
of the ffilthie and vile mater ffor which it is graunted to be levied 
yeerly upon the comons as herafter folowith; that is to saye, off 
the Warde of Southconesford x s ., Northconesford xiij s iiij d ., Berstrete x s ., 
Saynt Stevyns xxx s ., Saynt Peters xxvj s viij d ., Saynt Giles vj s viij d ., 
Westwymer xxx s ., Medilwymer xl s ., Estwymer xx s ., Coslany xx s ., Colgate 
xxxiij s iiij d ., and Fibrigge xxvj s viij d . And euery person dwellyng 
withinne the said citie shall gather all suche ffilthe and vile mater 
ayenst ther own groundes and leye it upon rounde hepys redye to the 
carte wekely, and that the seid heepys be leyde from 1 the chanell so 
it be nat redye to be wasshed into the cokeys etc. 

CC. Assembly on Tuesday, the Feast of S l Matthew. [21 Sept. 

It is agreed that from hensforth no artificer shall employ 
apprentices 2 working by the day viz. carpenters, masons, tilers, 
reeders, by taking 3 for the wages of such an apprentice more than 
one penny a day until he has been appointed to better wages or 
salery by the headmen of that craft in the presence of the Mayor 
for the time being. And if anyone shall do the contrary he shall 
forfeit \2d. to be levied from the goods of the master of that 
apprentice to the use of the community. 

CCI. Assembly on Friday, 13 May n H. VIII. [1519]. 

It is agreed that ther shalbe made proclamations in divers places 
where ffeires and markettes shalbe holden withinne the shires of 
Norffolk, Suffolk and Cambridge, that all men willing to come to 
the martes accustomed tobe holden and kept in the City of Norwich 
shall come tolle ffree and shall have fire passage according to the 
liberties thereof graunted. Except iche man shall paye i d called a 
passage peny, for all bestes of his owne marke, and for every stall 
containing vj ffoote i d , or iiij d for like ffeete for all the ffeier. 4 

CCII. Assembly on Friday before Pentecost [10 June 1519]. 

It is reported by Master Mayor that Richard Denyes, John 

'Away from. ^Servants. 3 From the employer. introduction VII. 3. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 1 1 

Newton and Geoffrey Reve, bread bakers within the city, because 
they have been detected in the third offence etc. Therefore fines 
are assessed upon them for their redemption from the judgement of 
the pillory as appears upon their heads. 1 

CCIII. Assembly on Monday, the Invention of the Holy Cross 
2ist H. VIII. [3 May 1529]. 

It is enacted that no dyer dwellyng within the cite of Norwich 
bye hym self ner by his seruaunts fromhensforth use ner occupye 
the craft or mystery of a calaunder whiles he use or occupye the 
misterye of a dyer, under the peyn of fforffetur for euery pece x yerdes 
worstede, stamyn, or half stamyn, or monkes clothe, blak or calandred 
vj s viij d , the one half therof to the ffinder therof and the seconde 
parte to the Mayer of the said citie for the tyme beyng and the 
iij de parte therof to the commonaltie of the said citie and the same 
distres to be levied by distres, accion of dette or otherwise, wheryn 
the said defendant shall not be admytted to the wager of his lawe. 
And in likewise that noman of the mister or craft of calaundrers nor 
non other to hys use occupye ner use the mister of a dyer whiles 
he use or occupye the myster or craft of a calaundrer, upon peyn 
of fforfetur for euery x yerdes worsted, hole stamen, half stamyn or 
monkes clothe dyed other colour than blak, vj s viij d , to be levied 
and deuyded as is aforeseid. 

CCIV. Assembly on Thursday before the Nativity of the Virgin 
23 H. VIII. [7 Sept. 1531]. 

Where before this tyme that nobill Kyng Herry the thirde, 
progenytour to our soueraign lord the Kyng Herry that nowe is, of 
his vertuous and gracious disposicion willyng that the citezens and 
enhabitaunts of this citie of Norwiche shuld leve in reste and quyetnes, 
wherby thei myght the better prospere and encrease in riches ; by his 
letters patentes emonges other grauntes of liberties and ffrancheses 
graunted to the Maier Shireves Citizens and Commonaltie of this citie 
of Norwiche, didde prohibite that non Gilde incorporated shuld be 
holden and kepte w'in the sayd citie to the hurte hynderaunce or 
empouerysshing of the same citie, as in the sayd letters patentes 
more atte large dothe appere. 2 The Mayre, Sheriffes etc. having 
clere understondyng that the keping and holdyng of gildes of craftes 
yerly was used w l in the same citie to the grette ondoyng and 
empouerysshing of the ffestmakers thereof, wherthrough generallye all 
the seid citie is sore decayed be cause the charges of the sayd 

1 Papers set upon their heads. See No. CCCLXXIX. 2 Vol. I. p. 18. 

1 1 2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Gildes were of so grette emportaunce that many of them that did 
here the charges of suche gildes cowde nat after that recouer the 
gret losses that thei susteyned in makyng of the same. By occasion 
wheroff many of them ffled and dayly went from the said citie and 
enhabited them selffe other where for pouertie. And many wold haue 
comen to the same citie iff it were nat for such costes and importune 
charges that myght be leyd uppon them, which caused that many 
houses, habitacions and dwellynges with inne the same citie stode 
onlaten and grue to ruyn. And in conclusion the same Citie felle 
thereby to desolacion, the seruyce of god mynyyshed, churches that 
were wonte to be richelye adhourned ruyned and ffell down. In 
consideracion whereof and for reformacion of the premysses itte was 
therfor ordeyned and enacted by a comon counsaill of the sayd citie 
atte asemble holden accordyng to the custome and libertie of the 
same the xiij d day of Marche in the x th yeere of the reign of Kyng 
Kerry the vij th , that non gilde of craftes w'in the same citie from- 
hensforth chose eny ffestmakers but that were or from thens sholde 
be electe and chosen Masters of the craftes ther by ther ffelauship 
or by the Mayer for the tyme beyng. And that those ffestmakers 
so chosen shuld yerly purvey for the same gild takyng unto them 
a clerk which shuld writen allemaner costys and charges thereto 
apperteynyng. And those accompted and the clere somme thereof 
understond that than euery broder and suster there beyng shuld 
paye ratelye to fulfille and content the said somme of thexpences, 
costys and charges so made and don as is aforeseid, and evenly to 
be born emong the same ffelauship so that the ffestmakers shuld 
haue non losse therby, uppon certayn penalyties conteyned in the 
seid acte as in the same more atte large itte doth appere. 1 Neuer- 
theles sithe the makyng of the seid good ordynaunces dyvers 
compenys, ffelaushippes and brotherhoodes of craftys w'in the said 
citie of ther ffroward ffolysshe myndes, prodigall and pervers dis- 
posicions the said acte and penalitye nat regardyng, haue chosen 
ffestmakers of the gildes of craftes and holden the same contrarye 
to theffecte and meanyng of the sayd acte, which hath ben aswell 
to the furder losse and undoyng of the seid ffestmakers as to the 
grette hynderaunce and enpouerysshing of the comon weall of the same 
cite. Itte is therfor now ordayned and enacted by the Mayer Sheriffes 
etc. by auctorytie of this present assemble that non companye brother- 
hode or ffelauship of any gilde of craftes or any other gilde nat 
corporated hereafter to be holden within the sayd citie shall ffrom 
hensforth chose any ffestmakers but suche as are or shalbe wardens 

1 Introduction III. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 113 

of the craftys or other sufficient persons of the same gilde. And 

{for defaute of suche eleccion the Mayer for the tyme beyng shall 

and maye electe suche persones, as shall seme to his discression, to 

be ffestmakers of suche gilde or gildes, and those soo chosen shall 

hereafter purvey for the said gilde ffor ij melys, that is to saye, 

oone dyner and oone supper, and that dyner and supper shalbe 

holden inne and uppon oone daye and nomore. And also shall doo 

tobe wretyn all the purveyaunces, that is to saye, allemaner of vitall, 

wages of the cookes, seruantes, mynstrelles, costes of lightes, offerynges 

and all other expences appurteynyng to the same by a scribe tobe 

assigned unto the sayd ffestmakers by the hedeman of the same gilde 

for the tyme beyng. And the said charges soo hooly and clerelye 

wretyn and made shalbe openly redde and accompted by the sayd 

ffestmakers and scribe before the ffelauship of the said gilde the same 

daye that the gilde is or shalbe holden. And those costes and 

charges soo accompted and rekned and the clere somme thereof 

understond, that euery broder and sister ther beyng shall paye ratelye 

to ffulfille and contente the seid somme of thexpences, costes and 

charges soo doon and expendid as is aforeseid, which somme ffrom- 

hensforth shall be evynly born emonges the same ffelauship so that 

the seid ffestmakers haue non losse therby. And that all ale, bere, 

brede and all other thing vaylabill, that shall fortune tobe lefte of 

the seid dyner and supper, by iiij sufficient persones of the same 

gilde to be assigned by the hedeman of the same gilde for the tyme 

beyng, shalbe valued and sold, and the money theroff commyng tobe 

accompted to helpe to the charge of the said ffelauship and brethern. 

Also itte is ordayned that what broder or stister that is of any gilde 

aforeseid holden withinne the sayd citie and is or shalbe hereafter 

warned and promyseth to comme to the dyner of any suche gilde 

and comme nat, that he or she shall paye for his or hir sayd dyner 

as other brethern and susterne doon of the same gilde. And also 

itte is ffurder ordeyned that iff ther [be] ony broder or suster of any 

of the sayd gildes in the sayd citie that is bedden to dyner and 

maye comme to the same dyner and will nat, [he] shall paye to the 

sayd ffestmakers iiij d - taking nothing therfor. Provided alwey that iff 

he or she be syke, or ympotente, or oute of the citie, or haue other 

lauffull excuse [they] shall not be compelled to paye any money to 

the same. Also itte is ordeyned that thei shall compelle noman tobe 

abroder of any gilde till it may be thought and understond by the 

Hedeman or Alderman of the seid gilde and vj honest men of the same 

gilde atte the leest, or elles allowed by the Mayer for the tyme beyng, 

that he bee in substaunce and value of goodes mete ffor the same. 

And itte is also ordeyned and enacted that theobyte of euery suche 


1 1 4 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

gilde shalbe holden and kepte the same daye that the glide is soo 
holden or the sondaye next ffolowyng. Except the obyte of the 
worsted weuers gilde, which obyte shalbe holden and kepte the mondaye 
in Pentecoste weke w'oure ffest or dyner coste or other charge off any 
ftestmakers of the same gilde. And iff the brodern and sisters of 
any suche presume to chose or makers 1 or kepe ther sayd gilde 
otherwise than is aforeseid that than the Mayre shall discharge the 
ffestmakers soo newly chosen. And ouer that the hedeman of the 
same gilde the olde ffestemakers and the newe ffestmakers, iff eny of 
them doo contrary to this acte, and the masters wardens of the same 
crafte or craftes than beyng in ther office atte the tyme of the seid 
newe eleccion or suche gilde kepyng either of them for sufferyng 
tobe don contrary to this ordynaunce shall fforfette xx s . And euery 
other broder or sister of eny gilde offendyng or doyng contrarye to this 
acte shall forfette xij d . And that itte shalbe leffull to the Mayer and 
to euery other person or persons atte the Mayers commaundement for 
the tyme beyng for euery suche defaute evydently proved to distreyn 
the seid offender by his goodys, and the distres so taken to kepe and 
bereaway till the said fforfett be full contentid and payed to the uses 
hereafter ensuyng. And for defaute of distres the said offender tobe 
attached by the body atte the Mayers commandement and therupon 
tobe commytted to prison ther to remayn accordyng to the lawe and 
custome of the sayd citie untill euery suche fforfette or forfettes shall 
be contentid and payd. And that euery suche fforfette or fforfettes so 
taken shalbe deuyded in iij seuerall partys that is to saye the oone 
parte to the Mayre before whom such forfette or forfettes shall be 
provid, and the other parte to the comons of the same citie and the 
thred parte to hym that will and [shall] prosue for the same forfette to 
an ende by byll of complaynte before the Mayer, by distress, accion of 
dette or otherwise by the lawe w'in the sayd citie ffirst tobe sued 
according to the actes and ordynaunces of this citie. Also itte is 
ordeyned that no glides of craitys, ffraternyties or company shall make 
or assesse nomaner of ffynes for any maner of defaute w'in them self 
butte all suche defautes shalbe presendid unto the Mayer and the 
defaute so presented the said Mayer, callyng unto hym dyuers of 
the occupacion where suche defaute falleth, shall assesse suche ffynes 
accordyng to the composicion thereof made 2 w l in the same citie. 
Provided alwey that the ffestmakers of any suche gilde in tyme for to 
come shall not in any wise make any provision for any suche gilde 
wherby the brethern and sustern shalbe charged aboue ij s the hooll 
messe 3 for iiij persons, uppon payn of forfaytur of xx s tobe levyed and 

1 Choose or make feastmakers. a Vol. I. p. 105. " Provision. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 1 5 

deuyded as is aforesaid. Provided also that the ffestmakers of the 
Mercers gilde shall in nowise be bounden to any thing in this acte 
conteyned, but that they make prouysion for the same atte ther pleasure 
as before itte hath ben used, this acte or any thing in the same con- 
teyned not withstandyng. 

CCV. Assembly on Friday, 7 June 24 H. VIII. [1532]. 

Forasmoche as the Kynges Ryver is soore in decaye and lyke tobe 
in grevous ffurder decaye and the more rather for the weedys growyng 
in the same ryver be nat yerly substauncially cutte and avoyded out and 
ffrom the same ryver, and also that the ffylthe contynuallye resortyng in 
to the same ryver by cockeys, gutters and other meanes be not successyvely 
avoyded, but euermore suffered to augment and encrease more and more, 
the whiche in shorte is like utterly to decaye the same ryver, the which 
god forbid. For reformacion wherof beit atte this present tyme and 
assemble ordeyned and enacted that euery Justice of Peace w'in the 
same citie shall ffynde oone workeman yerlye in the sayd ryver iiij dayes, 
euery oder alderman to ffynde oone man to work in the same ryver 
yerly iij dayes, euery Broder of Saynt Georges gilde ij dayes, and euery 
oder inhabitaunt tobe charged yerlye to the same ryver and worke by 
the discression of the Mayer and his bredern Justyces of the Peace or 
the more parte of them. And that euery owner of house or grounde 
adyoynyng to the ryver from the Mylles unto the southe tower in 
Conesford, yerly after the ffeste of Pentecoste as ofte as nede shall 
require, cutte the wedys in to the myddes of the rever and avoyde the 
same wedys outte of the same ryver. Provided that barkers, dyers, 
calaundrers, parchementmakers, tewers, sadelers, brewers, wasshers of 
shepe, and all suche gret noyers of the same rever tobe ffurder charged 
than other persons shalbe, and that by discression of the Mayer and 
Justices of Peas as is aforeseid. And that the Mayer and ij Justices of 
Peace yerly shall assigne surveyers suche as he shall seme most necessarye 
and convenyent for the surveyeng and ouere seyng of the premysses atte 
his pleasure. And also that euery suche workeman as shall be assigned 
to worke in the sayd ryver shall ffirste be seen and admytted by the 
said Mayer to be an ableman and mete for to labour aboute the sayed 
work. And iff eny person or persons before mensioned do atte eny 
tyme hereafter refuse to ffynde ther sayd workemen, or dothe ellys refuse 
payement of suche assessement as shaibe therfor made yerly by the sayd 
Mayer and Justices, that than it shalbe lauffull to the Mayers officers 
appoynted for the same to distreyn for the wages of suche workemen 
and assessementes 1 and the distres so then taken to bere carye or dryve 

1 Assementes. 

1 1 6 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

awey, and them and euery of them to holde kepe and deteyn in the 
name of the Mayer, Shreves etc. of the citie till the seid wages and 
assementes beyng bihynde and nat payed shalbe to the collectour or 
collectours fully holly and entierlye contendid and payed. So that the 
person so distreyned redeme his distresse w l in eight dayes after the takyng 
of the same orellys the same distresse tobe apprised by too persons tobe 
named by the Mayer of the said citie for the tyme beyng, and it so 
apprised to be sold w'in too dayes next after suche appriseng made. 
And the money due of the said wages or assessments tobe immediatly 
delyuered to the sayd collectours and the ouerplus of the same apprisyng 
(iff eny shalbe) to remayne in the custodye of the Mayour to the use of 
the awner till he will demaunde itte. And ffor lak of distres the non 
payer tobe attached by the boodye and tobe commyttid to prison atte 
the Mayers commandement untill the said wages and assessement be 
ffully contentid and payed. And ouer that the Mayer shall diligently 
see and cause the seid assessement tobe mad oute in wrytyng by thandes 
of the Comon Clerk or his depute and delyuered to the said officers and 
se due spede made in takyng of the reconyng of the same receytes 
and also of thexpendyng of the same conuenyently. And iff the Mayour 
do nat his diligent dutie in the puttyng of [this] acte in execucion 
accordyng to thentent and trewe meanyng of the same, that the same 
Mayer so not doyng his dylygent dutye theryn to fforffayte tenne poundes, 
and that forfayture to be receyued in the handes of the Chamberleyn, 
and the same Chamberleyn therw 1 to be charged uppon his accompte. 
And the same forfayture to be devyded in ffourme ffolowyng that is to 
wete ffyve markes therof tobe bestowed in reparacion of the brigges wMn 
the sayd citie atte the mynde and assignement of hym that shall ffirst 
ffynd and putte forth the same forfayture, and oder ffyve markes to the 
same ffynder and putter fforth of the same, and the oder ffyve markes to 
the use of the commonaltie of the said citie. 1 

CCVI. Assembly on Monday, 8 July [1532]. 

In consideracion that nowe of late grayn hath ben soore and 
grevously mowntid in to high and excesse prises to the grette pennury 
and punysshement of the poore people, and many tymes comes skantly 
brought to the market place here w'inne this citie to serue the poore 
commoners and inhabitauntes of the same wherunto they euermore must 
nedely truste. And yet that ' notw'stondyng the vitellers and innekepers 
dwellyng w l inne the same citie will make for them selffe litill oder 
provision but bye uppe suche grayne as commeth in to the said market 
ffor ther oun occupyeng insomoche that the poore people is like to be 

1 Introduction VII. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 1 7 

in gret ieoberdye off ffamysshing oneles remedye weere therfore brevaly 1 
provided. Itte is therffor in this present assemble enacted and establisshed 
by auctoryte of the same, that ffromhensforth non comon victaller as 
comon bakers, brewers of ale or brewers of beere, otemele makers net 
inkepers shall bye [any] maner grayne as whete, make, mexstelyn, rye, 
barlye ner others in the market aforeseid, ner suche cornes as ben 
brought to the citie to thentent tobe sold in the same. But that euery 
suche baker, bruer, otemele maker and innekeper make prouysion for 
suche graynes as thei shall conuenyently nede for ther necessarye 
occupyeng in suche oder place or places as thei shall not in any wise 
strayght the market by the byeng of suche greyn beyng brought to the 
citie to the entent to be sold in the sayd market. And iff eny person 
doo offende contrarye to this acte, than euery such person shall loose 
and forfayte the value of all suche greyn by them sobought and the 
same fforfayture to be levyed by distresse or by accion of dette byfore 
the Sheriffes in which accions of dette sommes, 2 essoynes 3 ner wager of 
lawe shalbe admitted ner receyved. And the same fforfayture tobe 
equally deuyded in thre partes, that is to saye, the ffirst parte therof to 
the Mayer before whom the said defaulte and forfayture shall ffyrst be 
certified by enformacion of the ffynder of the same, the second parte 
therof to be bestowed in the reparacion of the place ordeyned for the 
corne market, and that to be doon by the chamberleyn atte the devyce 
and appoyntement of the ffynder or presenter therof, and the thirde 
parte of the fforfettur to the same ffynder or presenter for his labour. 
And itte is ffurder enacted that from the ffeest of Cristmes next commyng 
euery person bryngeng fromhensforth to the market eny grayne of eny 
kynde shall sette down his or ther sekke or sekkes at the seid place 
ordeyned for the corne market of the citie, and immediatly conuey his 
horse or horses, mare or mares, geldyng or geldynges, in to such place 
or places as thei ner any of them shall or maye be perceyued standyng 
or taryeng, tyed or loosse, nere or atte the same corne market, and that 
to be doon before his or their sekke or sekkes ther beyng ben sette 
openyd w l eny greyn or the same greyn ther beyng in enywise be 
shewid. And iff eny person ther doo to the contrarie of this acte 
havyng his sekke or sekkes openyd and his horse etc. be ther taken 
stondyng loose or tyed by the officer therunto by the Mayer assigned, 
than he or she so offendyng to forffayte for every busshell of greyn, so 
beyng in openyd sekkes and the bests not conveyed, too pence and the 
sekke wheryn the same greyne is putte. And the forfayture tobe 
leuyed immediatly by the said officer therunto assigned and deuyded by 
the Mayer. And iff the sayd officer doo not his diligent attendaunce in 

1 Briefly. 2 Summons? See p. 119 3 Excuses. 

1 1 8 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

execution of sure and necessarye serching of the premysses from tyme 
to tyme w'out remiss in eny behalue, that than the same officer tobe 
condignely punnysshed immediatly for his defaute by emprisonement in 
the stokkes openly by the dyscression of the Mayer. And ffurdermore 
beyt enacted that no sekke ner sekkes hereafter tobe brought into the 
seid cornemarket after itte be sette doun there and opened tobe sold 
shall stonde or be there onsold eny lenger tyme than the market bell be 
rongon accordyng to the tenur and effecte of an ordinaunce therefor 
heretofore made. But all suche sekkes of greyne ther beyng onsold atte 
the rynging of the same market bell shalbe incontynetly conveyed by 
the owner or possessor of the same greyn in to [a] house now bilded 
w'in the said cornemarket and to non oder place w'in the same citie, 
and in the same house to be kept untill the next market daye to the 
use of the awner of the same. And than to ffetche the same greyn 
ageyn at the mynde and pleasure of the awner thereof or his deputie 
w'out eny money payeng therfor. And iff eny citezen or inhabitaunt 
w'in the sayd citie atte eny tyme after the ffest of the birthe off Cryst 
callid Crystmes next commyng after the date of this assemble shall 
receyue or doo receyue enye sakke or sakkes w l greyne out of the seid 
come market and nat solde and there kepe the same sakkes or sekke \v l 
greyn contrarye to this acte shall forfette for euery sekke so receyued 
vj s viij d to be levyed and deuyded in iij partes as is aforeseid by distres, 
accion of dette or oderwise as ys aforeseid. 1 

CCVIL Assembly on Friday, 2 the Vigil of S l Thomas the Apostle 
[20 Dec. 1532]. 

Maye itte lyke your good and discrete wysdoms that itte may by 
eacted by auctorytie of this assemble that ffromhensforthe non person 
beyng citezen or inhabytaunt of or wMnne this citie shall use or occupye 
by hym or by eny person or persones w'in his or ther house or housez 
orellyswhere eny of the said occupacions of dyers, couerlightweverz, 
calaundrers or eny oder handy crafte or handy occupacion but oonly 
oone, and that tobe suche as the person or persons haue ben bounden 
apprentice unto and seruyed ther apprentycehodes duly and accordynglye 
orellys admytted to occupye the same hande occupacion, to y e which 
he hath not ben bounden, by the Mayer and his brethern Aldermen, or 
the more parte of them w l thassent of the wardens of the same 
occupacion, so to bee occupied bye any person oder than he hath ben 
apprentice unto. And y l iff it shall happen or chaunce eny person 
hereafter to use any hand crafte or hand occupacion contrarye to the 
same acte at enye tyme ffromhensforth, that he soo offendyng shall 

1 Introduction VI. I. - The folio book has Saturday. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 119 

loose and forfayte for euery daye soo occupying eny suche hande crafte 
contrarye to this acte ffyve poundes tobe deuyde equally in thre partes 
that is to wete oone parte to the Mayre before whom the same fforfayture 
shall chaunse to be presented, the secunde parte to the commonaltie of 
the citie, and the thirde parte to the ffynder and prover therof. All 
which fforfaytures tobe leuyed by distresse or accion of dette, in whiche 
accion [no] somons essoynes nor wager of lawe shalbe admytted ner in 
eny wyse admytted. Provided alweys that it shall be lauffull to the 
couerlightweuers wMnne the citie to dye ther couerlightyerne in maner 
and ffourme as of olde tyme they haue used for to doo, eny prohibicion 
in this acte to y e contrarye not w'standyng. Except wollen and lynen 
clothemakers which shalbe at libertie \Ends\. 

CCVIII.-Same Day. 

Where as the chieff and principall lyvyng of a grette multitude of 
poore people wMn this citie hertofore ben hadde many yeeres nowe 
passid by the occasion of spynnyng of mentil 1 warpe, small offe 2 and 
hevyll 3 yarne, which is nowe moche score and grevouslye mynysshed of 
late in somoche that many poore people havyng non oder prouysion for 
ther lyvyng but oonely such spynnyng ben compelled for pure nede to 
axe ther mete and drynk for Cristes sake, and moche of the occasion 
thereof is (for that the bochers aswell of the citie as of the countre 
utteryng ther vitall in the market of the said citie do use to make sale 
of ther wolleskynnes in gret and grosse sommes to the white lether 
tewers, perchemakers, glovers and poyntmakers 4 in suche maners that 
the seid poore people be compelled bye nede to bye the pore mortes 
skynnes, by the which aryseth nomaner of profight. And therupon gret 
dissolacion is lyke shortlye to ensewe iff redye redresse benot therffor 
shortly prouyded. Wherfor be ytte nowe atte this present assemble 
enacted by the auctorytie of the same that ffrom the ffeste off Cristmes 
till clyppyng tyme next commyng after the date herof, and yerly from- 
hensforth ffrom the ffeste of All Sayntes [i Nov.] till clyppyng tyme, 
euery bocher sellyng ther motons in the market of the citie shall bryng 
iher ffelles \v l the bodyes and there make sale of the ffellys openly in 
the market to poore women till the houre of xij lie . And after that houre 
to the citizens and enhabitauntes w'inne the citie aforeseid, upon [peyn] 
of fforffayture for every wolle skynne sold to eny parchemyner, whight 
ledder tewer or glover nat beyng resyaunt and enhabyted within the 

1 Mantle, that is blanket. 

' 2 Short staple [yarn]. 

8 Havell, the threads which divide the warp to admit the passage of the shuttle. 

4 Makers of laces. 

1 20 Selected Records of the City of Norwich, 

citie iij s iiij d , to be levyed and devyded as is aforesaid in the actes next 
before, and that non essoyne ner wager of lawe shalbe allowed in the 
levyeng of the same. 1 

CCIX. Same Day. 

Upon divers and many considerations this daye openly shewed it is 
agreed that an acte late made ayenst redyng of howses shalbe from 
hensforth repelled and voyde ner of effecte ner strengith. And that 
euery person atte ther libertie maye couer ther howses w l slatte, tyle or 
reeyd atte ther ffree willes, eleccion and myride. 2 

CCX. Same Day. 

For asmoche as of olde, auncient and laudable usuage and custume 
it hath been usid and accustumed by all the tyme wherof the remem- 
braunce of man is not hadde to the contrari, that the Mayer of this 
citie yerlie in the ffest of Saynt Marye Magdalen [22 July] with his 
comperes the Shereffes and Aldermen of the same citie haue prepared 
and accompayed them selffes togueder euery of them ridyng from the 
said citie unto the Payer stede nere adioynyng to the said citie callid 
Magdalen Fayre settyng ffourthe before them the watche in harnes, the 
which hath been to the greatte lawde, prayes and wurechipp of the said 
citie and also to the greatt preseruacion of the harneys withynne the 
said citie, the which harneys is and hath been greate tresoure atte euery 
tyme when nede hath requyred, and also to the great ayde secoure 
and comforte of poore handecraftemen usyng to secure and emende 
suche harneys. And nowe of late the said auncient and laudable 
custume hath been discontynewid by force wherof greatt ruyne and decaye 
hath com and ffallen amongest the harneys withynne the said citie. For 
redresse whereof, atte this present assemble by thassent and conscent cf 
the Mayer, his comperes, Shereffes, Aldermen and Comoners in the same 
assemblie congregat and assemblid, be it enactid and establisshed that 
from hensforth foreuermore the Mayer of the said citie yerlie for the 
tyme beyng shall with his compers the Sheriffes and Aldermen of the 
same citie prepare themselffes and also the Constables in euery warde 
withynne the same citie by the commaundement of the said Mayer for 
the tyme beyng shall prepare them selffes with ther watchmen in harneys 
and to awayte upon the said Maier redye atte his gate atte the houre 
of one after the myddes of the daye of the ffeste of Saynt Marie 
Magdalen and so from thens to procede to the Fayer aforesaid in dewe 
fourme and order as heretofore it hath been laudablie accustumed and 
used. And the same Maier for the tyme beyng, his comperes, Sheriffes 

1 Introduction VI. I. ' 2 Introduction V. I 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. \ 2 1 

and Aldermen, doyng his and ther devocion in offeryng withynne the 
chapell of Saynt Marye Magdalen there, and after that in passyng of 
the tyme in the wreslyng place atte the cost and charge of the said 
Mayer for the tyme beyng, as also heretofore hathe laudabli ben 
accustumed. And that doon to retourne ayen to the said citie 
accordynglie. And if it shall chaunce enye defaulte to be in eny Maier 
for the tyme being eny yere herafter in doing his diligens for the 
contynuaunce of the premysses, that than the same Maier for the tyme 
beyng shall fforfayte tenne pooundes to be devyded equallie in three 
parties, that is to wete, thone parte of the same fforfayture to be to hym 
that shall ffynde and presente the same defaulte in the councell hous of 
the same citie to the Maier of the said cite for the tyme beyng, and the 
secunde parte to be bestowid in reparacion of the walles of the said 
citie where as the ffynder of the same default shall thynke most nedefull 
and necessarie, and the thirde parte of the same forfature to be employed 
to thuse of the comynaltie of the said citie. And that the same 
fforfature to be reteyned in the handes of the Chamberleyn of the said 
citie for the tyme beyng and the same Chamberleyn to be chargid 
therwith upon his accompte. Prouydyd alweys that if eny reyne, 
trobloous wether, or other lawfull impedyment shall chaunce to ffalle eny 
yere herafter in the said ffeste of Saynt Marie Magdalen is suche maner 
as the Maier of the said citie for the tyme beyng and his comperes, 
Slieriffes and Aldermen or the more parte of them, with thassent of sex 
substanciall commoners to be named by thalderman of Saynt Georges 
Guyld such as shalbe non of the warde where the said Maier for the 
tyme is or shalbe Alderman shall thynke a laufull excuse of not settyng 
fourthe the said watche atte the said day, that than it shalbe laufull to 
the said Maier for the tyme beyng and his comperes, Sheriffes, Aldermen, 
and Constables with ther watchemen to be at hoome without eny 
fforfatour or losse to be therfor demaundid of the same Mayer for the 

I tyme beyng eny thyng in this acte conteyned or mencioned to the 
contrarie notwithstandyng. 1 

CCXI. Assembly on Monday, the feast of S l Matthew 26 H. VIII. 
[21 Sept. 1534]. 

Nicholas Isborn, goldsmyth alien, is admitted etc. under the condition 
that he shall not receive any apprentice born in the parts beyond the sea, 
and further that he shall not receive any servant to his craft by the 
day, week or otherwise without the licence of the Mayor for the time being, 
and that he shall not be factor [le broker] for aliens without the said 

1 Introduction VII. 3. 

1 2 2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

And further he is sworn and admitted into the fraternity of the 
Gild of S l George and fully discharged from making the feast. For 
which liberties and privileges the same Nicholas Isborn shall pay five 
pounds viz. half to the community and half to the said Gild. 1 

CCXIL Assembly on Thursday, 5 April 28 H. VIII. [1537]. 

This daye a letter of attorney made to John Florens, Chambleyn, and 
John Soterton to enter in to certen brent groundes in the name of the 
Commonaltie, accordyng to an acte of parliament late made 2 for the 
reediffieng and encloseng of them, was sealed with the comon scale and 
delyvered the seid Chambirlen and John Sotherton to execute the same 
with thadvyse of master Mayer and his Counsell. 

CCXIIL Assembly on Friday, 13 July 29 H. VIII. [1537]. 

Certen persons whose names ffolowen are assigned to vew and see 
what hernes euery man hath takyng w' them constables of euery warde 
and to certifie the same in writyng on thisside the xiij daye of Julye 
next ensuyng. [Twenty-four names follow]. 3 

CCXIV. Assembly on Friday, 8 Feb. [1538]. 

This daye also Austyn Styward, alderman, did also present and putte 
a bill off peticion in thes wordes, Please it Master Meyer and all my 
Masters your brethern Aldermen and Comen Counsell that wher as I 
Austen Styward, Citezen and Alderman off this citie, off late bought off 
M r Toppes a grounde decaied by the ffyer lying in the parisshe off 
Saynt George in Tomlond which I entered by the grace off god iff my 
power be abill to reediffie. And wher I have another voide and decaid 
grounde nere unto the same callid the Prince Inne off the graunt of the 
Deatie off the Chapell in the Feldes in Norwich ffor the terme off an 
hundred yeer, whiche voide grounde is soore accombred and replenysshed 
by divers persons with muk and such other vile mater to the grette 
noysaunce of all the Kynges liege people passing by the same by reason 
that itte hath ben open and nat ffensed by many yeres. And ffor as 
moche as the said voide grounde is ffallen in to the handes off the 
Mayer, Sheriffez, Citezens and Commonaltie of this citie by reason that 
it was not reediffied or muryd in with stoone wallez within a certen 
tyme therunto lymytted by acte of parlemenl^ therof late made and 
ordeyned. And also I off my oun goode will ffor the maynetenaunce off 
the citie and to the encoragement off my Lord Suffragen 4 ffor the bilding 
off certen housez whiche he hath gevyn to the cyte did redeme v s off 

1 Introduction V. 4. Introduction V. i. 3 See No. CCX. 

4 John Underwood, Bishop of Chalcedon. See Blomefield IV. p. 116. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 123 

yerlye rent due to the Priory off Saynt Feithez ffor parcell off the same 
houses ffor iiij d by the yeer, and also compowned with one Callowe and 
redemed a leesse off iiij xx yeeres whiche he had in the same, whiche coste 
me in all xx nobilles. Itte may therffor pleas your Maistershippes with 
thassent off the Comones off this Comon Counsell in consideracion of 
thes premyssez and ffor that it lyeth in such noysauuce and yet soo 
mete ffor rny grounde late the seid M r Toppes to graunte itte me and 
my heires fforever under the comon seall ffor iiij d off yerlye rente. And 
I shall soo ordere it that it shalbe noon displeasure to the citie and 
also thanke you all and doo the cilie suche service and pleasure as lieth 
in my poure as knoweth our lord etc. Whiche bill redde hade and 
understond it is agreed that the seid Austen shall have the seid voide 
grounde to hym and to his heires ffor iiij d off yerlye Rent as is conteyned 
in the seid bill. 

Item itte is agreed that Robert Ferrour, alderman, shall have to hym 
and to his heires fforever a certen brente grounde lyeng in the parisshe 
of Saynt Marye Litill late Bloffeldes, on the weste parte off the chirche- 
yerde ffor ij d rente by yeere which brente grounde off late ffelle in to 
the handez off the Commonaltie ffor non bildyng and muryng thereoff with 
stone walles by fforce off the seid acte off parlemente thereoff late 
ordened, and provyded that the seid Robert doo newe bilde it well and 
sufficiently within ffyve yeeres nowe nexte ensuyng. 

Item itte is agreed that Thomas Bathcom shall have iiij tenements 
voide lyeng to geder on the este parte off the chircheyerd of Saynt 
Georg at Tomlond to hym and to his heires fforever ffor xx d by yeer 
which tenements payd somtyme yerly xx s rent and late ffell in to the 
handes off the Commonaltie by reason fforseid, Provyded alwey that thei 
seid Thomas do newe bilde the same voide tenements within ffyve , 
yeeres nowe next ensuyng orelles this graunte to be voide and off non \ 
effecte. 1 

CCXV. Assembly on 13 July 31 H. VIII. [1539]. 

It is agreed that wher longe beffore thys tyme the Mayer and hi' 
brother Aldermen w l the Sheriffs hath accustomed to ryde to Maudelen 
Feyer, settyng fforthe beffore them a \vetche with men in hernes sette in 
godely araye 2 ; And ffor asmoche as the ffeste off Marye Magdalen is 
nowe abrogate and not halowed, therffor itte is nowe ordeyned and 
enacted that yerly ffrom hensforth shalbe had the Tuysday in Pentecoste- 
weke a like wetche within the seid citie to be ordered in suche wyse as 
the Mayer and his brothern Aldermen shall think moste conuenyent and 

1 Introduction V. i. a See No. CCX. 

i 24 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

semyng ffor the honour worship and defence of the citie and country 


Wher as manye gildes haue bene holden with inne the citie of 
Norwich, wheroff some oS them bene nowe dissolued and some bene yet 
kept and not dissolued, to wheche gyldes been dyuers stocks of money 
belonging, and diuerse parcells of the same money bene delyuered to 
diuers off the bretherne of the said gildes. Enacted that all such 
summes of money belonging to eny gild dissolued shal be holy paid to 
the Mayer for the tyme beyng to the use of the commonaltie to be 
expended in and about the ruinous decays of the city. 1 

CCXVL Assembly on Friday, n May 35 H. VIII. [1543]- 
It is enacted that the Mayer of this citie and his successours nor 
any of them shall not excede the nounber of six disshes at dyner nor at 
ony other oone mele. And that the Aldermen and Sheriffes and eny 
other inhabitaunt w'in the said citie under the degree of a knyght, ther 
successours nor any of them shall not excede the noumber of v disshes 
at eny one meale. Except the Mayer of the seid citie ffor the tyme 
beyng be present and then nat aboue vj disshes under the peyn of the 
Mayer c s and euery alderman and Sheriff offendyng this acte shall 
fforfet xl s and every comoner xx s ; the seid fforfettes to be deuyded in 
thre partes wheroff the one parte shalbe to the Mayer, the ij de parte to 
the Commonaltie and the iij de parte to the presenter theroff. And euery 
of the seid fforfettes to be lewed by distresse by the officers therto to 
V.o psc"*"-- 1 V -^~ ,-Va.yer. And" me seid uyc-t -a.^-* "number of disshez 
to' be had at gildes within the seid Citie. And this acte to begyn 
: rom and after Trynytie Sondaye next ensuyng [20 May]. 2 

CCXVII. Assembly on Wednesday, 24 Oct. [1543]. 

Where before this tyme lether, talow and dyuers kyndes off vitall 
and other thinges haue ben conueyed oute of this Citie of Norvviche 
and Countie of Norffolk upon and by the water of Wenson towerd the 
see to be conueyd to the parties beyonde the see contrarye to the lawes 
of this Realme ; And dyuers thinges to be sold by mesure upon the seid 
water as coles, corne, salte and suche other thinges haue ben sold by 
onlauffull mesure ; And heryng unlaufully pakked bothe in cadys and 
barelles ; And unlaufull nettes and distruccion of ffisshe in the seid rever 
haue ben unlauffully used, ffor lak of one water bayly to viewe serche and 
see y l suche enormyties shuld not be don. For refformacion wherof by 
this hooll assemble is electid oone, William Corbet, water baylyff of this 
citie, to serche, see and dilgently execute the hooll effecte of the office 

1 Introduction III. 3. - See No. CCCCXIX. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 125 

of waterbaylye afforeseid. And that the same water baylyff shall haue 
ffor his labour in the same the moyte of all suche fforffetours that he 
shall ffynde and be so tryed accordyng to the lawe, and also oone yeerly 
ffee off xx s of the goodes of the commonaltie, and mete and drynke of 
the Shreves, and that the seid waterbayly shalbe eligibly and yerly 
electid, named and chosyn on Saynt Mathewe daye. 

CCXVIIL Assembly on 17 July 37 H. VIII. [1545]. 

In most humble wise beseche your good maistershippes the compeny 
of ffisshermen to tender and pytie ther poore requestes and desires ; That 
wher oone or too ffisshermen inhabiting this citie sekyng rather the 
destruccion of the comon rever than the maynteyneng of the same doo 
daylye so ouercharge the seid rever w l so many and sondry tramelye 1 
nettes as well norrowe as wide that your poore oratours arne notte able 
to maynteyne ther charges and ffamylye wher beffore this tyme by ther 
fforseid crafte they haue lyued bothe well and honestly. Maye it therffor 
please your good maistershippes the premysses considered to see and 
directe som goodly order in this behalff which maye redounde bothe to 
the comon welth and to the comforte of your pore oratours ; and that 
euery ffissherman ffisshing in the seid rever be compelled to kepe a 
dogge to this entente and purpose, that the otters abydyng w'in the seid 
ryver maybe distroyed which gretly doo devoure the ffysshe beyng w l yn 
the same and your said oratours shall dayly praye. Whiche redde herd 
and understond, it is enacted that non ffresshewater ffissher beyng an 
owner or ffermer of any house or tenement w l in the citie afforeseid or 
suburbe of the same ffrom hensforth shail use occupye or haue aboue 
oone groundenette, 2 vij tramelles and x ne bownettes 3 in and upon the rever 
of the said citie and that euery suche ffissher shall haue a sufficient 
dogge to kill otters etc. And that master Mayer w l thadvise of his 
counsell shall cause a booke to be made and deuysed of and in the 
premysses as shall seme by ther discreccionz ffor the ffurder assurance to 
be had in the premysses and perfectyng of the same. 

CCXIX. Assembly on Friday, 26 March [1546]. 

It is enacted that an ordenaunce and prouysion shalbe made and 
ordeyned ffor suche persons haueng tenementes and renters w'in this 
citie and the same late unto pore persons resortyng to this citie to lyve 
here only by beggyng as shalbe deuysed by lerned Counsell of the said 
citie. 4 

1 A kind of drag-net. 2 A trawl. 

3 A net stretched round a series ot hoops, at present used for catching tench. 

4 Introduction VI. I. 

126 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CCXX. Assembly on Friday after Ascention Day 2 E. VI. [n May, 


As touching the eleccion of wardens of Misteryes, and wateryng in 
Saynt Martyns, or for the Master of the Beggers, or for settyng fforth 
pageantes this yeere ben differred upon diuers consideracions. 1 

CCXXI. Assembly on Friday, 13 July [1548]. 

It is graunted and enacted that all guylde stokkes whatsoeuer their 
be withyn this citie shalbe employde towardes the fyndyng feyeng 2 of the 
rever of the same citie. The stok of the Compenye of Sayrit George 
onely excepte because it is employed to the poore. 3 

It is enacted that euery parisshe shall provide and haue in ther 
parisshe churche w'in the citie lethers, 4 bokettes of lether and ropes ffor 
welles as shalbe thought mete and conueyente by M r Mayer and his 
counsaill to be prouided on thisside of the Feste of Saynte Mighell 
[29 Sept.] next ensuyng. 

CCXXIL Assembly on Friday, 31 May 3 E. VI. [1549]. 

It is enacted that vj Aldermen in euery graunde warde and suche 
vj comoners as thei will calle to them shall make an assessement ffor 
the pore what euery man shall paye towerd ther reloeffe ; and that the 
seid vj Aldermen euery of them in ther warde shall haue ffull power 
and auctorytie by this acte to commytte to warde the denyers of ther 
assessement and w'holders therof, and ther to remayn w'oute baile or 
maynprise untill etc. 5 

CCXXIII. Assembly on Saterday, 3 May 4 E. VI. [1550]. 

This daye is graunted aswell by thaldermen as by the commen 
counsaill nowe assembled, that certen nombres of quarters of wheate 
and other grayne shalbe provyded and boughte for the cittie to avoyde 
a greate dearth and skarcytie that is thought to be and like to ensewe 
here after w l in the saied cittie, according to a booke thereof made. And 
certen sommes of money to be collected by way of loone towardes the 
same. Which graynes shalbe solde in the markettes at suche reasonable 
pryces to the poore, as shalbe thought moost convenyent. The grayne 
to be boughte and provyded by Thomas Quarles, William Stedde and 
Robert Wagstaff etc. 

CCXX1V. Assembly on Monday, 13 April 5 E. VI. [1551]. 
Whereas there is nowe comme to the commen stathe xvj xx combes 

1 Introduction III. 3. 2 Cleansing. * Introduction III. 3. 

1 Ladders? 5 Introduction V. I. c ib. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 127, 

of rye from the parties beyonde the seas for the victuelling and provision 
of this cittie, bought and brought hither by Richard Bate out of 
Flaunders at the request and desire of M r Mayour and thaldermen. It 
is nowe graunted and agreed by the hooll assembley that iiij er Aldermen 
and tenne Commoners w them shall haue powre and aucthoryte to 
appoynte rate and assesse what and howe muche every citezen and 
commoner shall haue and receyve of the seide rye. And that every 
Alderman to haue thereof and fetche awaye ffyve combes. And that who 
so ever refuce their order shall paye for every combe by them appoynted 
and refuce for every suche refusall iij s iiij d , to be employed to the use of 
the poore folkes of the late Hospitall, soo that if it maye be the same rye 
to be hadde awaie to morrowe nexte. 

CCXXV. Assembly on Friday, 30 May [1551]. 

There shall be baken of the common stoore of the Citie of grayne at 
the Common Hall certen bredde for the poore peopull to be solde to 
them for the terme of a ffowrtenight and as then shall seme goode to 
contynewe. 1 

CCXXVI. Assembly on 28 March 6 E. VI. [1552]. 

Whereas before this tyme dyvers good and godly actes and 
ordynaunces haue ben made and appoynted, aswell for the dayly 
making and keaping cleane of the streetes thorough out the cittie, 
as also for the cleanesing, fyeng and contynewall preseruacion of the 
river w l in the same cittie. And yet notw'standing those goode actes 
and ordynaunces the seide streetes remayne fowle and fylthye ; and 
also the seide ryver decayethe and fyllethe moore and moore, what 
for want of dewe executyon of the seide former actes, and for wante 
of money and other provysion wherew' to doo the yerely and con- 
tynewall charges in and abought the same ; It is nowe therefore 
enacted by aucthorytye of this present assembley as hereafter followethe. 
Firste, that the nomber of xij persons, that is to saie twoo Aldermen xij Persons shai 
and tenne Citezens, shall haue the whoole surveye and order of the best S owe e a Vsome: 
leyng out, expending and bestoweng of all and singular suche sommes f he e making g 
of money as shall be leyed out, expended and bestowed abought the deanec 
fyeng, scooring and makyng cleane as well of the seide ryver as of 
the streetes w'in the seide cittie for and during one yere nexte 
followeng after the making hereof. And also to see that all those 
lawes and ordynaunces heretofore made w'in the seide cittie for the Se ail lawes P u 
mayntenaunce, preservacion, scoring, cleanesing and keping cleane of tey an forfey 
the seide ryver and streetes be put in executyon according to the 

1 Introduction VI. I. 

128 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

tenures and purportes of the same. And to leavye, gather and 
receijve all and singuler suche sommes of money and forfeytures of 
all and singuler personnes w*in the seide cittie, by them or any 
of them loste and forfecte by the seide lawes, estatutes and ordynaunces, 
and the same forfeytures by their discretyons to employe and bestowe 
in and about the scooring, amendyng, cleanesing, fyeng and makyng 
cleane of the seide ryver and slreetes. And forasmuche as in commen 
wealthes sturdynes and lacke of obedyence of the peopull cause the 
goode and godly lawes and ordynaunces to be perverted, except dewe 
ponysshement and correctyon against suche sturdye and disobedyent 
persons be presently ministred : It is therefore enacted by aucthorytie 
aforeseide, that the seide personnes and every of them w' the consent 
of the seide twoo Aldermen or of one of them shall have aucthorytie at 
every tyme and in all their aflfayres and doinges in and about the seide 

Disobedyent strcetes and river, to arreste and take all suche sturdye and disobedyent 
personnes as shall sturdely resiste, disobeye and refuse to doo suche 
lawfull and necessary thinges as are thought mete by the discretyons of 
the seide xij personnes or the moore parte of them to be doon or 
required to be doon of or by anye citezen or forreyn inhabytaunt eyther 
in pavement of money lawfully taxed, or hereafter to be taxed, uppon 
him or them, or any labour or dyligence laufully requyred by the seid xij 
personnes, or the moore part of them, of any citezen or inhabitaunt to 
be doon eyther in, for or aboute the reparacion, fyenge and makyng 
cleane of the seid ryver and stretes. And the same personne and 
personnes so arrested and taken by them, to bring unto the twoo 

Committed to Aldermen or one of them to be commytted to prysonement. And that 
prison. ^ e Qr t^gy soo commytted shall there remayne in prysonne untill the 
cause shall be opened and declared by the seide twoo Aldermen or one 
of them to the seide Mayour or his depute. And the same offence and 
offences by the seide Maiour or his depute, w l thassent of the seide 
twoo Aldermen and xij personnes or the moore parte of them, be 

rhe offence to ponysshed by fyne or otherwyse as it shall seme good to them. And 
.efyned. ^ SQ ^^ & jj an( j ever y fy ne hereafter to be assessed uppon every person 

or personnes hereafter arrested or taken and brought by the seide twoo 

J enaity of the Aldermen or one of them to the seide Mayour or his depute shalbe 

ayoMos. i ev yed, collected and receyued by the seide xij personnes or the moore 

parte of them, before the person or persons soo arrested and taken be 

enlarged out of prisonne. And if the Mayour or his deputy doo the 

contrary hereof, that then the seide Mayour etc. shall for every such 

defaulte loose fourtye shillinges to be levyed of him by distresse or 

otherwise by the seide xij personnes or the more parte of them to the 

use of the scooring and makyng cleane of the seide ryver and stretes. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 129 

And also be it further enacted by aucthorytie aforeseide, That the 
xij personnes shall be readye and dyligent to serve feithfully, trewly and 
dyligentely in the premisses. And to leavye, gather and collecte all f^l"^ 
penalties, somme and sommes of money heretofore forfeyte or hereafter 
to be forffette by any person or persones to the uses and ententes 

And be it enacted by thaucthorytie aforeseide, That the Mayour, the 
twoo Aldermen and xij persons aforeseide, or the moore parte of them, 
shall yerely the first daye of Marche attaxe all citezens and forreyn Thetaxador 
inhabitauntes dwelling w l in the cittie and suburbes of the same (the dayeofMarci 
xxiiij" Aldermen and the Companye of the Lyverey excepted) to paye 
and be charged w* suche sommes of money towardes the yerely reparacions, 
fyeng and makyng cleane of the seide stretes and ryver as shall be 
thought goode by them or the moore parte of them. And that the 
same sommes of money soo attaxed shall be leavyed of every person 
or personnes soo taxed before the feast of the Natyvytie of S' John , r An , 1 T ed 

J J J beforeMydsom 

Baptiste [24 June] nexte after the same taxacion by the seide xij personnes 
or the moore parte of them by distresse or otherwyse. 

It is also enacted, That nowe immedyately and soo furthe yerely 
every year, the xxv 1 daye of Marche every Justice of Peas shall paye xxvt March 
twoo shillinges, every other Aldermen eightene pens, and every citizen Aldermen 

. Lyverey. 

being of the lyvereye twelve pens. 

And also it is further enacted by thaucthorytie aforeseid, That the 
Chamberlayns of the seide cittie for the tyme beinge shall paye yerely TheChambe 
out of the yerely ferm of the Mylles, according to an acte made in the^iyiuf/xi 
M r Nicholas Sotherton his tyme of Mayraltye, every yere tenne poundes. besides! 
And over and besides that tenne poundes fowre poundes yerely moore 
in consideracion of the fyeng of the cokkeys, 1 whiche seide somme of 
fourtenne poundes shall yerely be payed by thandes of the Chamberleyn 
or Chamberleyns to the seide xij personnes or the moore parte of them 
whenne the same shall be required. Whiche seide severall sommes of 
money shall be yerely employed, leyed out and bestowed by the seide 
twelve personnes or the moore parte of them aboute the myking cleane 
and skooring of the seide ryver, stretes and cokkeys. 

It is also further enacted, That the seide Mayour twoo Aldermen A u commet 
and xij personnes or the moore parte of them shall have aucthorytie ry^eVu^be r.'i 
yerely, and from tyme to tyme to attaxe all such commen noyeours asd >' ers 
dwelling uppon the ryver that doo or shall hereafter annoye the same, 
as dyers, calendrers, tanners, glovers, parchemyn makers, brewers and 
encrochers of the ryver w l suchelike, of what degree so ever they be, 
to paie suche fyne somme or sommes of money for their common annoy- 

1 A drain or gutter. See Vol. I., p. 356, n. 16, 

130 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

aunce as shall seme goode to them or the moore parte of them. And 
that the seide xij persons shall leavye and gather suche somme and 
sommes of money as shalbe hereafter taxed uppon anye suche person 
or persons as doo or shall anoye the seide ryver. 

a -s I cu r in r ^ n( ^ a ^ so ^ e se ^ e X 'J personnes shall have aucthorytie to dyspence 

w l the myller for cutting of the wedys of the ryver, and to take of him 
yerely to thuse of the seide ryver soche sommes of money as they shall 
agree uppon, and they sufficientely to see it doone. 

-gacyesand And be it further anacted, That the seide xij personnes shall have 

bequests. J r 

aucthorytie to receyve, perceyve and take all suche bequestes as are 
gyven by Robert Jannes and Edmunde Woode, some tyme Aldermen 
here, and all other legacyes and benevolences gyven or hereafter to be 
gyven by any other person or personnes to thuse of the seide ryver and 
strettes, and the proufightes and legacyes to employe and bestowe in 
and about the scooring and makyng cleane of the seide ryver and 
jrovementof Also the seide xij personnes shall have aucthorytie to emprove and 

ie groundes. * 

lette for one yere to thuse aforeseide, all suche voyde groundes as 
belong to this cittie lately wonne and landed out of the ryver. 
iciiectionof It is also enacted, That Mr. Mayour every yere for the tyme being 

st. Mathies on the feast of Sainct Mathye thappostell [24 Feb.] shall cause a commen 
assemble and counsaill to be holden and sette. At whiche assembley 
the seide xij persons shall make their accompte 1 of their charges and 
expenses the yere before if they shalbe thereunto requyred by the seide 
Mayour. And thenne and there shalbe every yere amoved and put of 
sixe of the seid xij persons, that is to saie one Aldermen and fyve 
Citezens. And to the other sixe remayning shalbe chosen by thassente 
of the seide assembley sixe newe, that is to saie one Alderman and fyve 
Citezens suche as be of the lyverey, 2 which xij shalbe called by the 
name of The Sttrveyours of the Ryver and Streates, and shall exercyse 
the same office for one yere nexte followeng, and doo all and every acte 
and thing as is before appoynted to the seide xij persons in maner 
and forme to all ententes and purposes as are before lymitted and 
naityofthe And if it shall fortune the Mayour for the tyme being to be 

layorxH ' ' 

requyred by the seide Surveyours to kepe yerely the seide assembly, 
and after suche request makyng to omytte and delaye the seide 
assembley to be holden and kepte uppon the daie and feast of S l 
Mathie thappostell aforeseide, soo that the seide xij persons shall not 

1 The books of these accounts begin in 1556. 

2 The livery of St George's Company, of which all the Common Councillors were 
compelled to be members. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 3 1 

thenne and there make their accompte, and that sixe other shall not 
thenne be chosen to sixe of the elde yerely as is aforeseide ; That then 
the seide Mayour etc. shall forfayte tenne pounds to be levyed to thuse 

Provided allweys and it is agreed and enacted, That, if it shall 
fortune S l Mathies daie to falle uppon the Sondaie, thenne and so often 
this assembley shall be holden and kepte the Mondaie thenne nexte 
ensuing according to the tenour and effect of this acte 1 

Extracts from the Third and Later Assembly Books. 

CCXXVII. Assembly on Monday, 19 Nov. i and 2 P. and M. 


Where of long tyme that noo mannys mynde is to the contrarye 
dyvers personnes w l in the Cittie of Norwiche and the Suburbes of the 
same haue used and practysed w l in the same cittie their severall 
occupacions and handycraftes, byeing and selling. And have ben by 
reason of their several occupacions and handycraftes hable to beare and 
susteyne suche charges as have ben layed uppon them to the good 
mayntenaunce of the commen wealthe of the cittie, untyll nowe of late 
daies manye evyll disposed personnes entending as muche as in them 
is the decaye of the said cittie and the hinderaunce of the inhaby- 
tauntes, citezens thereof, haue dwelte w'in the cittie some by the space 
of a yere, some haulf a year, some moore and some other untyll they 
have obteyned the ffraunches and liberties of the same, and thenne 
haue departed out of the same and haue dwelte in dyvers places in the 
Countye of Norffolk adioyning to the cittie ; By reason whereof they 
haue and doo daylie comme into the said cittie, as well uppon Markette 
Dayes as other dayes, and they bye and selle as frelye as any personne 
of the inhabitauntes doo w'out payeng anye maner skotte or lotte or 
bering of any maner of charge w'in the cittie to the utter undoing of 
the inhabytauntes. Be it therefore enacted by the Mayour Shereves and 
Commynaltye at this presente assembleye that noo personne or personnes 
of what occupation, misterye or handycrafte soo ever they be dwelling 
out of the cyttie and the surburbes shall after the feaste of the 
Natyuytie of our Lorde God nexte commyng enjoye the liberties of 
the cittie during the tyme that he or theye shall so dwell or inhabyte 
out of the same cittie, nor shall bye nor selle w l in the same cittie anye 
maner goodes, merchauntdyse, commodyties, thinge or thinges but onelye 
as forreners inhabyting out of the seid cittie doo or maye doo, any 

1 Introduction VII. 2. 

132 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

libertye or ffraunchise to them or anye of them before graunted to the 
contrary e notw'standinge, uppon payne to fforfeyte all and every e suche 
goodes, merchaundyse, commodyties, thing and thinges so boughte or 
solde contrarye to the trewe meaning of this present acte, whereof the 
one parte to be to the Mayour, the second parte to him or them that 
shall soo take it, and the thredde parte to be to the use of the cittie. 
And ffurther it is enacted that all citezens whiche doo nowe or hereafter 
w l their howseholdes or ffamylie inhabyte and dwell out of the cittie 
or libertye of the same shall not haue nor enjoye any fredome or 
libertye of the same cittie during his or their dwelling or inhabytinge 
out thereof. 1 

CCXX VIII. Assembly on Monday, 18 Jan. 3 and 4 P. and M. 


Uppon consultacion had by this howse aswell for the releif of the 

poore as also to se them sett on worke and not to lyve idely ;, It is 
oredered that theise persons viz. M r Graye, Alderman, M r Bulwerd and 
Lowe Consforthe; M r Marsham, M r Norgate, and Thomas Whale 
Wymer; M r Fletcher, M r Blome, and Nicholas Baker Mancrofte; M r 
Bacon, Master Bongey and Christofer Some Ultra Aquam ; shall see 
suche poore folkes as be able to worke and take order in euery warde 
howe they shall be sett a worke fromehens forthe from tyme to tyme. 2 

CCXXIX. Assembly on Friday after Passion Sunday. [9 April 


Whereas the Cittie hathe of late bene charged w th diuerse and 
sundry poore folkes comme owte of the contryth w ch hathe not contynued 
here by the terme of iij yeres according to the statute ; 3 For reformacion 
whereof, be it enacted by this assemblye that no person or persons 
having any tenementes or tenauntryes in his or there handes shall 
lette his tenement or tenauntrye to fearme to anye strange poore poorson 
not having to lyve of hym selfe nor to gett his leving, nor suffer anye 
suche poore persons being strangers that haue not hadd ther moste 
abyding here w th in this cittie iij yeres laste paste to remeyne or dwell 
in anye suche tenement or tenauntrye, uppon payne to loose and forfeyte 
for every tenement so letten xx s . Whereof two partes to the cittie and 
the thredd parte to the presentour. 4 

CCXXX. Assembly on Monday, the vigil of S l Lawrence 4 and 
5 P. and M. [9 Aug. 1557]. 

Uppon consultacion hadd for the releif of the poore, it is ordeyned 

1 Introduction III. 3. 2 Introduction VI. I. 

3 3 and 4 E. VI. c, 16. 4 Introduction VI. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 133 

that the Aldermen of euery warde shall conferre w th euery inhabitaunte 
there what he will quietly be content to gyfe to the relief of the pore 
wekely and make a boke therof and certefie the same, and that money 
to be gevyn and distributed wekely to suche poore people as be blynde, 
lame, sycke and bedred. And besydes it is ordered that no poore 
folkes shall goo aboute a begging but suche as shall haue and were a 
badge, and that in suche cyrcuyte as shall be appoynted them. 1 

CCXXXI. Same Day. 

Whereas order hathe bene taken in this howse in tymes paste 
that there shall be yerly elected ij Chamberleyns as by the records 
shall appere. This day uppon diuerse consideracions it is agreed that 
the former order theruppon hadde shall stonde voyde; And that from- 
hensforthe M r Mayour, Shereves and Comynaltie shall on their accustomed 
daye electe and chose one Chamberleyne and so fromethensforthe yerlye, 
that one person or suche one as shalbe thought moste convenyent for 
that office to contynewe from tyme to tyme : And the same Chameberleyne 
to take his Clerke under hym as he shall thynke beste for his tyme. 2 

I CCXXXII. Assembly on Thursday, the Feast of S l Matthew i Eliz. 
[21 Sept. 1559]. 
An Actte for the Pavyng of St/etes, Whereas tyme oute of mynde 
there hathe bene a comely and decent order used w'in this cittye for 
the pavyng of the stretes of the same cittye whiche thing hath not 
only bene a great ease and helthefull commodyte to the inhabitauntes 
of the same but also a goodly bewtefying and an occasyon that dyuerse 
havyng accesse to the same cittye from ffarre and strange places haue 
moche comended and praysed the same and the Maiestrates in the 
foresight for the mayntenaunce thereof. And for that now of late tyme 
thorough the great gredynes and obstynacy growne into dyuerse mens 
hartes whiche neyther regarde the comodyte of helth, ther ovvne eses 
and ther naybors, nor yet the bewtefying of the cittie, haue sufferyd 
many commely and fayer howses adioynyng upon the common and 
high stretes in diuerse and sundry places within this cittie to fall in 
rewin and decaye and some prostrate to the grounde in the whiche 
good howseholders and cittizens haue heretofore dwelte, and also suffer 
the paving of the strete ageynst the same howses or grounde to decaye 
and be broken to the great discommodyte and annoyaunce of the neybours 
and travaylors thorough or by the same, and to the disworshipp of 
souche as be Maiestrates at this present, in that thei donot forese 3 to 
maynteyne that thing w ch heretofore by ther predecessors have ben well 

1 Introduction VI. 4. - Introduction III. I. 3 Foresee. 

134 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

maynteyned and lokyed unto. Be yt therfore by the concent of M' 
Mayour, the Shreves, Aldermen and Common Councell of the Cittie ot 
Norwiche at this present assembly enacted, that all maner of parsons 
havyng howse, howses, grounde or groundes scituate and lying w'in the 
walles of the same cittie and adioynyng upon eny common strete of 
the cittie ageynst w ch howse etc. the strete hathe heretofore at eny tyme 
w l in twenti yeares now last past ben paved w th stone, shall ffrom and 
after the Feast of Saynt Michell tharchaungell [29 Sept.] next commyng, 
upon reasonable warnyng geven by the Mayor or by somme other 
appoynted for that purpose (to the owner or owners of the same howse 
etc. or to the tenaunte or ffermour of the same to thentente the owner 
may have knowledge therof) cawse the same to be repared and mended 
ageyne withe stone according to the use and custome of the cittie within 
one quarter of a yeare at the uttermost next after souche warnyng 
geven, upon payne of fforfeture for euery yarde of grounde beit more 
or less, tobe masured and not paved in forme aforeseyde after the 
rate of vj d for euery yarde, w ch payne forfett shalbe levyed by thorder 
of Mr Mayour or by distresse of eny of the goodes or cattails of the 
partie that shall owe the same howse etc. or of the tenaunt or 
ffermour of the same ageynst the w ch the strete ys not kepte paved 
according as before ys rehersed. And in case the owner or owners of 
the goodes or cattalles w ch shall fortune so tobe distreyned for eny souche 
defalte do not paye the summe of money w ch is so fforfited and redeme 
ther distresses within xiiij ten dayes after souche distres shalbe taken, 
then it shalbe lefull for the Mayor to appoynte fyve or syx honest 
and discrete persons as to his discression shall seme most mete to 
pryse the same distresse and to satisfie the payne so fforfited according 
to theffecte and meanyng of this acte. 

CCXXXIIL Assembly, on Tuesday, 8 July 2 Eliz. [1560]. 

Wheareas in tyme past in harvest tyme moche rocke spon yarne haue 
ben spente by vvevyng of russelles, chamblettes, bustians, sattens and in 
soucheother like devyses, and also in weaving of laces and other devises 
woven upon fframes, stoles, or otherwyse consumed or spente by hatters or 
other parsons to the great decaye of worstedes, by reason wherof husbondry 
ys moche decayed for want of laborers in tyme of harvest to the greate 
hynderaunce and decaye of the Common Welthe of the cittie and contry 
adioynyng. Wherfor beit enacted by this present assembly that no maner 
of parson or parsons enhabiting within the Cittie of Norwiche or Suburbes of 
the same shall ffrom the Feaste of Thassumpcion of our Lady [15 Aug.] 
next commyng by the space and during one hole monethe then next 
ensuyng weave or cause tobe woven or otherwyse spente eny maner of rocke 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 135 

spon yarne upon payne to fforffett for euery tyme doyng to the contrary x s , 
to be devided in thre partes, that ys to saye one parte to the Mayour, 
another parte to the presenter or the wardens of thoccupacion of worstede- 
wevers, and the threde parte to the Comminaltie of the same cittie. And 
that yt shalbe lefull to the Mayour to commytt all souche offendours to 
prison there to remayne untyll they haue payed ther seide fforfyture. And 
this acte to contynew for this harvest. 

CCXXXIV. Assembly on Monday, the Feast of S l Mathias 3 Eliz. 
[24 Feb. 1561]. 

Yt is agreid by the Mayor, Shreves, Cittizens and Comynaltie that from 
hens forthe yt shalbe lefull to chose and take into the Common Councell of 
the cittie and into the company of S l George any inhabitaunt and freman 
dwelling within this cittie that occupieth the mystery or occupacion of a 
cordewyner or shomaking and that thei shalbe chosen to here office in this 
cittie as other cittizens haue done, any acte, lawe, or ordenaunce make 
within this Cittie at eny tyme heretofore to the contrary not withstanding. 1 

CCXXXV. Assembly on Friday in Whitsun Week. [30 May, 1561]. 

Whereas M rs Bulwar, wedowe, late wyfe of Richard Bulwar decessed, 
for the ease of dyverse of the cittizens and dwellers in the wardes of 
Connesforde, Berestrete and other places of the cittie of hyr good will and 
charytie ded do make too stathes in Nether Connesforde only for to wasshe 
at, sythen w ch tyme certeyne parsons have used to lade lyme at the same 
stathes so that the people cannot wasshe there onles they should moche 
hurte thos clothes that they shoulde so wasshe there. Therfor yt ys this 
daye agreed that no person shall lade any lyme at eny of the sayde too 
stathes from and after the daye of this present assembly upon payne of 
fforfyture of xx s for euery tyme so ladyng eny lyme, tobe levyed by im- 
prisonment of the partie so offending or distresse at the discression of the 
Mayour, w ch forfeit to go [to] the use of the Chamber. 2 

CCXXXVL Assembly on Friday, 13 April 7 Eliz. [1565]. 

It is agreyd that souche Pageauntes that wer wont to go in this cittie in 
the tyme of Whitson holy dayes shalbe sett furth by occupacions as in 
tymes past haue been usyed. 3 

CCXXXVII. Assembly on Sunday, the Feast of S l Matthew 9 Eliz. 
[21 Sept. 1567]. 

For that the charge of keepyng twelve posthorses is very chargeable to 

1 Introduction III. 2. 2 Introduction VI. 2. 3 Introduction III. 3. 

136 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

the Postmaysters and a great ease and quyettnes to the cittizens and souche 
as should be troubled w th the takyng upp of the same posthorses ; It is 
agreed that there shalbe three postmaysters which shall have lent to them 
owt of the treasourye twentye pounds to every of them vj u xiij s iiij d for a 
yere, puttyng in good suretie for the same. And also to have yerely 
delyuered unto them by the Shrevis the summe of twelve poundes to euery 
of them ffowre poundes, whiche xij 1 ' shalbe levyed by the Shrevis that is to 
say by the Inkepers and Typplers syxe poundes and of other cittizens other 

The Orders for posthorses and hakeney horses within the Cittie of 
Norwiche taken and made to contynew from the fyrst daye of June A.D. 
1566 signed by the hand of the right honorable the Duke of Norffolk, his 
grace, and now ratefyed and confyrmed by the Mayor etc. as hereafter 

Inprimis, that no man shall require or take upp eny posthorses or hors 
within the cittie aforeseid onles he be specially lycenced or authorized so to 
do by commyssyon or warrant from the Quenys Majestic, the Duke of 
Norffolk, his grace, or the Quene her Majesties councell, or else from the 
Mayour of the seid cittie. And to have the use of the seid horses not above 
xij or xiiij myles from the seid cittie or to the next baight. And if it shall so 
chaunce that the post cannot gett other fresshe horses at the next baight but 
shalbe compelled to ryde further w th those horses, then as he maketh the 
dooble post for that waye to make pryce after the noomber of the myles. 

Item, that every man so takyng upp posthorses shall have his guyde to 
bryng back ageyne the seid horses with their sadles and brydles. And in 
consideracion that nothing is to be required for the horses homeward, they 
that so shall ryde post to paye twoo pens for every myle owtward as well for 
the horses that they themselves shall ryde on as allso for the hors of the 
guyde. And that to be payed at the delyuerye of the horses owtward. And 
euery guyde to have of that parte that so shall ryde post for his labour and 
travell, vj d . 

Item, that souche horses as shalbe taken upp in post shall not be 
pestered to carry enything of burthen but the persons with their reasonable 
apparell whiche shall ryde upon them, males, 1 cappcases of weight aboue x' 1 , 
clokebagges or other ferdilles 2 to be conveyed upon seuerall horses or other- 
wise ordred as shall seeme to the owners of the horses most convenyent. 

Item, if eny man shall abuse the seid posthorses otherwise or to other 
purposes then his commyssion doth permytt or give hym authorytee, the seid 
person to be poonisshed by imprisonment untill he hath satisfyed or mad 
answer for souche trespace to the owners of the horses. 

Item, the Guydes shall allweys stond chardged to delyuer to the owners 
souche horses and ffurnyture as shalbe commytted to their chardge. 

1 Travelling bag. 2 Bundles. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 137 

Hakeney Horses. First, cittezens shall have horses to hakeney for their 
journeys for xij d the first day and viij d a daye furth untill the redelyuerye of 
the same horses, and not to chardge the seid horses with males, clokebagges 
fardelles or other pesterous burthens without agreament w th the owners. 

Item, if eny man havyng a journey certeyne as to London or to eny 
other place certeyne, and is mynded to hyre a hors for that journey, then the 
price to be more or les as the parties can agree. 

Item, that it shalbe lawfull for souche as shall lett their horses to take 
sureties of souche (beyng straungers) as shall hyer their horses, aswell for the 
good usyng as for the redelyuerye of the seid horses and their ffurnyture as 
allso for the paiement of the hyer. 

Item, if the hakeney man shall lett to eny person souche an hakeney as. 
will not serve to furnisshe owt the journey betwixt the parties appoynted, 
then the hakeney man to satisfie souche charges as the hyerer shalbe at for 
the provision of an other hors to end his journey. So that by the testymonye 
of his companye or otherwise it maybe wittnessed that the unhabylytee of 
the hors coommeth not by the defalt of the hyerer eyther for lack of 
meatyng suffycyently or for the extreeme rydyng, over burthenyng or 
otherwise mysusyng of the seid horses. Tho. Norffolke. 

CCXXXVIH. Assembly on Friday, 14 April 12 Eliz, [1570]. 

Wheareas diuerse casualties and mychaunces by fyer have happenyd 
and do happen in the cittie by reason of the greate number of reded and 
thacked houses. And although men be very ware, yet can they not avoyde 
ther neyghbowres necligence, especially when the wynde aryseth and bloweth 
the flakes from howse to howse over all the whole cittie whiche sodenly 
kyndell and overpasse beyonde all expectacion. Aswell by w ch chaunces 
as also for the present want of buckettes and other necessary prouision to 
quenche and extinguishe the same many goodly buyldinges and howses ar 
becom gardens and orteyards wheare somtyme enhabited artificers and 
others to the great commodety and aduauntage of this common welthe 
w ch now is greatly impouerished and decayed and further lyke tobe if 
present remedy benot had in that behalfe. And though many good lavves 
for redresse herof haue ben made w ch for wante of some sufficient clause 
to maynteyne the same hauenot ben put in execucion; It is therfor enacted 
that from and after the ffeast of Saynt Marke theuangelyste [25 Apr.] next 
commyng no parson or parsons inhabeting within the Cittie, owner or owners 
of meswages, howses or tenementes w th in the same, shall erecte, buylde, set 
upp or repayer any ruff, shud or lading w'in the cittie aboue the nombre of 
thre cople of new sparres, but he or they shall couer the same w th tyle, slatt 
or leade, upon the payne of fiforfyture fyve pounds of good Englysshe mony 
tobe levyed of ther goodes and catalles by the Mayours officer by distresse, 
and for want therof tobe imprisoned by the commaundement of the Mayor 

138 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

tyll the aforesayde summe be payed, one parte thereof tobe to the Mayour, 
and the other parte to the presenter, and the threde to the Chamber of the 
cittie to be employed upon buckettes, ladders and reparyng the same to 
the cittis use. And further if the sayde offence so corrected benot 
amended w th in syx monethes after the doyng therof, that then euery souche 
offendour shall forefitt ten poundes of good Englysshe money and so yearly 
ten poundes of good Englysshe money till the same be reformed, and the 
same to be levied and devided as is aforesayde eny acte or actes before 
made to the contrary notwithstanding. And be it further enacted by 
autorety aforesayde that euery Alderman in his warde shall within one 
moneth next followyng the sayd ffeaste, admonysshe the Churchewardens 
of euery parrisshe to prouyde and haue in redynes on this syde the ffeaste 
of S' Michaell the Archaungell [29 Sept.] next ensewyng, haue [sic] ther 
number of buckettes viz. for Saynt Peter of Southgate vj buckettes, for 
Saynt Audry and Saynt Julyan vj, for Saynt Peter of Permountergate viij te , 
for Saynt John Sepulcre xij, for Saynt Mihell in Bearestrete vj, for All 
Sayntes in Bearestrete vj, for Saynt John in the hill xviij, for Saynt 
Stephans xxiiij", for S l Peter of Mancrofte xxx te , for Saynt Gyles vj, for 
Saynt Bennett vj, for Saynt Swithyne viij, for Saynt Margarett vj, for Saynt 
Lawrence viij te , for Saynt Gregory xviij, for Saynt John of Maddermarkett 
xviij, for Saynt Andrewes xxiiij te , for S' Michaell at the Plea xviij, for Saynt 
Peter of Hungate xij, for S' Symonde and Jude xviij, for S l George of 
Tomblonde xij, for Saynt Marten at the Pallaice xij, for Saynt Gyles at the 
Hospitall xij, for S 4 Michaell of Coslaney xxiiij te , for Saynt Mary of Coslaney 
xviij, for Saynt Marten at the Oke xij, for S' George of Colgate xviij, for 
S l Augustens vj, for Saynt Clementes xviij, for S' Savyour xij, for S' Powles 
xij, for Saynt James xij, and for Saynt Edmonde viij. And further that 
they provide for euery churche an hable ladder to sarve and to reache the 
upper parte of the sayde churche upon payne of fforfyture of ten shillinges 
to be levyed of euery souche warden so offending beyng warned in manner 
and fourme aforesayde so ofte as the same shalbe unpayed. And that the 
Aldermen shall onys in the yeare at the leaste make serche and inquyer of 
the premisses that all buckettes and ladders be maynteyned and renewed 
in euery churche from tyme to tyme w th in ther seuerall wardes and to 
certefye the same to the Mayor for the tyme beyng yearly the fyrst Courte 
daye after the Feaste of All Sayntes [i Nov.], upon payne to fforfett syx 
shillinges and eight pence to be employed in buckettes to the cities use. 
And further that before the Feaste of All Sayntes next commyng euery 
Alderman have redy and hanged up in som convenient place in his howse 
one dosen of good and substanciall buckettes to sarue in tyme of nede, 
and one sufficient ladder, upon payne to forfiet thre shillinges and fourpence 
for euery buckett or ladder so wanting, thone halfe to the Mayor, the other 
to the Chamber of the cittie to be employed in ladders and buckettes to the 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. i 39 

use of the cittie, eny acte before made to the contrary notwithstanding. 
And that euery Commoner of the lyuery upon the lyke payne before the 
byrthe of our Lorde next commyng haue in lyke redynes hanged upp in 
his howse to sarue in tyme of nede, to good and sufficyent buckettes and 
one ladder at the leaste. And that euery cittizen chosen into the lyuery 
shall w th in one yeare after his othe taken haue the furnyture upon lyke 
payne aforesayde. And that euery one that haue buckettes or ladders as 
ys aforesayde shall set his brande or seuerall marke therto. W ch done, no 
parson or parsons whatsoeuer shall conveye awaye or take into his custody 
or keping eny other mens buckett or ledder so marked upon payne to 
forfeicte for euery buckett or ledder so deteyned of purpose three shillinges 
and fouer pence, thone halfe to the Mayour and the other halfe to the owner 
of euery souche buckett or ladder. And if it shall happen eny buckett or 
ledder lente tobe brent or wanting by occupying at eny souche casualtie, the 
partie wheare the casualtie began shall make dewe recompence of the 
wanting of souche buckett or ledder if he be hable, or elles tobe recom- 
pensed at the charge of the warde wheare the casultie hapned. And beit 
further enacted that the inhabitauntes of euery greate warde at ther coste 
do tobe prepared and hanged in som convenyent place appoynted for 
that purpose one crome of irone w th ringes and ropes fastened to thesame, 
and fouer greate ladders to sarve when nede ys, the keye wherof tobe 
w th some inhabitaunt nerehande to be presently had. And that euery 
common well in eche warde be also at ther sayde charge furnyshed withe 
suffycyent stoppes 1 and ropes at all tymes to sarve. And that all pyttes, 
common draynes, and watteringes at ther lyke charge be fyed and mayn- 
teyned upon the payne of forty shillinges for every defaulte in the premisses, 
tobe levyed upon euery inhabitaunt of the sayde warde by distresse and tobe 
devyded in thre partes as ys before recyted. And beit further enacted that 
euery constable at his or ther othe taking be charged by the Towne Clarke 
from tyme to tyme to make dew serche concernyng the premisses, and of 
all ladders, cromes and buckettes in ther places and of all welles, pyttes 
and draynes w th ther furnyture and to certefye the same to the Mayour at 
the Gwildehall in open Courte within one moneth next after the othe of 
euery souche Constable, and that euery Constable fayling therof shall 
forfeicte syx shillinges and eight pence the moytie therof tobe to the Mayour 
and the other to the Chamber of the sayde cittie tobe employed as is afore- 
sayde. And if the Towne Clarke or his deputie shall neclecte to geue in 
charge to euery Constable as ys aforesayde, then he to forfeicte for his 
defaulte thre shillinges and fouer pence to be devyded as ys aforesayde. 
And beit further enacted that upon any souche casualtie of ffyer (vv ch God 
forbyd) that euery carryer and brewer of the sayde cittie be redie w" 1 horse 

1 Buckets, 

140 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

and carte and to gett vesselles to carry water to the visited place w th fyer, 
imedyatly at the towling awke 1 or knowledge of the sayde fyer, and to 
contynew carrying of water to the sayde place during the tyme of souche 
visitacion, unlesse upon some some speciall cawse they be dispenced w th , 
upon payne of fforfeicte twenty shillinges to be levied and devided in thre 
partes as is aforesayde. And beit further enacted that every Mayour shall 
onys in his yeare at the leaste make dyligent serche and enquyry of all and 
singuler the premisses upon payne of fforfyte to the Chamber of the sayde 
cittie fyve markes. Prouyded alwayes that it may be lawfull to make a 
pentice or lading in ther inwarde house tobe coueryd-with bourde eny thing 
beforesayde to the contrary notwithstanding. Prouyded also that if eny 
reded house chaunce to decaye in souche parte therof as may not con- 
venyently be tyled by reason of rede lying on bothe sydes or otherwyse 
adioynyng or crypling to 2 any other reded howse or gutter, that then after 
notice geven by the owner to the Aldermen or Alderman of the warde 
wheare souche decaye is or reparacions shall happen or nede to be done, 
upon the viewe of the sayde Aldermen and by lycence of them or one of 
them, it shalbe lawfull to the owner to procede and repaire ageyne w th rede 
any souche decayed house or houses at his or ther will and pleasure for eny 
thing in the acte aforesayde to the contrary notwithstanding. So that the 
sayde Aldermen do geue notice at the next Courte followyng to the Mayor 
of the cawse of any souche lycence by hym or them so graunted, and the 
same to be recorded there in open Courte or elles any souche lycence tobe 
of no effecte. 3 

CCXXXIX. Same Day. 

Forasmoche as by suffering a nomber of passage botes to carry and 
recarry betwyn the Cittie of Norwiche and the Towne of Greate Yarmothe, 
and euery idell parson to becom a boteman at his will and pleasure withoute 
order, many inconvenyences haue ensewed as well by secrete conveying of 
suspecte and disorderyd parsons therby escaping punyshement for ther 
offences, as also diuerse parcelles of goodes to them delyvered haue ben 
imbesyled and conveyed from the right owners to the greate hyndraunce of 
the Queues majesties lyege people. 

For reformacion wherof yt ys enacted as followith. Fyrst, that no 
manner of parson or parsons shall or maye use or occupye any passage bote 
betwyn Norwiche and Yarmothe other then souche as shalbe theronto 
lycenced and be obedyent to all souche orders as hereafter ensew. 

Item, that the Mayour and his bretherne for the tyme beyng shall from 
tyme to tyme nominate and appoynte thre passage botes and accepte and 

1 Tolling awk, a peal of bells rung backwards. See Halliwell, "auk." 

2 Leaning against. 3 Introduction V. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Noi~wick. 1 4 1 

allow souche parsons as shall goo with the sayde bootes, and by ther 
discrecions shall take bonde of eche of the same parsons for the well using 
and ordering them selves and obseruing thes articles followyng. 

Item, they shal not carry any suspecte parson or common roge, harlot 
or souche lyke, especially after notyce therof geven unto them or eny of 
them, but shall present them to the Mayour or Shreves yf eny souche they 
know or be notefied unto them. 

Item, that they shall not take common caryage of marchandyse or eny 
other portage aboue the rate of halfe a tonne or under the rate of a tonne 
at any tyme and the same shall delyuer at the place assigned w th ther 
passengers in Norwiche at the common crane, and at Yarmouth at souche 
place as the Balyffes there shall appoynte and not elswheare. 

Item, that they shalnot take for the passage of any one parson at one 
tyme, eyther for his passage from Norwiche to Yarmouth or for his passage 
from Yarmouth to Norwiche, aboue thre pence. 

Item, that yf any parson or parsons presume to use and occupie a 
passage bote, other then souche as be lycensed and allowed as ys foresayde, 
shall for eche tyme so offending forfeit ten shillinges and tobe commytted 
to prison untill he haue payed the same, the one halfe therof tobe to the 
presenter and the other halfe to the Mayour for the tyme beyng. Prouyded 
alwayes that it shalbe lawfull for all victulers to use carrying and recarrying 
of victuales as heretofore they haue done, onely they shall carry no 
passengers other then souche as shalbe attendaunt upon the victualles so 
carryed, and also that it shallbe lawfull for euery marchaunt to take any bote 
at his nede for the spedy transporting of any wares or commodetie, anything 
in this acte to the contrary therof in any wyse not w^stonding. 1 

CCXL. Same Day. 

Where the streetes of this cittie be greatly anoyed for want of 
contynuall making cleane w ch cheifly happe for y s diuers persons wanting 
romuth to receyve the duste and cumpas of the same be dryven eyther to 
leave the same in the streetes or elles to laye the same on other mens 
groundes where so remaynyng untill by rage of water the same is wasshed 
into the comon dreynes and cockeys, and so into the ryver of the same 
cittie to the great annoyance of the saide cockyes and ryvers, and to the 
greate and contynuall charges of the saide cittie and cittizens, and to the 
annoyance of straungers to the same cittie resorting. And although for the 
reformacion therof dyvers good lawes have ben made, yet for want of suche 
perfeccion as might contynue the same, lytle or no reformacion hath followed. 
In consideracion whereof; It is enacted that upon the Mondaye in 
Whitsonwek next and fromthensforth yerely everye Mondaye in Whitsonwek, 

1 Introduction VII. 2. 

142 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

till the saide lawe be aprogate, that by the Alderman or Aldermen and fower 
or two of the best Comoners of every petie ward bechosen for euery 
paryshe of the saide warde one man by the name of Skavenger, w ch man so 
chosen shalbe presentid by the Alderman before the Mayour the Saterdaye 
folowing, and there to take an othe before the saide Mayour to performe the 
articles under specified upon payne, if he or they refuse so to doe, to 
forfycte ffowertie shillinges, the one moytie therof to the Mayour, and the 
other to the Chambre of the cittie to the use of the saide stretes, to be 
levied by commytting the parti to pryson. 

First, the saide skavenger shall warne euery owner and inhabytaunt of 
howses and groundes and all churchwardens ayenst their churches, and also 
shall see that they and euery of them doe euery weke in the daye appoynted 
unto them swepe and make cleane agenst their seide groundes churches and 
howses from the mydell chanell therof and laye redye to be caryed in the 
carte appoyntid all theire dust and compasse called strete duste or compas, 
upon the payne of fower pence for the first defalte, and eyght pence for the 
seconde defaulte, and so dowble euery defaulte of suche owner or 
inhabitaunt being warned. The moyetie of w ch forfeitours to be to the 
saide skavenger and the other moyetie to the use of the saide stretes, to be 
levyed by distresse by the Mayours officer and for want thereof by 
commytting the partie to prison by the commandement of the Alderman of 
that ward till the same be payed. Prouided alwayes that souche howse or 
grounde stande voyde the owner or owners shalbe chargeable to the saide 
sweping to suche as the said Skavenger shall sett a worke theron, upon lyke 
payne to be devided as aforesaid w th owte respecte of person. And it is 
further enactide that euery skavenger that shalnot truly obserue the articles 
aforeseide to all ententis and shalnot present euery offender always \v th in 
fewer dayes after the offence comyttid or shalnot levy euery suche 
forfeicture as is aforesaide, then he to forfeicte and louse the dowble value 
therof to whatsoeuer person that will sue for thesame by complaynt or 
otherwise, to be levied by commytting the said skavenger to prison by the 
Aldermen of that warde till it be payed. And it is further enactid that 
euery Alderman or Aldermen of euery warde w' six of the best commoners 
of the same or the more parte of them shall one this side the feast of 
Pentecost next rate, taxe, and assesse euery inhabitaunt or owner of howses 
or ground voyde and others w* the churchewardens of euery churche as 
moche as echone shall quarterlye paye aswell to the charges of the carier of 
suche dust and compasse as also to the skavenger as they shall thinke the 
same to amounte unto, upon payne of the forfeictour of tenn shillinges for 
the not doing therof, to be levyed to theuse of the saide stretes. And that 
the saide Aldermen and six commoners or the more parte of them, shall 
then hyer one caryer to cary awaye the saide dust and compasse w'in their 
warde so layde redye at suche daye as they shall appoynt as is aforeseide, 

Seceded Records of the City of Norwich. 143 

I and that euery suche caryer so hired and appoyntid for one yere shall 
obserue and kepe his daye to cary awaye the saide strete dust and compasse 
w th out neclecting his dutie therein, upon payne to forfeit tenn shillinges for 
the first default, and so for euery lyke defaulte to doble, the same to be 
levied by distresse by the Chamberlyn of the cittie to the use of the saide 
cittie. Prouided alwayes that the saide carier shallnot be charged w th 
howesmock or dust other then suche as he shalbe agreed w th for the cariage 
awaye of the same. And it is further enactid that all comon dunghilles be 
utterly prohibited and forbidden, and that neyther carier or other person or 
persons whatsoeuer doe laye or cause to be layed in the Castell Ditches, 
comon dunghell, strete, lane, or eny other place whatseuer any strete dust or 
compasse other then in suche place as is any manns owne grounde or in 
suche places as they shall have leave of any owner or owners to laye the 
same in, or shall laye anye coulder, strawe, filthi matter, marie or such like 
but in such pittes or places as the same maye be buried in the grounde, upon 
payne to forfeyte tenn shillinges for euerye defaulte the one moyetie therof 

I to be to hym or them that will watche therefore and present the same and 
the other moyetie to y e cities use to be levied as is aforesaide. And it is 
further enactid that euery skavenger shall collecte and gather all such somme 
and somes of money as shallbe takxid and assessed upon euery person as is 
aforesaide and so being collectid shall paye the same quarterlye to the 
Aldermen or Alderman of the warde w th in fowertene dayes of euery quarter. 
\\' th in w ch tyme, yf anye refuse to paye he shall certefye the Aldermen therof 
\\hoe shall commytt the partie to pryson till he have payde the same, upon 
payne to forfecte six shillinges and eight pence to be levied by commytting 
the partie offender to prison untill he shall have accomptid for the same, the 
saide forfeycter to goe to the cities use. 

Item, that the skavenger shall have in charge to commaunde euery 
person and persons havinge their strete decayed in the pavement to amend 
:he same agenst their howse and groundes forth w th , w ch , if the owner or 
owners refuse so to doe, the Skavenger maye sett on one worke [man] to 
imende the same presently and commaunde the owner or owners to paye 
herefore. W ch , if he or they shall refuse so to doe, the Alderman of the 
varde shall comytt the offender to pryson till the same be payde. And 
urther the saide skavenger shall gyve warnyng and se that euery manes 
:hymney be dewlye swepte and the backes of the same to be made suer 
.genst daunger of fyer upon payne aboue saide. Provided alwayes that this 
.cte shall contynew and remayne in full force to all ententes and purposes 
intill the ffeast of the Natiuitie of S' John Baptiste [24 June] w ch shalbe in 
nno 1571. Excepte the same be otherwyse renewed and contynued. 1 

CCXLI. Assembly on Monday, n Dec. 13 Eliz. [1570]. 

Anthony de Solen, prynter not apprenticed, is admitted Citizen under 

1 Introduction VII. 2. 

144 Selected Records of the. City of Norwich. 

the condicion that he shall not occupye eny trade of marchandise eyther 
from the partes beyond the Seaes or from London but only his arte of prynt- 
ing and selling of Renysshwine and for this he haue agreid to paye xl 5 . 1 

CCXLIL Assembly on Friday, 2 Oct. 15 Eliz. [1573]. 

For diuerse great cawses and consideracions for the relyefe of souch as 
shall fortune by misfortune to haue ther legges, armes, or the bones of other 
partes of ther lymes to be broken [and] of souch as be poore and not able 
to paye for ther heling, and bicawse it is well knowne that Richard Durrant is 
a man very skillfull in bone setting and of good will to dwell in the cittie. By 
the request of M r Maior and other of the worshipfull and comons of the 
same cittie, this howse of a very good will that they bere to the same 
Richard Durrant, have graunted that the said Richard for his paynes and 
diligence to be taken shall yearely haue geven hym ffowere poundes of 
good and lawfull money of Inglond to be paid hym xx s a quarter by the 
receivor of the Hospitall and also his howse rent to be geven hym w th out 
paying eny thinge for the same. 

CCXLIII. Assembly on Friday, n Dec. 16 Eliz. [1573]. 

It is agreed that all laborers and men of occupacion w ch before be not 
appoynted wheare to worke shall euery working daye betwen the bowers 
of five and six of the clocke in the mornyng repayer to the Crosse in the 
Market bringing w l them souch toles as they comonly use to labour and 
worke w th , and to be redy and remayne till six of the clocke or halfe an 
hower past yf eny cittizens or other shalbe mynded or haue cause to hyer 
eny laborer or wokeman. 

CCXLIV. Assembly on Thursday, 3 April 19 Eliz. [1577]. 

Whereas there is a controversey between the Cittie of London and the 
Cittie of Norw ch for that the marchauntes and others of this cittie by the 
Lord Mayor of the Cittie of London and others there ar compelled and 
constreyned to bringe ther wares and commodytyes w ch they carry from 
this cittie to a halle, contrary to the lawes of the realme and contrary to 
the olde auncient custome and liberties that the inhabitantes of this 
cittie have heretofore had there, to the greate vexacion, trouble, disquiet, 
losse and hynderance of diuerse and sundry, as well cittizens as inhabi- 
tantes of this cittie. And for the better maynetenaunce of the auncient 
liberties that the cittizens of this cittie and the inhabitantes of the same 
do clayme to have in the sayd Cittie of London (untill some order maye 
be sett downe by the too Lord Cheife Justices to whome the hearing of 
this controversey is committed) ; Yt is therefore this daye agreid by the 

1 Introduction V. 4. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 145 

whoole concent of this assembly that no freman nor other inhabitant or 
inhabitantes w th in this cittie after the feaste of Easter [7 April] next 
ensuyng, shall carry or suffer to be caryed directly or indirectly by hym 
selfe or eny other to eny of the new erected hall or halles in the sayd 
Cittie of London, eny commoditie or commodytyes that shalbe carried 
from hens, nor paye eny hallage for the same upon paine that every 
souche cittizen or inhabitant shall lose and forfitt for every tyme so 
doinge v 1 ', w c forfyture to be to the use of the Mayor, Shreves, Cittizen s 
and Commonaltie of this Cittie. And so to be levyed by waye of dis- 
tresse of souche goodes as the offender shall have remayninge w th in this 
cittie. 1 

CCXLV. Assembly on Wednesday, 7 Jan. 21 Eliz. [1579]. 

Wheareas M r Mayour and his brethern been enformed that the Lord 
Mayour of London and the Aldermen haue agreed that no inkeper nor 
other citizen of thers maye receyve nor take into ther howse or howses enny 
commodetie that is made w th in this Citie of Norw ch , nor maynot sell thesame 
under a certeyne payne for euery pece howsed or solde : therfor this daye it 
is agreed by the hole concent of this assembly that no citizen or other 
inhabitaunt within this citie or the liberties thereof shall carry or convey by 
eny manner of meanes eny commodetie made w th in this citie to thentent 
thesame maybe conveyed or sent to London untill further order be taken 
whether it be packe, trusse or ffardell, upon payne of fforfyture of v" for 
euery souche packe, trusse or fardell of commodetyes so carryed or con- 
veyed to the sayde Citie of London contrary to the trew meanyng of this 
acte, the same fforfyture to be levyed to the use of the citie by comitting 
the offendour to prison till it be payed. 

CCXLVL Assembly on Tuesday, 19 July 22 Eliz. [1580], 

Orders made and exhibited unto thassembly towching the searching 

and sealing of Clothes the paiement of allnage and subsedie ouer and 

besydes sutch orders as are appoynted and conteyned in the letters patentes 

by M r John Alldrich, Thomas Sotherton, Justices, M r Robert Goseling and 

M r Thomas Petwys, Aldermen, Robert Yarham, Robert Rooke, John 

Wilkenson, Augustyn Whall, Rychard Lussher and Peter Barker, Commytties 

ippoynted to drawe and sett downe the same, and now bee confirmed by 

he Maiour, Shrevis, Citizens and Commonaltie of the Citie of Norwich as 


Inprimis, that all new Clothes and Comodities that haue bene devised 
v th in this xx" yeres shalbe made of the lengthes and breadthe hereafter 
bllowing vidz. The brodest sorte to bee xiiij yardes and xiiij ynches in 
engthe besydes the heading, and in breadthe twoo quarters a halfe and halfe 

1 Introduction V. 4. 


146 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

a nayle, uppon peyne of forfeyture for euerie clothe not being of the same 

said lengthe and breadth v s to be levied and devided as hereafter is 


Item, the narrowest sortes shalbe in lengthe as aforeseid, and in breadth 

halfe a yarde and halfe a nayle uppon the like payne. 

Item, Tuftes to be in lengthe xiiij yardes and xiiij ynches, and in 

breadth halfe a yarde and halfe a nayle uppon the like payne. 

Item, that euery maker shall heade both endes of the foreseid clothes 

w th lynnen yarne and the owners weaving marke to be made and woven 

w th in the same cloathe uppon payne of xij d . 

Item, to thintent that the clothes may the more spedilye be measured 

and searched, the alyans borne shall foulde their clothes w th foultes 1 at the 

lengthe of a Flemyshe elle, and the English people shall foulde their clothes 

w th foultes at the lengthe of an Inglish yarde and an ynche, uppon peyne 

of xij d for euerie clothe. 

Item, that the sealing daies for y e Inglish people to be Wednesday, 

Fryday and Saterday wekely, and more daies if nede be from y e feast of 
thanunciacion of our Lady [25 March] untill y e feast of S l Michaell tharch- 
aungell [29 Sept.] yerely betwyn y e howers of vij and xj in y e fore none of 
y e seid seuerall dayes, and from y 6 feast of S' Michaell tharchaungell untill 
y e feast thanunciacion of our Ladye yerely betwyn y e howers of viij of ye 
forenone and xij at none of the seid seuerall dayes, uppon peyne of iij s iiij d 
to be forfeyted and lost by the searcher and scalier appoynted to that 
purpose for not attending the same. 

Item, that the place wheare the same clothes shalbe searched and 
sealyd shalbe at the Newehall. 

Item, it shalbe lawfull to euery citizen to seaze all sutch clothes and 
comodities as shalbe put to sale packed, shippid, imbarked or laden to 
thintent to be caryed or to be put to sale before the same shalbe sealid in 
sutch maner and fourme and to sutch ende as is specified in the letters 
patentes. The seid forfeyture to be devided into three partes, one parte 
thereof to the presentour, an other part to sutch persons as shalbe appoynted 
searchers and seallers of the seid comodities, and the thred part to the use 
of the Maiour, Shrevis, Citizens and Commonaltie of this citie. 

Item, that theare may be appoynted an yron to be fixed in a blocke 
\v th a letter or syfer to be graven thereon to stryke the backesyde of the 
crowne seall wherw th the same clothes shalbe sealyd, and that syfer or letter 
to be altered yerely at the comyng on of M r Maior, to thintent that it may 
the better appere and be knowne in what yere the same clothes were sealid, 
as also what number of clothes shalbe sealyd in euery yere. The first letter 
to be the fl and so euery yere the other letters in the alphabet. 

1 Folds 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 147 

Item, that the leade for sealing and tokenyng of the clothes aswell of 
the Inglish people as also of Straungers shalbe found and provided at the 
charge of the citie. 

Item, to thend that the dutyes for serching and sealing may the better 
be paied ther shalbe a number of tokens of d. and |d. of leade. 

Item, that all lace that shalbe made before it be put to sale shalbe folte 
and plighte upp 1 in plightes of a yard in length, and the same so plighted 
to be brought to the sealing before it be offerred to sale, uppon peyne of 
forfeyture for euery grosse of lace put to sale contrarye hereto iij s iiij d to be 
levied and devided as is hereafter appoynted. 

Item, y' all knytt hose shall before they be put to sale or caryed out of 
the citie be tacked together and shalbe broughte to be sealed to the place 
aforeseid before the same be put to sale or caried out of the citie, uppon 
peyne for euery dozen paier so put to sale or caried out of the citie not 
being sealid vj s viij d , and for euery halfe dozen or greater or lessour som 
after that rate, to be levied and devided as hereafter is expressed. 

Item, y' no calender, dyer or blaxster 2 shall calender, dye, blacke or put 
into coulour any sutch clothes or comodities before specified before the seid 
clothes and comodities be marked or tokened as aforeseid, uppon the peyne 
of forfeyture for euery sutch default for euery pece iij s iiij d . 

Item, that no person y' doo or shall bringe clothes aforeseid or other 
comodities to be sealid shall presume to enter into the howse where the seid 
clothes and other comodities shalbe seallid but shall deliuer the same clothes 
and other comodities into the seid howse at a place to be appoynted, and 
receyve backe the same clothes and other comodities their agayne after the 
same be sealled, uppon peyne of ij s of euerie person for euerie tyme offending. 

Item, that a place shalbe appoynted for a sale hall wheare the seid 
clothes shalbe first sold and boughte, and that no citizen or forreyn inhabi- 
tant shall buy any of the clothes aforeseid or take any promyse of any 
clothe aforeseid but only at the same sale hall, uppon peyne that as well the 
maker as the buyer offending shall forfeyte for euerie cloath so bought or 
promysse taken v s all w ch forfeytures before expressid and not otherwyse 
alloted or appoynted to bee imployed as hereunder is mencioned, scilicet 
the one halfe to the presenter, and thother halfe to the use of the Maior, 
Shrevis, Citizens and Commonaltie of this citie, to bee levied by wey of 

Item, that syx persons of good report, fame, creditt, skill and under- 
standing shalbe appoynted by M r Maiour and thaldermen to be searchers 
and sealers of the seid clothes and other comodityes as also to make searche 
in the howse or howses of all dyers and calendres, blacksters and sheremen 
or else wheare according to y e letters patentes for the better fynding ovvt of 
defaultes comytted contrarye to the fourme aboveseid, which seid persons 

1 Plaited, folded. 2 Blacker. Compare No. CCIII. 

148 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

shall besworne before M r Maiour for the trew searching and sealing of the 
seid clothes and comodities. 1 

CCXLVIL Assembly on Friday, 26 June 26 Eliz. [1584]. 


Forasmucheas the commodities made and wrought within this cittie 
beeyng dyed within the same cittie have not been well and woorkmanly 
dyed and dressed by reason whereof the merchauntes tradyng the same 
ar greatly hindered and the sayd commodities thereby ar lyke to grow 
owt of request yf speedy reamidie bee not therefore provyded. This day 
therefore it is ordeyned and enacted by the whole consent of the Maiour, 
Shreeves, Citizens and Commonaltie as hereafter followeth. 

Clothes to be engrayned In primis, that no dyer shall die uppon 
any clothes used to bee calendred any of these colors followeng, vidz. 
crymson, purple, murrey or read but in grayne, nor any tawnyes but in 
mather and waod, 2 and shall sette uppon everie grayned cloth a letter 
for his name with a sealle and a G for grayned uppon payne for everie 
cloth dyed to the contrarie v s . 

The calenders to have a sealle Item, that before the first day of 
July next commeng euerie calendrer shall have a sealle with their seuerall 
mark where with they shall sealle all clothes w ch they shall calender 
beeyng perfectly dyed and well dressed upon payn that euery calendrer 
shall lose for everie cloth other wyse sealled xij d . 

No clothes to bee sealled but engrayned clothes Item, that the calenders 
shall not sealle to their knowledge any purples, crymsens, murryes or 
reades but suche as bee dyed in grayne nor any tawnes but such as 
shalbe perfectly mathered and waodded uppon payne to forfeyt for everie 
cloth sealled to the contrarie xij d . 

Defective clothes punysheable Item, that euery cloth beeyng found 
defective eyther in dyeng, blackeng or dressing, after it bee tacked or 
sealled by the calendrer or his servauntes may bee tryed by three 
merchauntes and three dyers to the end the fault may be punysshed 
according to the quantitee of the offence. 

Calenders to receive money for sealling Item, that the calenders may 
bee authorised to receive suche summes of monie of everie merchaunt 
as ar due to the cittie for searcheng and sealleng of all suche clothes as 
they doo dresse viz. one farthing for everie cloth. 

The calender half a farthing for euerie cloth Item, that everie 
calender shalbee allowed for his paines in searcheng and sealleng of the 
sayd clothes and for the charge of leades half a farthing for everie cloth. 

Accompt half yerely Item, that the calendrers shalbee swoorne to 
make a trew accompt to the cittie once in everie half yere of the 
1 Introduction V. 4. 2 Probably weld. See No. CCCLXXXIX. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 149 

number of clothes whiche they have sealed from the first day of July 
next commeng and to answere and pay to the cittie for everie cloth so 
sealled half a farthing with in one monneth next after thend of euerie 
half yere, and shall make their sayd accompt before the audytors of the 
sayd cittie uppon payne of xx s for everie defalt. 

Dcvision of forfeytures All which forfeytures shalbee devided into 
three partes whereof the first part to bee to thuse of the sayd Maiour, 
Shreeves, Citizens and Commonaltie, the second part to thuse of the 
Maiour of the sayd cittie and the thred part to the presenter, to bee 
levyed by way of distresse and for want of distresse the parties to 
bee commytted to pryson untill the same shalbee payed. 

Contynuaunce for one yere Item, that these orders shall contynue 
for one whole yere for a tryall and no longer except it shalbee thought 
good to the citizens to desier the mayntenaunce of y e same. 

CCXLVIII. Assembly held on 3 May 1681. 

Isaac Decele, worsted weaver, who this day cam into the Common 
Council Chamber dureing the setting of the Assembly and being 
questioned whether he were a free man of this city (it being thought he 
gaind his fredome irregularly) and how old he was, he said he was 30 
yeares old and was made free in M r Richers Maioralty [1677-8] by his 
fathers copy. But the bookes being searched it was found that Isaac 
Decele, father of this man, was made free of this city 3 rd May 1654 
which was but 27 yeares since. And by the unanimous assent of the 
Common Council he was disfranchised from the freedome of this City. 


Extracts from the Book of Miscellaneous Matters before the 

Mayor. 1 

CCXLIX. Inspeximus of the Petition of the Commons in Parliament 
with respect to the Worsted Weavers of Norwich and Norfolk, and of the 
Royal Response. 1442. (fol. 91.) 

Henry by the grace of god King of England and France 
and lord of Ireland ; To all to whom the present letters may 
come, Greeting. We have inspected a certain petition exhibited 
to us in our last parliament by the Commons (Communitatem) 

1 We gather from fol. 3 that this book was originally provided in 1415 in order 
to contain the names of the citizens re-entered under their respective crafts, in 
accordance with the Composition made in that year. See Vol. I. p. 106, 14. 
This design could hardly have been carried out as only twelve crafts are found and 
some of these do not embrace more than one or two names. The remainder are 

1 50 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

of our realm of England being in the same parliament, in these 

words. 1 To the kyng our soueraigne lord praien the Comones in 

this present parliament assembled that where bere been as well in 

the Citee of Norwich as in the Counte of Norfolk diuerse persones 

bat maken untrewe ware of all maner of wurstedes not beyng of 

bassises in lengthe and breed as bei xuld be and were of old 

tyme accustoumed, and the slayes 2 and yern berto belangyng 

untruly been made and wrought in gret disceipt as wel of your 

deniseyns as of be estraungers repairyng to this your noble 

Reaume >at bien and usen such merchandise trustyng bat it were 

within as it shewith outwardes where of trouth it is contrarie. 

And bere as worsted was somtyme fair merchandise and greetly 

desired and loved in the parties be yonde the see, now be cause 

it is of untrewe makyng and of untrewe stuffe, noman setteth 

berby, whiche is gret hurt unto youre custumes and gret harme 

and preiudice un to your true liege peple. Please it your noble 

grace to ordeyne be auctorite of this your present parliament 

that men of be craft of worsted wevers within your seid citee 

haue power euery yere atte feste of Pentecost to chese iiij 

wardeins within be seid Citee of the same craft. And thoo 

wardeins to haue power to chese othir twoo men of the same 

craft in the seid shire withoute be seyd citee. And alle boo 

wardeins to come afore the Maire of be seid Citee for be tyme 

beyng upon be Moneday after Corpus Chiisti day ban next 

folwyng and bere to ben sworn afore be seyd Maire to make 

true and due serche of alle maner worstedes and of J)e stuffe 

berto belangyng made er to be made within be seid citee or 

shire. And bat every pece of wursted be suyng 3 burghoute 

))e clothe of true makyng and good and conuenient stuff, and 

bat bei holde be length and brede as bassise hath been of old 

tyme truly acustumed ; That is to wete, beddes of be most 

assise in length xiiij yardes large and in brede iiij yardes large 

bourgh out be pece ; And beddes of ye middel assise xij yardes 

long and in brede burgh out be pece iij yardes ; And beddes 

of be lest assise x yardys long large 4 and ij yardes and a half 

no doubt entered in the Old Free Book, where for several years the lists of the 
freemen occur under the Mayoral year as before, and at subsequent folios under 
their crafts. The present book was afterwards used for recording the proceedings 
before the Mayor and Justices of the Peace and some memoranda, but its chief 
interest is that it covers the period of the troubles in the 15* century, when the 
assemblies were apparently not called. 

1 Translated to this point. 2 Weavers' reeds. 3 Conformable. 

4 En longeure largement. Stat. 20 H, VI, c. 10, 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 5 1 

brode ; and monkes clothes xij yardes long atte lest and 
v quarters brode ; And chanonclothes v yardes long and vij 
quarters brode ; And chanon clothes vj yardes long ij yardes 
brode ; And duble wursted x yardes long and v quarters in 
brede large ; And half 1 doubles vj yardes long and v quarters 
in brede ; And rolle worsted xxx yardes long and half a 
yarde brode large. And bat bere be put in noon of thoo 
worsted eny lamb woll nor pell woll, 2 and J>at be wardeins of 
J?e seyd craft for be tyme beyng haue power and auctorite to 
sease all suche clothes and stuff so found defect! f. And J>at 
]?e Mair of be seyd citee for be tyme beyng haue power be 
]>& seyd auctorite to enquere, here and determine, as atte kyngez 
suete as atte J?enformacion of J)e wardeyns abouenseyd, of all 
J?oo }?at doon be contrarie ayenst J?is ordennaunce with in be 
seyd citee. And in like fourme )>e justice of be pees in 
J?e shire abouenseyd with oute be citee haue power to enquere, 
here and dete myn of all thoo bat doon ayenst be seid premissez 
in the seyd shire with oute ]?e citee abouenseid. And if any 
man J?er of before ]?e seyd Maire or Justice of be peas be 
duly conuyct and atteynt, J?at banne thoo worstedes and stuff 
so founden defectif be forfaite, bat is to say J)at oon half of 
su;he foi failure to you soveraigne lord, and J?at ober half to 

|])e wardeyns for be tyme beyng of be seyd craft. And the 
Mair for J)e tyme beyng of J?e seyd citee and be Justice of 
peas of be seyd shire haue power to make such processes 
severally ayenst suche persone or persones ]?at xul be founde 
defectif be be enquerr afore hem to ben taken of eny bing 
doon ayenst be seid premissez as your Justice of peas maketh 
upon enditementez taken aforn beim of trespas doon with force 
and armes ayenst your peas. And bat J)is ordennaunce be 
gyune to take effect at Michelmas next nowe coming. And 
Y\s to be doon for ])e love of god and in wey of charite. 3 
We have inspected also the response to the same petition made 
by us by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and 
Temporal being in the same parliament at the request of the 
Commons (Communitatis) aforesaid, and inserted on the dorse 
of the same petition in these words. 4 Be it done as it is 
sired to endure until the end of three years next ensuing 

1 di'. - Wuul pulled from the skins of dead sheep. 

:i Translated from this point. 4 The response is as usual in French. 

152 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

after the Feast of S l Michael [29 Sept.] next to come. Now 
we direct the tenor of the said petition and response to be 
exemplified by the presents. In witness of which thing we 
have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness 
Myself at Westminster the eighth day of May in the twentieth 
year of our reign [1442] Kirkeby. 1 

CCL. A Scheme for Amalgamating S' George's Gild tvith the 
Corporate Body of the City. (fol. 164.) 

In the time of William Asshewell Mayor [1448-9]. It is 
commowned and assented be be Mayre and certen Aldermen and 
Commoners chosen be be Commone Counsell which shulden avyse 
for be rewle and encresse of deuocion of seynt Georges Gylde, and 
to sette Ipe temperell 2 rewle asyde, which the peple agrudgyn on 
under bs forme ; that first, Ipe corporacion 3 to stond hall in )>e forme 
]?t foloweth, that is to wite where bt Kyng H. Ipe V te hath graunted 
and licensed be his letters patents hem to haue a preest to synge for 
Ipe souls of the brederen of Ipe said Gylde quykke and dede and to 
purchase gode for Ipe sustentacion of ]?e said preest, be said Maire, 
Aldermen and Commoners haue graunted that to endure wib that Y 
Ipe said letters patentz be brought in to be commone Tresorye to be 
behof of Ipe Commonalte. And ]) 1 felashipp which is berin of be cite 
at b s day to enioye be previleges of Ipe spiritualte as bei haue don 
before. And ]?e same felashipp to be uned and corperate in Ipe cite 
from bs tyme forth in b s foorme ; J> 1 is to wite, j)e Mayre, Shirreves, 
Aldermen and Common Counsell of Ipe cite to be named and cleped 
seynt Georges Gylde, and qwhosoeuer were onys of be Common 
Counsell after bis day to be a broker euer after of seynt Georges 
Gylde and non o])er wise any broker to be receyued after J? s day. 
And ]>e Alderman of ])e said Gylde to be chesen be Ipe noumbre of 
certen persones. Prouidyng alwey bt bere shall non Alderman be 
chosen but be Mayre for be 3ere beyng or his predecessour, and 
non clobing ne hodyng to be had of be same felashipp after Jjis in 
any wyse. And non seall to longe unto be said felashipp but soche 
a seall as shall be auysed be be Common Counsell of be cite. 4 

1 See Rot. Parl. Vol V. p. 60. Stat. 20 H. VI. c. 10. Renewed 23 H. VI. 
Rot Parl. Vol. V. p. 105. Also Introduction IV. 2. 

2 As distinguished from the spiritual. 3 Of the gild. 
4 Introduction VII. 4. 

A Page from the Worsted-weavers' Book. 

The translation of the heading is "Inquest of the art of " Worstdweuers crafte" 
had and held in the Guihald of the City of Norwich on Saturday, 3 July in the third and 
fourth years of the reigns of the Lord Philip and the Lady Mary, now King and Queen : 
Before Master Henry Bacon, Mayor etc." 

Next follows the names of the Jurors. The six on the left sat for the City of Norwich 
and the six on the right for the County of Norfolk. 

The second entry after this reads " And that there is a nother pece of worsted 
marked thus [referring to the mark in the right-hand margin] which wantith in lenkith it : 
oughte to be, there for they fyn the weuer to paye for his defalle, 6<1. And the Warden 
for tokenyng thereof his defalte, 8d." 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 153 

Extracts from First Book of the Worsted "Weavers. 1 

CCLI. Under Assembly (Congr') of Aldermen 9 March n H. VII. 

John Davyson, John Hyll, John Marsyngdale, Robert Burnham, mighty 
beggers were set in the stocks (cippis) by the Mayor on the 18 March 
ii H. VII. [1496]. 

Simon Jonson and William Thornham, mighty beggers [were set] in the 
stocks on the 19 March. 2 

John Essodde of Norwich, barker, lately apprenticed to William Smyth, 
barker, promised before the Mayor to become a citizen (conciuem) at the 
next assembly. Done on Saturday, the Vigil of Palm Sunday. [26 March, 
1496]. (fol. 24). 

CCLII. Saturday 9 April [1496]. 

Concerning the proclamation for the sale of wine. It is agreed that a 
public proclamation shall be made in the city for the cause aforesaid, the 
tenor of which follows under this form of words. 

Forasmoche as my 3 maister the Meir of this Citie of Norwich afore this 
tyme by the goode advise of my maisters the Shirreves and of my maisters 
the Aldermen and the Counsell of the same cite afore this tyme diuerse 
consideracions them movyng for the common wele of alle the Kinges 
subgettes aswele w'in the seid cite as of other repairyng to the same, gave in 
comaundment to the vynteners of this cite that they nor ony of them shuld 
from the fest of y e Anunciacion of oure Lady [25 March] last past sell nor 
put to sele ony redde wyne, claret or whyte wyne but after viij d the galon 
upon perell therupon ordeyned in this cite. And nowe it is come to the 
knowleche of my said maisters the Meire, Shirrevs and Aldermen be cause 
the said commaundment and prise is to the Kynges subgettes not openly 
and dely knowen, many of them for lake of knowlage and understandyng of 
of y e same haue paied for the wynes aforseid after the rate of x d for the 
galon to there gret hurt. Wherfore and for the certeyn declaracion and 
knowleche to the Kinges people to be had in this behalue, My seid master 
the Mayer with thadvice aforseid do make open proclamacion that no 
:averner w l in this cite from hensforth take upon hym or them to selle by hym 
selff or ony other of his or their seruaunts ony of the wynes before rehersed 

1 This book is principally devoted to the presentments of faulty worsted cloths to the 
Mayor, giving in the majority of instances the weavers' marks which were woven into the 
:loth, but the names of their owners do not appear. A few folios, however, describe some 
>f the proceedings in the Court of Mayoralty before it became the custom to enter them in 
i >ooks set apart for that object. See Vol. I. p. 315. Most of the extracts are 

* See Introduction VI. I. :! The Crier would be the Mayor's Sergeant. 

1 54 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

w'in the taverne nor with oute but after viij d the galon. And if ony persone 
be compelled by ony of the seid taverners to pay more than viij d for the 
galon or may not haue the forseid wynes after the same rate, late hym 
comme and compleyn to my master the Meire and he shall haue redy 
remedy accordyng to reason by goddes grace; And God saue the King. 
(fol. 26). 

CCLIIL Assembly of Aldermen Wednesday before S* George. [20 
April, 1496]. 

John Mathewe, sawer, mighty man a vagabond [and] Elizabeth Herley, 
harlot, to be set in the stocks (cippis) on the Thursday next before the 
Feast of S 1 George [21 April, 1496] at the io th hour before noon. 1 
(fol. 26d.~) 

Surety (pleg') of the fine of William Makke of Norwich shomaker 
because he has taken in apprenticeship, by indenture, John Gilberd whereas 
he, the same William, is not a citizen of the city. Thomas Wortys of 
Norwich, (fol. 

CCLIV. Saturday, 2 July [1496]. 

Robert Macljpn became surety before the Mayor (and others) for Agnes 
Walkot, that she shall remove herself outside the city before the 14 th day 
next coming, under the penalty of 405. And under penalty of the same 
Agnes to be blown (sufflari) out of the town with a bagpipe. 2 (fol. 28.) 

CCLV. Under Meeting (Communicacio) of Aldermen on Thursday, 
ii Aug. [i49 6 l- 

On the 20 th day of September in the twelth year of the reign of King 
Henry VII. [1496] Thomas Sty ward of Norwich, grocer, and Walter Shane, 
his apprentice to the art of grocers craft, of the age of 18 years and more, 
came before John Rede, Mayor of the City of Norwich, in their proper 
persons, and the same Walter of his own motion before the said Mayor 
requested from the said Thomas, his master, a license to go to school and to 
be discharged of his apprenticeship against his same Master, for that he 
intended, by divine grace, to take upon him the priestly order when a suitable 
time should come, and that he will attend school with that intention with all 
his diligence with John Russell, clerk, in the county of Norfolk. Which 
having been heard, the said Thomas Styward then and there before the said 
Mayor asserting faith to the same Walter in the premises, and the rather 
desiring those things that are divine to be furthered, freely licensed the said 
Walter to obtain and enjoy, god granting it, his purpose in the premises 
Provided always that if the said Walter in the future shall not attend school 

1 See No. CCLI, 2 Introduction VI. I 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 155 

with the said intention during the term of his apprenticeship, but shall turn 
himself to other labours and occupations, then, by the agreement of the said 
Walter it shall be quite lawful for the same Thomas to retake the same 
Walter into his service wheresoever he may then have been found by reason 
and force of the said apprenticeship, and to compel him to serve the same 
Thomas according to the form and effect of the indenture made between 
them, the premises notwithstanding, (fol. 

CCLVL In the time of Nicholas Cowlych, Mayor for the first time 

Memorandum that on Wednesday, in the Vigil of Corpus Christi in the 
12 th year of Henry VII. [31 May, 1497] before the said Mayor, (and other) 
Aldermen, there came Richard Vyncent, Clerk, Vicar of Eston, and 
complained of Thomas Swanton of Norwich, sherman, for that about the 
feast of Christmas last past William Tyby, labourer, was retained in the 
service of husbandry with the said Richard, before Richard Marchaunt and 
Thomas [ ], Chief Constables of the hundred, from the said feast 

of Christmas for one whole year for gs. and a garment. Which same William 
Tyby departed out of his service into the service of the said Thomas 
Swanton and, as it is said, bound himself apprentice to the said Thomas. 
Which same Thomas being examined by the Mayor says that he is prepared 
to obey the command of the Mayor in this part. And for that it was 
sufficiently proved before the said Maior by witnesses, viz. the said Richard 
Marchaunt and by James Chapman of Eston, that the said William Tyby 
should be retained in the service of the said Richard Vyncent. It is com- 
manded to the said Thomas Swanton to deliver the said William Tyby to the 
same Richard as his servant (s' s') and to agree between themselves, and so 
they did the same day. 1 (fol. 33.) 

CCLVII. In the time of Richard Ferrour Mayor [1498-9]. 

Meeting (communicatio) of the Aldermen concerning the sale of 
Beer. Because the price of malt has risen in the Market it is agreed 
that the price of the barrel shall be raised forthwith. Wheresoever before 
this they used to sell a barrel of the best beer at zs. and of the weaker 
beer at i6d, they shall now sell the best at zs. $d. for the barrel and 
the weaker at 2od. Done on Monday next after the Feast of Corpus 
Christi 13 H. VII [18 June 1498]. 


The Meire of this Cite commaundeth on the Kinges behalue that 
alle maner brewers that shall brewe to sele from hensforth within this 
cite kepe the assise according to the statute therupon made. And 

1 See Stat. 34 E III. c. u, and Stat. 12 R. II. c 3. 

156 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

where as be the aduyce of his counsell for diuerse consideracions [he] 
assigned the berebruers w'in the cite to sell to alle the Kynges subgettes 
a ferken of the best bere for vij d and a ferken of the next bere for v d , 
where as they solde a fore for iiij d the ferken of smalbere and for the 
vj d the ferken of best bere. And nowe it is comme to his knowlege 
that the same berebruers use to sell a ferken of the best bere some 
tyme for viij d and a ferken of the next some tyme for vj d or elles 
the people can not haue it. And some tyme they haue bere w'in them 
and wole not delyuer [to] the people whan they comme accordyng to 
the prise assigned, and that the same bere is nowe thinner and wers 
drynk for the people than it was when they solde the ferken for vj d and 
iiij d . Wherfore he streitly chargeth on the Kynges behalue that euery 
berebruer fromhensforth make good and sufficient drink bothe of the 
best and also of the next accordyng to the value of the prise therupon 
set and assigned, upon peyn of forfeture of such as shall be founde the 
contrary. And ouer this if ony man aswele of the cite as of the contre 
pay ony more from hensforth than vij d for the ferken of the best bere 
and v d for the ferken of the smalbere or if the berebruer will not so 
late hym haue it, late hym comme to my maister the Meire and he 
shall se hym restored of that that he pay more. And ouer that he 
shall do punyssh the offendours in this behalue for the wele of alle the 
Kynges lige people, so that alle other shall inowe be ware by them in 
tyme to comme, accordyng to the good rules and customes of this cite. 
(fol. 35)- 

CCLVIIL Same Year. 

William Bell, sporier, is delivered to the bail of John Smyth, rafman, 
for divers offences committed by him on the watchers in the night for 
the King, and that he will be of good behaviour and will appear before 
the Mayor whensoever etc. under the penalties of loos, and ^lo. 1 

CCLIX. Under Convocation of Aldermen 10 Oct. 14 H. VII. 

To all the faithful in Christ, who may inspect or hear the present 
letters, Richard Ferrour, Mayor of the City of Norwich, Thomas Drenthale, 
clerk, rector of the parish church of S'- Michael of Coslany in the City of 
Norwich, William Ramsey and Thomas Hemmyng, Sheriffs of the same 
city, Robert Thorp and Gregory Clerk, citizens and Aldermen of the 
said city [send] all reverence, and deserving .honours in the lord ever- 
lasting. Know ye that on the third day of the month of March in the 

1 This must have happened about the middle of August, 1498, when the King visited 
Norwich. Blomefield gives 1497, but contradicts himself in a note. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 157 

year of our lord according to the reckoning and computation of the 
Church of England, 1498,! John Davy of Norwich, yeoman, made a vow 
to God, the blessed virgin Mary and to all saints, that he, God befriending, 
and under the protection and security of our Lord, Henry the seventh, 
King of England, will betake himelf with fitting haste to the Holy 
Land, there to fight against the enemies of Omnipotent God.' 2 And 
then and there in the said church, the divine rites concerning a vow 
of this kind were administered to him by the said Thomas Drenthale 
by the mark of the holy cross impressed and signed upon his right 
breast. And on the eighth day of the said month one John Ocle of 
Norwich aforesaid impressed and signed in the manner and form 
aforesaid made a similar vow in the same church. Which same John 
Davy and John Ocle especially besought us, the said Mayor, Thomas 
Drenthale, the Sheriffs, Robert Thorp and Gregory Clerk, in respect 
of charity, concerning the putting of our seals to the premises. And 
we the said Mayor, Thomas Drenthale, the Sheriffs, Robert Thorp and 
Gregory Clerk, desiring to further a deed of charity, and knowing the 
truth of the premises testify these things. In witness of which thing, 
we the said Mayor and Sheriffs have caused the seals of our offices 
to be affixed to these our testimonial letters. And we the said Thomas 
Drenthale, Robert Thorp and Gregory Clerk have affixed our seals to 
the same. Dated in the said city on the said eighth day of the 
onth of March in the year of our Lord aforesaid, (fol. 

CCLX. Saturday, 8 April 12 H. VII. [1497]. 

The Honour of the City. John Herrison, shomaker, ot the parish 
f S'- Giles in Norwich, appeared before John Rede the Mayor and 
promised to be a soldier, viz. an archer. And he will find for himself 
sufficient arms in white hartleys with other things necessary to him in 
this behalf to the honour of the city and in exoneration of the same 
from sending (ad mittendum) [him] to the Lord Earl of Oxford 3 for 
105. (fol. 38). 

Extracts from the Court Books. 

CCLXI. 13 Sept. 12 H. VIII. [1520]. 

Memorandum that the Thursday, Holy Rode eve in the xij yere of the 
reign of King Herry the viij [13 Sept. 1520] Robert Aleyn, yeman of my 

1 1499 New Style. 

2 A crusade was proclaimed in 1487. Mem. of H. VII . (Rolls Series 10). See also 
Le Comte Daru. Hist, de Venise IV. p. 190. 

3 Leader of the expedition against Scotland where Perkin Warbeck had taken refuge. 
A contingent was demanded from Norwich and sent. 

158 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

lord Cardinalls 1 Chamber, Lewes Thomas of Norwich, Gent, S r John 
Doraunt, prest, and Edmond Robynson of Norwich cam before John 
Marsham, Alderman deputie to John Clerk, Maier of the Citie of Norwich, 
and John Terry, Alderman, and saied and witnessid the words ensuyng; 
That wher they were to gether at one M es Legges in Norwich the daye and 
yere aforeseid, one S r William Grene was then in company with them, 
and emongs other communications ther had the same S r William asked of 
the same Robert if my Lord Cardinalls grace seid nat messe bifore our 
Soveraign Lord the King of Inglond and the King of Fraunce at Guynes 2 
at his last being ther etc. And the same Robert answered and said, Nay, 
not at Guynes. And the same S r William then saied, I was not ther but I 
herde sey so, for I was then in [ ] with one Richard Dela- 

poole 3 which hadde on a gabirdyn of scarlet and also he hath alonge berde 
doun to the brest, and he axed of me many questiones, and also wher the 
Kings grace of Inglond was, and he yaue me a nobill for areward. And 
then the said Lewes Thomas saied to the same S r William, Thou art a spye 
of the said Richard Delapoole, and the same Robert saied, Prist thou art 
a traytour we xall bringe the bifore the Kings Councell etc. Wherupon the 
same S r William bifore the said deputie the daye and yere abouewreten 
examined, denyed that he euer was with the same Richard Delapoole or 
that the same Richard gaue him any penny but that he hath herde of the 
same Richard Delapoole. 

The same S r William saieth that he was born in Boston in the Countie 
of Lincoln and about xviij yeres nowe paste or there about he dwellyd 
with Stephen at Grene his Father at Wantlet in the said Countie of Lincoln, 
and lerned gramer by the space of ij yeers. After that by v or vj yeres 
used labour with his said Father somtyme in husbondry and other wiles 
with the longe sawe, and after that duelling in Boston with one Jenet 
a Grene his aunte, used labour and other wiles goyng to scole by the space 
of ij yeer, and in that tyme receyued benet and accolet 4 in the Frrercs 
Austens in Boston of one Frere Graunt than being Suffragan of the 
diocies of Lincoln. After that dwelling in Boston with one M r Robert 
Williamson, merchaunt, half a yere. And after that dwelling in Cambridge 
by the space of half ayere used labour by the day in beryng of ale and 
pekyng of saffron, and sometyme going to the Colleges and gate his mete 
and drynk of almes. And after that the same S r William with ij monks off 
Whitby Abbey and one Edward Prentis went to Rome to thentent for to 
haue ben made priste. To which order he could not be amitted. And 
after that abiding in Lasshington 5 in the Countie of Essex used labour for 

1 VVolsey was in Norwich this year. See Norfolk Archeology, Vol. I. p. 143. 

2 Near the Field of the Cloth of Gold. 3 Nephew of King E. IV. 
4 Exorcist and acolyte, two of the minor orders. 5 Latchingdon. 



Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 159 

his leving with one Thomas Grene his broder. And after that the same 
S r William cam to Cambridge and ther teried iiij or v wekes and gate his 
leving of almes. And after dwelling in Boston ayen laboured with dyuers 
persones by vij or viij wekes. And after that dwelling in London, in 
Holborn, with one Rikerby a fustean dyer about iij wekes. And after that 
the same William resorted to Cambridge and ther met ayen with the seid 
Edward Prentise. And at instaunce of one M r Cony of Cambridge the 
same William Greene and Edward Prentice opteyned a licence for one yere 
of M r Cappes, than being deputie to the Chaunceller of the said 
Uniuersitie, under his scale of office wherby the same William and Edward 
gatherd to guether in Cambridge Shire relaaff toward ther exibicion to 
scole by the space of viij wekes. And after that the said Edward departed 
from the company of the same William. And shortly after that one Robert 
Draper, scoler, born at Feltham in the Countie of Lincoln, accompanyed 
with the same William and they forged and made anewe licence and putte 
therin ther bothe names and the same sealed with the scale of the other 
licence graunted to the same William and Edward as is aforeseid by which 
forged licence the same William and Robert gathered in Cambridge Shire 
and other Shires. And at Coventre the same William and Robert caused 
one Knolles, a tynker duellyng in Couentre, to make for them a casse of 
tynne mete for a scale of a title which the same Robert Draper hadde of 
Makby Abbey. 1 And after that the same William and Robert cam to 
Cambridge and ther met with one S r John Manthorp the which hadde been 
lately before at Rome and ther was made prest. And the same Robert 
Draper copied out the bulle of orders of the said John Manthorp and at 
the desire of the same William Greene by the said copye, forged and made 
a bull of orders of deken, sub-deken and prestehode for the same William. 
And the same William toke waxe and leyed and prest it to the prynte of 
the seale of the title that the said Robert had at Makby aforeseid and laid 
the same forged seale in the casse of tynne aforesaid and with labells 
festned the same to his said forged bull. And sithen the same William 
hath gatherd in dyuers Shires as Northampton, Cambridge, Suffolk and 
Norffolk alwey shewing and feyneng hymself that he had ben at Rome and 
ther was made preste, by colour whereof he hath receyved almes of diuers 
d many persons, and feyned to have entered ther friendes names in a 
paper as it appered in the same paper. And the same William saieth that 
the seid Robert Draper gave to him the seall in waxe etc. 2 

CCLXII. Convocation of Aldermen on Wednesday, the feast of 
Gregory. 12 March, 13 H. VIII. [1522]. 

It is agreed that euery Alderman within this citie on this halff the 
Feste of thannunciacion of our Blissed Lady [25 March] next comyng 

1 Markby Priory. 2 Introduction VI. I. 

1 60 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

shall paye [ ] named for to bye therwith for euery of the said 

Aldermen xx combz whete to serue the people dwellyng within the said 
citie, or elles to haue redy xx combz to thentent aforesaid. Upon payne 
to fforfayte for euery one defaute of xx s to be leuyed to the use of the 
Commonaltie of the said citie without redempcion. [Here follows a list of 
22 Aldermen headed by the Mayor. Eighteen of them supplied 20 combs 
of wheat, one more is stated to have given nothing, and the remaining 
three are left doubtful, blanks occurring after their names.] 1 

CCLXIII. Convocation of Aldermen, June 14 H. VIII. [1522]. 

It is agreed that euery ij Aldermen in iche petywarde within the citie 
that is to say in the xij wardes, do puruey one gonne of brasse with sweles 1 
and frame called a slyngge with stones or pellettes mete, and gonnepouder 
as in all shall cost in euery one warde of the said xij wardes c s . And that 
euery of the said Aldermen bryng in for his parte 1 s on this halue. 8 

CCLXIV. Convocation of Aldermen on Saturday, 28 March [1523]. 

This day it is agreed that ther shall be hadde certen watches upon ij 
of the highes towres atwixt Coslany Gates and Fibriggates by the 
discrecion of the Maier and his brethern. Also [from] Coslany gates to 
y e meddle towre betwixt Saynt Austen and Fibbriggegate iij men shall 
wetch and from the same towre to Barregates other iij men and that the 
porters shall lete no man inne but in the presence of the wetchemen. And 
that the porters shall lye upon the gates and that euery porter shall haue 
an home to giue knowledge to the wetchemen to come to the porter to se the 
lettyng of euery person. And that [there shall be] iij wetchemen for 
Conesford and Berstrete iij for Mancroft and iij for Wymer. 4 

CCLXV. Convocation of Aldermen on Wednesday, 3 Aug. 16 H. 

VIII. [1524]. 

John Howse, taillour, is accused by the wardens of the taillours craft 
for that he wold not suffre the said wardens to serch in his shoppe in 
causes concernyng the occupacion of taillours craft, and also for defaute of 
workemanship of a kirtill and peticote founden by the wardens of [the] 
occupacion and other mysdemenours. Whereupon he is ffined xvj d and t 
giff to the occupacion a pound candell of wax. 

1 Introduction VI. I. A similar agreement is found under the Court held on 3 May, 
4 E. VI., in which some of the commonalty voluntarily joined, and another under 6 Feb. 
following, of the Aldermen only. 

2 Wheels. 3 Behalf See next entry. 

4 The French designed to effect a landing at Weybourn Hope. Blome field, Vol. III. 
p. 195- 






Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 6 1 

CCLXVI. On Thursday, the Feast of S l Edward the King and 
Confessor. [13 Oct. 1524]. 

Johanna Larke of the parish of S 1 Martin of the Baily, widow, suffered 
the punishment of the Cokstole for her very many scoldings of her 

CCLXVIL Convocation of Aldermen 8 Nov. 17 H. VIII. [1525]. 

Off Henry Hartley of Norwich, slaymaker, for that he toke ij 
apprentices by indenture euery of them for the term of v yeeres contrary 
to the ordenaunces 1 of this citie. Fine vj s viij d paid into the hanaper. 

CCLXVIII. Convocation of Aldermen on Saturday before S' Michael 
19 H. VIII. [28 Sept. 1527]. 

John Garton hath taken upon him to brynge in to the market of 
Norwich that is to say on Saterday next coming x combes, and x combes 
euery weke till 1 combes be deliuered at iiij s viij d le combe, wherof v 
combes to be sold in the market and v combes to the Bakers by discrecion 
of the Mair. 

John Fyske also hath and taken (sic} upon hym to delyuer in Ix quarters 
t iiij s viij d le combe, to be delyuerd at the comon stathe in Norwich 
between this and Saterday at none next coming at the rate xxj [combes] 
for xx. And therupon he to haue licence to passe from the said citie with 
11 his other whete that he haue now within the said citie. 

It is agreed that Herry Salter shall bryng in to the market on Saterday 
ifore Saynt Faith [5 Oct.] v combes. The Wednesday after M r Grene 
other v combes. Item on the Saterday after that Grenewode v combes. 
Item the Wednesday after that Garton v combes. 2 

CCLXIX. Convocation of Aldermen on Wednesday, 14 June 23 
H. VIII. [1531]. 

An order for beggers as impotent persons assigned to begge In primis 
that one scale shalbe made for the whole citie containing the armes of the 
:itie with thes wordes about the printe of the same. 


Item that thes 3 shall beg after the olde custome as thei haue don 

CCLXX. Same Day. 

Northconesford.* S 1 Vedast, 2 [persons named], S' Peter 5 2, S Ethel- 
red and S' Edward 2, S' Julian and S* Clement 2, S 1 Peter Parmentergate i. 

1 See No. CCCCXVII. Introduction VI. i. 
3 See No. CCLXX. 4 Including Southconesford. Southgate. 


1 62 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Berstrete.^ John i, S' Sepulchr 2, S* Michael 2. [Afancroff]. S' Peter 5. 
Estwymer. SS. Simon and Jude 2, S Martin 2, S l George 2, S l Peter i, 
Holmestrete 2. Westwymer. S k Benedict 2, S' Laurence 2, S' Swithin 2, 
S l Crouch 2, S l John Maddermarket 2. [<9zw //k? Water\. [Parish not 
stated] 6, S' Edmund i, S' Paul 2, All Saints 2, S' Clement i, S 1 Saviour i. 
[Total, 50 beggars]. 1 

CCLXXI. Convocation of Aldermen on Wednesday [July or August, 

Sir Robert Dowe 2 with M r Sywhat his suerty promyseth to paye her 3 in 
the councell chamber xx s on Wednesday next comme, which he hath 
fforfeted by reason of an acte made for kepyng of Gylde. 4 At which tyme 
and day the same Sir Robert brought inne xx s wherof ij parties wer gyuen to 
hym ayen and vj s viij d residue payed to the hanper. 

CCLXXII. Convocation of Aldermen on Wednesday before 
S r Matthew, 20 Sept. [1531]. 

It is yeven in commaundment by M r Maire by thaduyse of his 
counsell to the tallough chaundelers that from hensfforth the same tallow 
chaundelers and euery of them shall make candell weyked with colon 5 for 
which candell so weyked with colon euery one chaundler and euery other 
may and arn bounde to selle to euery inhabilant of y e cite iche pound for 
j d oB and not aboue for ther aun uses upon payne to lose for euery defaute 
don to the contrary xx s . 

Item that the said Chaundelers and euery one of them shall and 
may make candell weyked with lynen weyke which they nor any of them 
nor any olher shall selle for j d q a to any inhabilant within this citie and not 
aboue upon payn to forfet for euery pound of candell weyked with lynen 
weyke sold to the contrary xx s and to euery one that duelleth oule of ye 
citie for j d oB le pound. 

CCLXXIIL Convocation of Aldermen on Saturday, 6 the Vigil of 
S Thomas the Apostle [20 Dec. 1531]. 

This daye Mores Reder graunted to pay xx s , at Candelmes [2 Feb.] 
v s and so quarterly v s for libertie now graunled lo hold his apprenlice he 

1 This list occurs near the end of the book and is only connected with the above order 
(No. CCLXIX.) by the date. It seems to be a schedule of the persons assigned to beg 
whose names are given in all cases. See Introduction VI. I. 

2 He was a brother of St. Giles' Hospital, and chaplain of St. Barbara's Chapel in the 

3 Here. * Introduction III. 2. See No. CCIV. 
5 With cotton wicks. 8 Wednesday really. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 163 

syng no freman, and M r Grewe and M r Leche be came suretie for 
payment thereof. 

CCLXXIV. Convocation of Aldermen 7 Feb. [1532]. 

Upon a serch made for greynes 1 certificat was made that ther is within 
lis citie in all greynes as foloweth 

Southconesford xij score combes whete, and mestlyn 2 xvij combes, 
rly Ix combes, otes Ix combes. Northconesford. cxx combes whete. 
Bcrstrete. Ixxxxvij combes whete, mestlyn xx combes. Saynt Stevyns. 
v^iij combes whete, malte x"v combes, mestlyn iij combes. Saynt Peters. 
[not stated]. Saynt Gyles. In all greynes cc combes. Westwymer. In 
whete and mestlyn clxxx combes. Midilwymer. x score xiij combes 
whete, and in malte DC combes. Estwymer. viij" and xiij combes whete. 
Coslany. xiiij" combes whete and mestlyn, malte cc combes. Colgate. 
xlviij combes whete, rye and mestlyng xvij combes, barley V M combes, malte 
iiij" combes vj (sic). Fibrig. ix 11 combes whete, mestlyn x" combes, 
malte x" combes. 

ICCLXXV. [Convocation of Aldermen on Saturday after S l Peter ad 
Vincula 24 H. VIII. 3 Aug. 1532]. 
Elizabeth Barret widue sayeth that the Saterday Saynt Margaret 
Daye [20 July I532J 3 it chaunnced her by the Crosse in y e Market wher 
she see one Hede servaunt bete a stranger beyng a woman for mesureng 
of corne and she haveng pitie of the woman helped the same woman 
and bete the seid servaunt and so departed thence. And after that she 
see one moder Perne and other women comme with a carte with whete 
from Conesford which whete was taken down out of the cart by whom 
she can not telle and leid in the Crosse upon an hepe, and the pepill 
trade upon the sacks and moche wordes ther wer emonges how thei sold 
the whete. And after that thei agreed to sell for iiij s wherupon the said 
deponent sette the sekkes abrade in the Crosse. And after one Hawes 
wiff sold a combe whete to whom she knowe nat and after that the 
seid Hawes wiff delivered the money to this deponent iiij 5 and she desired 
John Rede to kepe the same iiij s for that she thought iff she had put 
it in her purse it shuld have ben stolen 4 and after that this deponent 
sold another combe after the seid price that is to saye to Thomas Sketo 
j bz. and to one Alys, late M r Bauburgh servaunt, j bz. and to other ij 
persones whom she knowe nat and received the price thereof and also 
delivered y 6 same to the seid Rede to thentent aforesaid. And furder 
seid that the seid Haddon wiffe and Mores wiffe sold the residue of the 
seid v combz to whom she knewe nat and that Oldeman wiff was ther 

1 Grains. - Mixed grain. 3 Introduction VI. i. See No. CCLXXVI. 

4 That she would have been guilty of stealing it. 

164 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

present emonges the prest 1 and Halys wiff. And after that the seid 
Oldeman wiff, Haddon wiff, Mores wiffe and Hawes wiff and this 
deponent drank to geder at Thomas Sylam. And ffurder she can nat 

Agnes Haddon, wiff of William Haddon, sayeth that the Saterday 
seint Margaret daye in the 24 th year of Henry VIII, as she went 
homeward from market she seye that ther was at the Crosse a carte 
with whete. Therupon she cam to the Crosse and see many women 
about the seid whete wherupon she prest inne amonges them and at 
that tyme ther was sold of the seid whete ij combz after iiij s the comb, 
by whom she knoweth nat, ffor which ij comb John Rede one of the 
officers delyvered to one Mores wiff, a sherman, at ij tymes viij s for 
the same. And after that the seid Agnes toke upon her to sell iij 
comb residue after iiij s by the pek and half bushel, and the seid 
Mores wiff received the money therof. Off which iij comb ye said 
Agnes had half a bushel for vj d and after that departed home to hir 
house. And on the Sonday folowyng after dyner Mores wiff and Johan 
Norton of Saynt Stevyn and one of the same 

parisshe about ij of the clok cam to the house of this deponent and 
after divers communicacions had thei iiij went togider from hir house to 
Oldeman house in Conesford and found Oldeman at home and hys 
wiff also, and axed Oldeman wiff before her seid husbond to whom 
thei shuld delyvered the money for the whete. And Oldeman hym self 
seyd, Ye shall delyver the same money to M r Mayer, and furder said 
to them, Ye are to blame and dede nat well in selling the seid whete. 
And after teryd they till evenson was don. And after evenson one 
Skynner wiff of Coslany and one woman which had iij children at a 
burden and ix or x more women onknowen met with y e seid deponent, 
Oldeman wiff and iij other women aforeseid and seid to them, Ther 
ben women in the Hall for sellyng y e whete late us goo and helpe 
them out. Wherunto the seid Oldeman wiff [this] deponent and 
y e other women accompenyed with them answered, [We will] no 
furder medill. And after Oldeman left theme went home and this 
deponent . . . . 2 

CCLXXVI. Same Day. 

Thes ben the principall offenders alsweell proved by examinacion 
as by witnes and otherwise which caused the late insurreccion within 
the Citie of Norwich of women ther in the market commytted and 
doon in sellyng of dyvers mennes cornes agenst ther willes and settyng 
of prises therof at ther aun mendes contrary to such prises as the Mair 
of the said Citie hadde sette bifore that tyme. 

1 Press. 2 About two words torn away. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 165 

In primis Agnes Oldman, Agnes Haddon, Agnes Meredith, J Alianora 
Yong, respited because infirm, Alice Pern, a Kateryn Tolle, Alice Hawes, 
Estrowe?, : E. Barret, x Elizabeth Grey, T Anna Waryns, a Margery 

Thes shalbe tied at the Cartes tail and whipped suerly with 
whippes rounde aboute the market. 

CCLXXVIL Convocation of Aldermen 4 Oct. 25 H. VIII. [1533]. 

Upon a variaunce dependyng betwyn Symond Russhbrook on the 
one parte and John Howlet late seruaunt to the said Symond who 
departid his seruice at the half yere without licence and he after took 
accion of the seid Symond in the Kinges Court here within the Yeld 
Hall for half yere lyuery and xx d of wages upon batyng 2 wherof the 
said Symond claymed half yere seruice, not withstandyng by thassent 
of bothe parties it is ordered that either partie shalbe clerly discharged 
of other of and for all and euery contract before had bitwen them, 
wherwith thei wer contentid, and that Russhbroke shall withdraw the 

CCLXXVIII. Convocation of Aldermen on Monday, 15 June 26 
Hen. VIII. [1534]. 

This daye Edward Rede, Alderman and one of the Justices of 
peace within the said citie, compleyneth upon Andrew Asketill, nowe 
beying jayler of the Yeld Hall and present before the seid Mayer and 
Aldermen, ffor that the same Edward dyuers and many tymes have herd 
sundry and many greuous compleynts made to hym of the same 
Andrew amongs which specyally now of late that y e said Andrew of 
his uncharitabill and couetous [mind] oppresseth y e pore prisoners beyng 
in his custodye in that he selleth to them a galon of best ale for 
iiij d or iij d at the lest nat sellyng to them any small ale, wher as in 
euery ale house within the same citie a galon of best ale is nat sold 
aboue ij d . And forasmoche as diuers goode people haveng knowlege 
that many of the same prisoners haue non goodes to helpe them selffe 
therfor of ther charitie sende to such prisoners some a potte ale, 
some other refresshing as seme them. And some other send to suche 
prisoners as haue non godes to paye for that thei nede, suche thinges as 
thei will haue and trust them therfor till thei be dischargid out of 
pryson and abill to paye them, wher as y e Jailer selle dobill so dere 
and beside that will nat truste them, but after thei be discharged 
deteyne them in prison till he be ffully payed, which hath long tyme 

1 ff"\s placed against these names meaning perhaps fecit fintm. It may be, therefore, 
that these women were " respited " and paid a fine. See No. CCLXXV. 

1 66 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

be to the charge of the citie in ffyndyng such prisoners and gret 
hynderaunce to the same prisoners. Upon suche compleynt made to 
the same Edward he sent for the said Jayler and examyned hym upon 
the premysses and he confessed that he had taken awey sundry tymes 
such drynke and pottes as hath ben sente to the said prisoners, and 
somtyme his seruaunts pore the drynk in the stretes and brake the 
pottes. Upon which examynacion the same Jailer promysed that it 
shuld be amendid. Not withstondyng the Sonday noe last past a 
littill boye haueng a veray power woman to his moder in prison brought 
to her to y e prison wyndow a crok 1 with ale, and a servaunt of the seid 
Gaillers perceyueng the same toke the pot from the boye and pored out 
the drynk in the strete and violently brake the potte in the sight of the 
seid Edward. Wherupon he examyned the same seruaunt whi he did 
soo, and he seid his master commandid hym soo to doo, howsoever sey 
naye. And therupon the same Edward sent the same seruaunt to 
prison furder to be examyned. And for that the seid pore woman 
lakyd drynk, the same Edward sent to her a cruse with drynk. And 
immediatly the same Jailer cam to the same Edward sittyng at his 
doore and assauted the same Edward with oncurtes contynaunce and 
sediciouz wordes dyuers and many. Seyng y e same Edward did nought 
and that he wold tell yt to y e same Edward was a mayntener of theuys 
and murderers and of counsell with y e theuys and murderers in his 
gaile that he shuld sle hym and his man and so escape euery oon ther. 
And furder seyd that y e same Edward was a bedlem man 2 and dyd 
leke a bedlam man. For which mysdemeanours y e same Edward wold 
haue commytted the same Jayler to warde. With that the same Jayler 
drew out his dagard and swore gret othes that he wold throst his dagar 
in to the same Edward as farre as it wolld goo, and sayd iff the same 
Edward stered on ffoote he shold heuer goo furder oone ffoote, and seid 
he wold nat goo to prison for noman. And the same Andrewe 
examyned upon the premysses confessed the takyng awey of the pottes 
and brekyng therof, and also that he drew his dagard at the same 
Edward and that he said he wold not goo to prison and that hoosoeuer 
leyd hand upon hym he wold thrust his dagar in him and that he did 
speke of Bedlem. And as to the residue of the premysses the same 
Jailer instauntly desyred the court that he shuld nat be sworn to make 
furder answer and preyd humbly the seid M r Meyer and M r Rede to 
remytte and forgyff hym his myshavour. Upon consideracion wherof the 
seid Jayler hath daye till Wednysdaye next comme and than to appere 
and abide suche order as the court will award. 

Afterward on the said Wednesday the same Andrew appeared before 
the Mayor aforesaid, Thomas Pykerell, William Roone, Robert Hemyng, 
Henry Fuller, and Thomas Grewe, Aldermen, and further he has day 

1 An earthen pot. 2 A madman. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 167 

to appear, whensoever he shall haue been reasonably warned, to do and 
receiue as the Court haue decided. 

CCLXXIX. Under the Convocation of Aldermen 9 Jan. [1535]. 

Memorandum that the Saterday the xxiiij daye of January in the 
year aforesaid before the Mayer, Sheryffes etc. Proclamations were made 
according to the statute 1 upon thes waste groundez lyeng open within the 
said citie. That is to saye, A voyde grounde in Sporerrowe, A voide 
grounde next Master Edward Redes. Item Mastre Applyard grounde by 
Cokeylane. Item a grounde of Robert Evan. A grounde of John 
Basyngham. A grounde of Mastres Potter. A grounde of the common- 
altie in Cutlerrowe. A grounde late Tebelles, and groundes next the 
grounde late y a Countes of Lyncoln at Tomlond. A grounde late Toppez 
called the Angell. The Abbey grounde and Prynces Inne. And the 
Wedynsdaye next ffolowyng 2 like proclamacions wer made before the seid 
Mayer and Sheriffs and diuers other persones upon the groundes late 
Somers in the parisshe off Saynt Gregorye, and the grounde of Gregory 

! Cause in the parisshe of Saynt Gyle. 
CCLXXX, Before the Mayor etc. 12 June 28 H. VIII. [1536]. 
John Rochester sayeth that Kerry Bacon shuld saye to hym that 
iff he wold nat seall worsted neither hauyng lengith nor brede nor worke- 
manship that diuers marchauntes here will bye them ontokened. 

This daye by the assent of the worstedwevers John Bungey, John 
Pekouer, Jamys Lynne, and Robert Abell are named wardens of the 
seid craft of the viij persones named by ij seuerall eleccions amonges 
them 3 . 


CCLXXXI. Convocation of Aldermen on Wednesday before the 
ranslation of S' Thomas the Martyr. [5 July 1536]. 

At this daye it is commoned howe the acte for beggars made in 
the xxvij yeer of the reign of our soverayn lord shuld be put in execucion. 

In primis the constables arn commaunded to gader the benevolent 
almes accordyng to the said statute. 4 

Item that thenhabitantes of every parish shall begynne [to gather] 5 
euery Sonday and Holy Day next after Mydsomer. 6 

Item that after Midsomer 7 noman shall kepe in his house no commen 
ner open playeng of onlaufull games. 

Item that euery pore person that shall be admytted to receive almes 
to all ententes of the acte shall wekely have vj d . 

Item that all other by discrescions. 

1 26 H. VIII. c. 12. See Introduction V. i. 

2 In this and similar instances the Court may have been adjourned. 

3 Introduction IV. 2. 4 27 H. VIII. c. 25. See Introduction VI. I 
5 From a duplicate book. 6 now next ensewyn in the duplicate book. 
7 From hensforth ib. 

1 68 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CCLXXXII. Court on 25 Aug. 29 H. VIII. [1537]. 
Agreed that y e Prestys shall come to y e Seen 1 as thei were wont to 
doo off olde tyme without trouble or vexacon of any arrest. 

CCLXXXIIL Convocation of Aldermen, 14 July 31 H. VIII. 

George Hille, potycarye, which of late was commytted to prison nor 
that he hath used the science off Surgerye he nat beyng expert theryn nor 
yet admytted therunto according to the lawe, and mynystred to dyuers 
persons within this citie, and hath therby hurte as is seid one Leek wiff with 
whom he is thorowe and agreed, is upon dyuers consideracions this Courte 
movyng assigned to departe out of this citie on thisside Sondaye next com 
and nat ffurder to entermedle within the same citie in the seid science untill 
he shalbe therunto lawfully admytted atte his pereil, 

CCLXXXIV. Under Convocation of Aldermen on Saturday, the 
Vigil of the Holy Trinity 32 H. VIII. [22 May 1540]. 

Memorandum that Thomas Nicholas of his gode mynde hath gyuen to 
the commonaltie his pageant called the Moremayd 2 the xxiiij"" daye off 
Maye in the xxxij year of the reign of Henry VIII. in the presense off Master 
Sotherton and Thomas Conye. 

CCLXXXV. Court on Saturday, n Dec. [1540], 

Wherone William Swathe who late was attached ffor suspicion off 
felonye and emprisoned in the Yeldehall for the same and after by the 
Justices of Assise acquited therof by the Kinges ffree pardon hath continued 
in the prison and yet doth ffor his ffees. Wherupon Richard Leche, reder, 
to whom the same Swale is apprentice cam personally before the seid Meier 
and Aldermen in this present courte and hym, the same Richard, beyng 
aduertised to take the said Swale oute of prison and to sette to worke and 
nolenger to suffer hym to lose his tyme, which thing to doo the seid Leche 
refused, sayeng that he wold not medele w l hym nor help hym untill he hath 
sette hym selff at libertie etc. Wherfor it is orderd and decreed that the 
seid Swale shalbe fromhensforth quyte and discharged from the seruyce of 
the seid Leche, any couenaunt to the contrary not w'stonding, and shall do 
seruice to Jamys Marssham who hath taken upon hym to redeme hym out 
of prison. 

CCLXXXVI. Under the Court on Wednesday, 30 March [1541]- 
Yt ys agreed by M r Mayer (and several Aldermen named) the Monday 
next after Passion Sonday in the xxxij th yere of Kyng Henry the viij th 

1 Synod. - Mermaid. Nicholas was a cordwainer. See No. CCCC. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 69 

[4 April] that Raff Chamberleyn beyng vexid wyth a dyvyll and beyng 
lunytick and so thereby mysusyng hym selff to the great perell of the 
Kynges lyege people w th in thes Citie of Norwich shalbe banyshid from the 
said citie. And yt ys furder agreed that the same Raff shall depart from 
thes said citie on thes side Thursday next folowyng and thereto not to 
repayer upon payn of imprisonment by the space of oon monyth. 

CCLXXXVII. Court of Convocation etc. on Monday, 29 Aug. 33 
H. VIII. [1541]- 

John Browne examynyd sayth that oon Creyforth, proctor of the 
spyttell of seynt Gilis, 1 hath under hym vj proctors, 2 the deponent (and five 
others named) and that the master hath of euery proctor by yere viij s and vj d 
for hym y' writeth y e proxy, and that the sayd master usith to gett pour lame 
and diseased personz promysyng them to fynd them and when he hath them 
then he compellith them to begge for thir lyuyng or elles they shall haue 
nothing of hym. 

Item he saieth that William Rye, proctor and keper of the sykehouse of 
Saynt Stevyns Gates, hath vj proctors beside hym selff, y l is to saye John 
Chapman, a talle man and clene and nat diseased abill to bere the Kinges 
standerd, George Bennys, William Archer a crepill, Fader Brigges, John, of 
the age of xvj or xvij yeres and Thomas Mason ; and he saieth that the seid 
Rye dayly practiseth to instructe suche as he can get to begge and that the 
seid Rye doth hier the seid Chapman to begge for xx s by yere, and thei haue 
proxys as is aforeseid, and payeth as is aforeseid. 

Item, the seid proctours confessed that thei get ther patentes ffor v s 
euery yeer. 

Item, the seid Broun sayeth that John Yng keper of the sikehouse at 
Westwik Gate an heile and clene man hath dieurs servaunts y' is to saye 
oone Dymmok, Alexander and Irysshe White and oone Richard. 

Item, the seid Broun saieth that after that he had his proxy he hath ben 
dyuers tymes at Master Hogons house but he neuer shewed to Master 
Hogon ner to any of his seruauntes his proxye ffor. 

William Rye confesseth that the seid John Chapman is his hired 
seruant and heveth the Kinges letters patentes, and the seid Bennys and 
Archer hath iche of them his proxy under the place seall. 

Crafford confesseth that he hath at this tyme graunted to John Tomson, 
Thomas Gotes, John Broun, Nicholas Barn, proxyes by fforce of the Kinges 
letters patentes to hym graunted. Item, that he graunted to oone Richard 
Stoon a proxy to gather but now he is ffrom hym. 

John Crafford came with two sureties and recognised that he is bound 
the lord King in ^4 sterling and the two sureties in 40^. each with 

1 At St. Giles' Gates. 2 Agents authorised to beg for the hospital. 

1 70 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

condition that iff the seid John Crafford bee off good behauour beryng and 
conuersacion ayenst the Kynges liege peple and especally ayenst oon 
John Broun of Norwich, laborer, and also bryng inne and delyuere to 
the seid Maier or to his successors Maiers etc. in the counsell chamber 
on thisse [side] the xx day of October next all suche proxyes as he hath 
made sealed and delyuered to diuers persons to begge and also personally 
to appear. Then etc. 

William Rye is bound in like manner. 1 

CCLXXXVIIL Court on Saterday, 10 June 34 H. VIII. [1542"). 

Forasmoche as Robert Palmer kepeth one William Hales, William 
Smyth, Richard Disse to the occupacion of calaundryng which persones 
hath ben apprentice to the same occupacion and be very experte in the same; 
Wherfor the same Robert by the seid Maier and Aldermen w' the assent of 
the masters of the occupacion of calaundrers is admytted to use and exercise 
the same occupacion in his house by the seid persones or by suche others, 
persones whom he shall pleace, beyng experte in the same occupacion. 

CCLXXXIX. Convocation of Aldermen on Saturday 2 Sept. [1542]. 

The names of Frenchemen this daye beyng -vtfin the said Citie and 
Scottez? Peter Ryvers, Frenchemen, servant of John Aldryche. James 
Bowdryk, Frenchemen, servant (s') of William Bryan of the parish of S l Peter 
of Hungate. John Marshall, Scot, servant of Thomas Davy, officer. 
Richard Bekket, Frenchman, John Lambert, Frenchman, servants of John 
Bengemyn. Tocentes Doscent, Frenchman and breyderer, 3 of the parish 
of S' Andrew, servant of Richard Suthwell, knight. Glaunder Tolorge, 
Frencheman, broyderer of the parish of S' Andrew, servant of Thomas 
Lestraunge, knight. John Shebald, Frencheman, servant of William Morley. 
Peter Oreng, Frenchman, servant of Robert Hendry, hatter. Peter Osand, 
Frenchman, servant of Richard Tomson. Alexander Betche, Scot, servant 
of Felix Pouttok. John Glasier, Frenchman, hatter, servant of Ralph 
Marssham ; Stephen Reinbald is surety. John Ouerey, Frenchman, 
dwelling with Thomas Grey. James Boo, Scot, and John Birde, gelder, 
servants of Robert Busshop, bruer, for whom he is surety. Andrew 
Tiphany, Frenchman, hatter, servant of William Hede ; James Roberdes 
is surety. Nicholas Tiphany, Frenchman, servant of Robert Hendry ; the 
same James is surety. John Jeuort, Frencheman, hatter, servant of Henry 
Holand; the same Henry is surety. Charles Mayn, Frencheman, pouche- 
inaker, servant of John Gile, bagmaker ; the same John is surety for his 
good behaviour in future to the feast of the Holy Trinity [20 May, 1543] 
next. John Talbot, Frencheman, tenant (ten') of John Howes, mason; 

1 Introduction VI. i. 2 gee Introduction V. 2. 3 Embroiderer. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 7 1 

the same John Howes is surety for his good behavior as aforesaid. 
Charles Malyet, Frencheman ; the same John Howes is surety for his good 

CCXC. Court on Saturday, 9 Dec. [1542]. 

John Bowman of late admytted and sworn Citzen, upon diuers 
consideracionz declared to the Courte and accepted by them, relinquisshed, 
surrendered and renounced in to the handes of the seid Maier in the name 
of the comonaltie all his libertie and priuylegies to hym graunted, or 
that he shuld ought or myght haue and enyoye by reson of his 

John Cutler paid [vij s vj d ] to Robert Reynbald, Chamberlain, for a 
ffyne sette upon hym ffor takyn a prentice for ij yeres contrary to an 
ordenaunce 1 of this citie. And the Wedenesdaye ffolauyng the said John 
Cutler and William Grome his servaunt cam personally before the Mayer 
and Aldermen and ther either of them released to other all contractes 
and couenauntes made betwen them before this daye and therupon caste 
into the Court certen indentures therof made to be cancelled which 
so wer. 

CCXCI. Court on Saturday, 17 Feb. [1543]. 

This daye remayn in the custodye of this Courte the sealles of the 
Spitelhouses viz. of S' Steven, S' Giles and of the house outside Westwyk 
3-ates and of S' Augustin. 2 

CCXCIL Court on Monday, n June 35 H. VIII. [1543]. 

A gret communicacion was had and debated of ffor and upon 
prouysion to be had concernyng ffeyeng 3 the reuer and many deuyses wer 
theryn moued and one concluded upon a prove 4 , that is to saye y* yer 
shalbe made a prouysion as shalbe deuysed by workemen w l bordes 
and postes in a maner of a sluse to stoppe inne the rever by the 
halffparte conveyeng the water by the other halff, and so carye w' cartes 
oute of the rever the gravell and suche like y* shalbe taken in makyng 
the rever depper wher shalow places are. 


CCXCIII. Court on Saturday, 17 May 36 H. VIII. [1544]. 

This daye upon many consideracions declared aswell ffor many 
harges leyde upon the commonaltie and ffor the charges of xl ablemen > 
ffor warres to be sent to the Kynges Maiestie, and also ffor the charges 
of the Knyghtes mete, 5 and other urgent causez apparant, and ffor ease 
of pore people it is agreed that the Pageantes shalbe spared and left 
ffor this yeer. 

1 See No. CCCCXVII. 2 See No. CCLXXXVII. 3 Cleansing. 

4 Approval. 5 Payment of the Burgesses in Parliament 

172 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CCXCIV. Court on Saturday, 5 July [1544]. 

Barthilomewe Bale saieth that M r Chasye desired hym to goo 
w' hym to Debneys house and so he did, and then and ther M r Chasye 
saied to Debney that he ought to have had commandement aswell of 
my lady as of M r Maier to receive and lodge the Egipcions, 1 and y' he 
the said Bale at the comandement of my lady serged Banyard house, 
and y' he saied that xx Egipcianz had ben inow ffor that strete. 

CCXCV. Court on Wednesday, 13 Aug. [1544]. 

One Rede shalbe neteherd ffor the Citie he ffyndyng suerte to 
repare maynteyn and susteyn well and sufficiently the quycke sette of 
the seid closse 2 and heges of the same as shalbe adiuged and deuysed 
by the surveyours thereunto tobe assigned duryng the tyme he shalbe 
keper of the seid closse. For perfformans wherof John Okes and 
Thomas Swanton graunted to be suerties bounden either of them 
in v". 

CCXC VI. Court on Wednesday, 4 Feb. [1545]. 

It is ordered that every Alderman in his warde shall make serge 
w l ther constables what pore pepill goo aboute and begge in ther warde, 
and how longe thei haue dwellid in the citie, and whose tenauntes the! 
be, and to certifie thyr names the Wedensdaye next com. 3 

CCXCVIL Under the Court on Saturday, 27 June 38 H. VIII. 

Wher Edward Bretten, shomaker, late of Est Barffold on Corpus 
Christi daye in the said xxxviij year [i July] was sent to Master Maier 
by Sir Roger Townesende, knyght, tobe ponysshed ffor y* he redde 
openly upon the bible in Cristes Chirche 4 the said daye to Alen Gifford 
late of Barffold aforeseid, and to William Grey contrary to an acte 5 
theroff made. And the Friday next after Corpus Christi afforeseid 
[2 July] he examyned confessith the mater and therupon the seid Alen 
Gyfford and William Grey upon consyderacion are dismyssed oute of 
prison wherunto thei wer commytted ffor the same. 

CCXCVIII. Court on Wednesday, 22 June i E. VI. [1547]. 
Lymyngton and Cante, electe ffestemakers of the Cordwaners ffest, 
declared to the Corte that the broderhode requyreth of them at ther 

1 Gypsies. 2 The Town Close. 

3 They are not found. See Introduction VI. I. * The Cathedral. 

8 34 and 35 H. VIII. c. I. by which reading the Bible in English was forbidden in 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 173 

ffest theis disshes that is to say, ffrumenty, 1 goos, veil, custard, pig, 
lambe and tarte. At soper colde sute, hote sute, 2 moton, douset, 3 and 
tarte. And it is aduertised them to prouyde so thei be no losers 3et thei 
proferre to giff either of them vj s viij d to be discharged. 4 

CCXCIX. Court on Saturday, i Oct. [1547]. 

John Aleyn of Hasebergh sworn and examined saieth and deposeth 
upon his othe that Bettes met w* hym at Walsham market, how long it 
is paste he knowe not, and axed hym iff he had any worstedes in store, 
and he sayd, Ye but thei are not tokened. And then Bettes desired 
hym to sende hym inne them to hym and he shuld do well inowe ffor 
the tokenyng. Wherupon the seid Alen sent to the seid Bettes v peces 
of worsteddes ontokened and w' out ony bargeyn or price theroff made 
to hym at the sendyng. Wherupon it is ordered by the corte that the 
wardens shall paye to the seid Alen x s which thei received of the seid 

len at the tyme of the delyuery of the seid worsteddes beffore seased 

y them. 

CCC. Court on Saturday 31 Dec. [1547]. 

Upon a variaunce dependyng bitwen Norgate and other his ffelaus 
wardens of the occupacion of Worstedweuers w'in the Citie of Norwiche 
for x s which the seid wardens toke of one John Aleyn of Haseburgh 
by vertue of ther office ; ffor that the seid wardens seased certen 
worsteddes oute of the possession of one Robert Bettes dyer alledging 
the same worstedes tobe sold ontokened which thing the seid Alen upon 
his othe taken beffore the Maier etc. on the Saterday the ffirst daye of 
October last past deposed that the same worstedes were nat sold at the 
tyme of delyuery of them to the seid Bettes. Which mater herde and 
debated the parties off ther mutuall assents agreed betwyn them selues 
md so the mater ended. 

CCCI. Court on 10 Feb. 2 E. VI. [1548]. 

This daye it is ordered that euery Alderman shall procure and 
exhorte euery dweller in ther warde to giffe to the mayntenaunce, sus- 
tentacion and releeff of the pore, and to knowe what thei and euery of 
them will departe with euery weke, and that the prest or curat of 
euery parisshe shall exorte and persuade ther parissheners to the same 
purpose. 5 

1 Hulled wheat boiled in milk and seasoned. 2 A hot and a cold course (?) 

3 A sweetmeat composed of cream, eggs and sugar. See Promptorium Parvulorum. 

4 Introduction III. 3. * Introduction VI. I. 

1 74 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CCCII.- Convocation of Aldermen i June [1548]. 

Upon a compleynt made by ij men and ij women ayenst Purdy 
hurde and understond it is ordered by the Corte that his staffe 
belonging to the master of beggers shalbe taken from hym, and he 
shalbe discharged of the office afforeseid and commytted to the 

CCCIII. Court on Wednesday, 4 July [1548]. 

M r Davye, alderman, certifiyth to the Courte that he herd saye that 
Thomas Cony and Richard Braye, gatherers ffor the releeff of the pore in the 
parisshe of saint Peter of Mancroft, on Sondaye the ffirst daye of Julye last 
past cam unto Andrew Quasshe in the seid chirche and axed hym money 
ffor the pore ffolkes. Wherupon the seid Quasshe axed them what it was 
and thei sied ij d And therupon the seid Andrewe seid, I will geve you but 
j d , and therupon contemptuously threwe oute and shoke his hande, seying, 
So telle your alderman. 

CCCIV. Court on Saturday, 7 July [1548]. 

Euery widowe dwellyng w'inne the citie late wiff to a iustice of peace 
shall haue [keep] ij mens harnes, j bowe and j sheeff off arrowez, and euery 
other widowe late wiff to eny other alderman or sheryff shall haue j harnes, 
j bowe and j scheeff arrowes. 

CCCV. Court on Wednesday, 22 Aug. [1548]. 

The Aldermen, euery of them in ther seuerall wardes, shall make serche 
what harnes euery person haue in ther possession redy ffor defence of the 
citie and countrye, and to assign them that lakketh as shall seme by ther 
discression to haue hernes sufficient. Item to serche ffor stoppes, 1 roopes, 
ladders and bokettes of lether accordyng to the acte late made for the 
prouysion of the same. 2 

CCCVI Court on Saturday, i Sept. [1548]. 

Jamys Lynne, Thomas Negge, Thomas Norgate, Robert Brende and 
diuers other off the occupacions of worstedweuers compleyned to the Court 
that the hattemakers w'in the citie gathered uppe so smalle uffe 3 that onles 
remedy be prouyded thei shuld haue non yerne ffor ther occupacion. And 
therupon it was answerd them that thei shuld take lerned Counsell to them 
and deuyse what myght be don by the order of the lawe, and M r Maier 
wuld assiste them theryn. 

CCCVII. Court on Saturday, 24 Nov. [1548]. 

M r Mayor hath this day requyred thaldermen of every warde to bryng 

1 Pails. 2 See No. CCXXI. 3 See Introduction V. 2. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 175 

in before him a bill of the names of every person dwelling in any parissh 
within their warde conteyning what some of money is gathered in every 
parisshe towards the releif of the poore peopull, and what every parissheoner 
pay wekely towardes the same. 

CCCVIII. Court on Saturday, the Conception of the Virgin [8 Dec. 


It is ordered that the Kynges players shall make an interlude at the 
Hall late the Blak Freres 1 at the charges of the citie and they to haue for the 
same xx s of the common goodes. 

CCCIX. Court on Saturday, 12 Jan. [1549]. 

This day M r Mayour hathe commanded that John Wyllows for his 
evell demeanours to be sette on the cokestoole w* a ray 2 hood uppon his 
hedde and so to be caryed aboute the market. That don to be sette in the 

CCCX. Convocation of Aldermen, [December, 5 E. VI. i55i]. 3 
An iniunction is gyven by M r Mayour to thaldermen that they and 
every of them w'in their severall wardes w'in this cittie shall make a perfect 
serche of all shuche poore peopull as ben resydente w'in their lymyttes 
according to the statute 4 and to certyfie M r Mayour of all the names of 
them and also the names of every person in wryting which shalbe 
chargeable to the releif of the poore w'in their parisshes betwixte this and 
Wednesday next commyng. 5 

CCCXI. Court on Wednesday, 2 Aug. [1553]. 

Thomas the Frencheman, M r Marshams tenaunte, is enyoyned and 
commanded to avoyde the cittie betwixte this and the x th day of this month 
and not to retorne to inhabyte or dwell here in the cittie agayn. 

CCCXII. Court on Wednesday, 8 May i Mary [1554]. 

It is commanded by M r Mayer that all occupacions and craftes being 
'in this citie shall nomynate and chose seuerally their hedmen and 
wardeyns accordyng to the awncient custome hadde and used amonges the 
same. 6 

CCCXIII. Court on Saturday, n Aug. i and 2 P. and M. [1554]. 
M r Davy Alderman sayeth that yester daye he mett w' Collerd the 
cobler in the market, and M r Davy sayed, What Collerd, I wene M r Mayour 

1 Now St. Andrew's Hall. 2 Striped. New Engl. Die. 

3 No date is given. 4 5 and 6 E. VI. c. 2. 5 Introduction VI. I. 

6 Introduction III. 3. 

176 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

commaunded the to haue of thy berde, I percey ve well thow hast it not of 
yet. And the seid Collerd aunswered, Noo, I was ones shaven and I made 
an othe I wold never haue of my berde again I was so evell shaven. But 
this is noo more but to pyke quarrelles against poore men. But poore men 
woll speke one daye. Whereuppon he called the seid Collerd to him 
afterward and commytted him to the gayle tyll he enformed M r Mayour 
hereof, and further saith not. 1 

CCCXIV. Court on Saturday, 20 Aug. 3 and 4 P. and M. [1556]. 

Whereas one John Palmer was late bounden apprentyce to John 
Tompson sythens whiche tyme uppon certen occasion the seid John 
Tompson hath gyven the seid John Palmer as it is thoughte by this courte 
unreasonable correctyon for his defaltes. Whereuppon the seid John 
Palmer hathe remayned w' his mother M rs Palmer. And now this day the 
partyes being presente uppon examynacion hereof it is ordered that the seid 
John Palmer shall go home w 4 the seid John Tompson and seme him as his 
apprentyce according to his indenture. And that the seid John Tompson 
shall entere bond for the peace against the seid John Palmer. 

CCCXV. Court on Saturday, 30 Jan. 3 and 4 P. and M. [1557], 
This daye Elizabeth Bowde, late wief of John Bowde deceassed, and 
Simond Bowde doth delyver unto M r Mayour in this courte thies parcelles 
whiche is supposed ded belong to the prestes gylde 2 and were in thands 
of one M r Cleydon clerke deceassed ; In primis, a table cloth of diaper 
conteyning v yerds iij qrs. in lenkith and in bredth an elle. Item, a nother 
table cloth of dyaper [as above]. Item, a nother table cloth of dyaper 
conteyning ij yerdes iij qrs. in lenkith and a yerde brode. Item, a diaper 
towell conteyning in lenkith iij yerdes di' and brede iij qrs. Item, vj 
diaper table napkins. Item, an obligacion wherein Edwarde Leeke and 
John Whitehedd stond bound to M r Cleyton with a condicion for the 
payement of iiij 1 '. Item, a byll obligatory wherein Richarde Marye stond 
to Thomas Cleydon for the payemente of xl s . Item, a pleyne table cloth 
conteyning in lenkith iiij yerdes and in bredeth j yerde. Item, ij skuttchens 
of the prestes Armes. 8 Item, a gret square box w r a hespe for to kepe the 
premisses. 4 

Received y es parcels off M r Mayer y e xv day off May 1557 to 
thuse of y e prestes gyld per me Stephin Prowett. 5 

1 His offence was the use of seditious words. The experiment of a tax for wearing 
beards was tried about this time as a source of revenue. See Encyclopedia Britannica 
" Beards." 

2 The Gild of Corpus Christi. 

3 Probably those of the gild, viz. of the Blessed Sacrament. See Emblems of 
the Saints, Husenbeth. App. II. p. 4. 

4 Introduction III. 3. 5 Rector of St. Margaret, Westwick. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 
CCCXVI. Court on Saturday after the Epiphany i Eliz. [7 Jan. 

Thomas Huson, servaunt to Nicholas Bakar of y e parisshe of S l Stephan, 
was commytted to warde and orderyd y* he shall haue a clogg on his 
legg for f he w th one of his fellowes upon Wedensday the iiij th of January 
aboute ix or x a clocke in the nyght, ther master and dame beyng from 
home, went to the house of Margett Rose in the parisshe of Alderhallowes 1 
and had a capon lying at the ffyre at souche tyme as M r Myngey 
enteryd into the house w ch was after x a clocke in the nyght. 

Memorandum that where the v th of Febr. anno 1557 Marget Rose of 

e parisshe of Alderhallowes was appoynted to sell bere ale and breade 
as in the boke of recognicences apperith. It is ordered that from this 
daye forth the sayd Margett shall not use to sell any breade, bere, or 
ale upon payne of [ ] for that she harbored and housed the 

servauntes of Nicholas Bakar of S' Stephans at on lawfull tymes contrary 
to hyr bonde. And she w th hyr suertes payde ther ffyne as in the hamper 

ke apperith. 

CCCXVIL Court on Wednesday, n Jan. [1559]. 

Robert Browne of thage of xij yeres or theraboutes, the sone of 
] Browne of [ ] in the Countie of Suffolk was founde 

lying in the strete here w th in this cittie. And one Robert Saborne of the 
parish of S l George of Muspole w'in the Ward of Colgate, beyng moved 
w* pittye was contented to accepte and take the sayde Robert Browne 
into his house and seruice and to use hym w* meate drynke and cloth as 
is mete for one of that yeares. And after when he shall come to the 
yeres of xiiij yeres, to take hym to prentyse for ix yeres and to teache 
hym in his occupacion of dornyke weuers crafte as he hath done other of 
his prentises heretofore. 

CCCXVIII. Court on Wednesday, 21 June [1559]. 

This day M r [ ] Clarke of the market of the Quenes most 

honorable howseholde and throughout the realme according to a precepte 
that he sent to M r Mayer cam into the Gildehall to serche waightes and 
measures. And ther and then was declarid and shewid unto hym the 
wordes of the charter 2 how that the Mayour for the tyme beyng is clarke 
of the market w'in the cittie and the liberties of the same. Wherupon he 
tried the brasen busshell and other weightes and measures remaynyng w'in 
the Gyldehall and further he meddyld not. 

Also ther was a great complaynt made by one Adam Owtelaw to the 
clarke of the markett that the brewers and bakers use to measure and 

1 All Saints. 

2 That of E. VI. reciting the and Charter of E. III. See Vol. I., pp. 26, 285. 


178 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

streke the corne that thei bye w' a rolle w ch hathe not be sene in eny other 
place. Wherupon M r Mayour gave in charge to all souche that have 
used that kynde of rollyng that thei shoulde leue and use it nomore. 

CCCXIX. Court on Wednesday, 8 Nov. [1559]. 

Roberte Couley, Rafe Sutton, Thomas Lodesman, Hattemakers, do 
presente and certefie y l Robert Crickemay is a workeman sufficient and 
lawfull tobe admitted to use and exersise hatmakyng as by thexperiens 
approvid by the seyde iij men have declaryd. 

CCCXX. Court on Saturday, i Dec. 2 Eliz. [1559]. 

Roberte Crykemaye beyng before presented tobe a sufficient workman 
is appoynted and ffully admytred by M r Mayer, M r Thomas Gawdy, 
Recorder, and M r Henry Bacon to occupie and sett upp his occupacion of 
hatemakyng accordyng to the statute. 1 

CCCXXI. Court on Wednesday, 17 Jan. [1560]. 
This daye Symon Frary and Cristofer Johnson be appoynted to be 
masters of the beggers 2 w'in the Cytye of Norwiche. 

CCCXXII. Court on Saturday, 23 Nov. [1560]. 

Thomas Bane cam before M r Mayour beyng vysyted w th sykenes and 
desyrus to be admytted to the exersise of coblyng only duryng the tyme 
of his sycknes. Yt ys agreed that duryng the tyme of his syckenes he 
shall exersise the seide occupasicion, and so sone as god shall sende hym 
amendement of his syckenes that then he shall leve that occupacion and 
fall ageyne to the occupacion of cordewynerscrafte. 

CCCXXIII. Court on Wednesday, 4 Dec. 3 Eliz. [1560]. 

Yt ys fully agreid by the concent of the Justices and Aldermen, that 
Ursula, late the wyfe of Thomas Morly, somtyme Alderman, in considera- 
tion of hir grate povertie shall haue towardes hyr relyfe and levyng 
yearely oute of the hamper xxvj s viij d tobe payde to hyr quarterly and the 
ffyrst payment tobegyn at Christmas next commyng. W ch relyfe this house 
thought mete and good to extend towardes [hir] in consideracion of hir 
poverte that she ys now come unto beyng one the dowghters of M r Thomas 
Pyckerell who was thrise Mayour of this worshipfull cittie. 3 

1 5 and 6 E. VI. c. 24, s. ii. See Introduction V. 2. 

2 The Clavers Books show that these officers drew their salaries from 1550 at least, 
and continued to do so long after this date. 

3 Introduction VI. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 79 

CCCXXIV. Court on Wednesday, 4 May (sic.} [June, 1561]. 

Marget Bryne aboute the age of viij yeres abyding with M r Holl was 
brought before M r Mayour for pycking of a purse of one M rs Holies serunt. 
And upon the fyrst examinacion she declared that hir mother and hir 
graunde mother had the money. How belt upon further examinacion she 
declared and confessed that she delyuered the mony to one Elyzabath 
Seman abyding w th Gose of Higham of the age of x yeares. Who beyng 
examined confessith that she receyved [ ] peces of the same 

money. Wherupon they haue had ponysshement of whipping w l roddes. 

CCCXXV. Court on Wednesday, n July [1561]. 

Wheareas one John Felde, seruaunt to Robart Crispe of Seynt 
Stephans, confessith that he ded absent hym selfe from his master his 
service and went runnyng aboute the contry w th a gitterne, for that defawte 
he was commytted to prison and there remayned thre dayes, and therupon 
was admytted to his master ageyne. 

CCCXXVL Court on Saturday, 25 Oct. [1561]. 

M r Mayour hathe geven Commaundement to all the Constables w^in 
the cittie that they do cause the poore people w th in euery warde to appere 
before the Aldermen of the same warde betwyn this and Tewesdaye nyght 
next, so that the same Aldermen maye certefye M r Mayour of all their 
names aswell men as women this daye sevenight. 

CCCXXVII. Court on Wednesday, 3 Dec. 4 Eliz. [1561]. 

Whereas one Edward Cheney, beyng servaunt and jurnyman wyth 
Thomas Jackson, confessyth that on Mundaye sevenyght beyng the xxiiij 
daye of November dyd breake the seyd Thomas Jacksons hys masters 
head wyth a payer of tayllorssherys ys commytted to prison. 

The same Edwarde beyng examyned howe many jurnymen and 
apprentyces the seyd Thomas Jackson hath [sayeth] xvij (eight jurnymen 
and nine apprentyces named). 



CCCXXVIII. Court on Saturday, 6 Dec. [1561]. 
William Bannocke, servaunt and apprentise to Brian Talbott, confessith 
at he ded rune awaye thre tymes from his master. Yt ys orderyd that he 
shall haue a ryng aboute his necke according to the statute. 1 

This [same] daye yt is orderyd and agreid that William Cheny 
aunt to Thomas Jackeson shalbe sett in the stockes for that he brake 
his masters hedd. 

The same daye Thomas Jackeson ys commytted to prison for y' when 

1 i E. VI. c. 3. 

1 80 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

William Cheny his servaunt had broken his hed dednot complayne to 
M r Mayour so that justice coulde not be mynistred in dewe tyme. 

CCCXXIX. Court on Wednesday, 31 Dec. [1561]. 

Robart Ryngwoode browghtin a certeyn indenture wherein Lewes 
Lowthe, the sunne of Thomas Lowthe of Attilburgh, was bounde to hym to 
serue as a prentys for vij yeares. And M r John Holdiche cam before 
M r Mayour and other Justices and declaryd that the sayde Lewes ys a 
bondeman to my Lorde of Norffolk grace, and further that he was browght 
upp in husbondry untyll he was xx yeares olde. Wherupon he was 
discharged of his seruice. 

CCCXXX. Court on Wednesday, 31 Dec. [1561]. 

Edmonde Abbott beyng examined this daye of the order of his beggyng 
sayeth that yt was in maner as followeth 

I desyre your masterhipp tobe good and fryndly to a poore man 
y* hathe ben hurte and mayned in the Quenes affayers, mayned in my arme 
as your mastershipp maye wel perceyve. 

Alacke good fellowe that ys greate pyttie, how cam yt to passe ? 

I was hurte w' a pece of ordynaunce yf yt maye please your 

Where ded you serve when that you wer hurte ? 

I served in one of the Quenes Gallys callyd Spedewell and was hurte 
beyng on the narrowe sease. 

How long ys yt syns you wer hurte ? 

I was hurte at Whitsontyde was twelvemonth. 

Who was then Capteyne of that Galley ? 

Capitan Holden was Capitan of that Galley. 

In what conflycte were you hurte ? 

I was hurte betwyn Porchemouth and the Yle of Wight beyng metchyd 
and coupled w th one of the Frenche Kinges shippes. 1 

CCCXXXL Court on Wednesday, i April [1562]. 

Robart Morgan, laborer, was commytted to prison for lodging and 
harboring young and ydell vagabondes. And to promyse that yf he at eny 
tyme after be taken lodging eny stranger or vacabonde then he ys contented 
to lose one of his erys. 2 

CCCXXXIL- Court on Wednesday, 29 April [1562]. 
Symonde Sallett confessith that he solde to one Wattes of Matsale to 
packes of woll conteynyng xxxij stone w ch was peltewoll, 3 and solde contrary 

1 Introduction VI. i. 

2 Ears. 3 Wool from the skin of a dead sheep. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 181 

to the lawes of the Cittie so y* ther is forfett for euery pounde iij s iiij d w eh 
amountith to Ixxiiij" xiij s iiij d . 

Vincent Tesmonde confessith that he solde to a clother of Naylonde 
c stone of woll w ch was peltwoll. 

CCCXXXIII.^ Court on Saturday, 30 May [1562]. 

Woll Chapmen. Robart Tylney of Matsall Bergh hathe solde cc stone 
to men of Suffolk. John Howlett of Hockering sellyth no woll but only in 
Norwiche Markett or at home among his naybors. Richarde Baldewyn of 
Mattashall hathe solde ccc stone woll to men of Suffolk. Alice Peeres of 
Matshall Bargh sellyth no woll but only in Norwich Markett. Thomas 
Wattes, thelder, Thomas Cressolde, Edwarde Wattes, Roger Wattes, John 
Wattes, Thomas Wattes the younger, William Partryke, [and] Nicolas 
Allen. All thes persons do by woll and bring none to Norwich Markett 

L "t lode yt and sell yt to the Clothers in Suffolk. 
CCCXXXIV. Court on Saturday, 6 June [1562]. 
Thomas Wattes of Matsale beyng examyned what woll he haue 
bought in Norffolk and carryed into Suffolk, do confesse that he haue solde 
xx 11 stone woll. Edward and John Wattes [a similar amount each]. 
Thomas Cressolde and Nicholas Allen confesse etc. xvij stone woll [apiece]. 
The parties aboue named do graunte that they will bring woll to sell to 
the Markett to the wyves and spynners w ch thing they promysed to do 
within this moneth, and yf they do to the contrary that then they to be 
ponysshed as the law shall appoynt. 1 

CCCXXXV. Court on Wednesday, 3 June [1562]. 

Callyd the sellers of Strawburys whose names hereafter ensueth ; viz. 
Thomas Barker, Richard Smyth, Gayes wyfe, John Wrighte, Palmers 
w yfe, John Kyng, John Ovell, Nicholas Grenes wyfe, John Avelyn, 
Nicholas Fylby. And they ar commaunded to sell ther Strawburys after 
iij d a pynte and not aboue upon payne of imprisonment. 

CCCXXXVI. Court on Saturday, 4 March 6 Eliz. [1564]. 

The enquest for the Clarke of the Markett. Fyrst they ffynde y* the 
Cittie hathe neyther common beame, ballaunces nor waightes. 

Also they do ffynd y* John Fayerclyff, miller, doth kepe pullery as 
hennys, duckes, pygges, and swyne contrary to ther charge. 

Item they ffynde that the comon bakers viz. John Pye, John Suckelyn, 
Nicholas Bradeshew, Robert Andrewes, William Mordew, John Crickemer, 
Richard Spratt, John Roke, William Rasshe, John Pype, Edmonde 

1 See Stat. I E. VI. c. 6. 

1 82 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Michelles, and Thomas Cory, do bake ther brede under the syse [assize] 
and contray to ther charge. 

Also they do ffynde that the comon alebrewers viz. Edwarde Pye, 
Wedow Geywoode, John Lawrewoode, Ralphe Stephanson, and [ 
Glaven do brewe ther ale not holsome for mans body, and y* they haue no 
taster according to ther charge. 

Also they do ffynde that the comon berebrewars viz. Thomas Narford, 
Andrew Gybson, Fraunces Morley, M rs Lee, Thomas Mihell, John Utberde, 
Thomas Debney, William Gylderne, and [ ] Levold, brew beare not 

holsome for mannes body. 

Also they do ffynde that coummon inholders viz. M r Norgate, M r Hed, 
aldermen, John Clarke, Father Beamont, Robart Wretham, Robart Toly, 
John Barforth, John Pype, Robart Thorneton, William Butfeld, Mathew 
Harman, Thomas Crofte, Henry Grenewoode, Robart Barnard, William 
Pulley, Richard Dunkes, John Byrche, Robart Martens, [ 
Dawkyns, Richard Smythe, Richard Watson, Thomas Parrys, George 
Drewry, Richard Bengemyn, Christofer Barrett, Edward Fletcher, John 
Harman, Robart Gyrdeler, Thomas Hannode, Richard Spencer, Wedow 
Spratt, John Ducker, John Stallworthy, William Stede, Edwarde Bosshell, 
Edmonde Dam, Jamys Gwy, and William Hamund do sell ther bottelles of 
hay not contaynyng wayghte. 

Also they do ffynde that wynesellers viz. M r Norgate M r Hed, Aldermen, 
Richard Bengemyn, Thomas Croftes, William Pulley, Edmonde Pynchin, 
Robart Barnard, Wedow Spratt, and Richard Spencer do sell ther wyne 
contray to the Statute. 1 

Also they do ffynde that bochars viz. M r Grene, Alderman, John 
Worseley, Andrew Dey, Richard Toly, John Woodecocke, Edmonde Toly, 
Robart Toly, Richard Dey, John Saye, William Leke, Thomas Hobart, 
William Fyssher, Thomas Browne, Richarde Blofelde, Robart Spryngall, 
John Grene, John Warren, Henry Howse, and William Barker, do kyll ther 
bulles unbayted and kene [cows] w th calfe. 

Also they do ffynde that the ffysshemongars viz. M r Warden alderman, 
John Tompson, John Crowe, Nicholas Grene, Robart Tompson, Thomas 
Grene, John Debney, Thomas Crofte and Thomas Worde do sell their 
ffysshe not well wateryd. 

Also they do ffynde that the typlers viz. Alys Browne, Margery 
Dinglow, Thomas Moyes, Thomas Browne, William Collard, Margaret 
Harman, Richard Watson, Robert Martens, Edmonde Home, Richard 
Wrenche, Robart Fenne, Nicholas Lawrence, Thomas Hogges, Symond 
Chapman, Fraunces Bolton, Edmond Walston, John Hylde, Richarde 
Blewett, [ ] Wrighte, Johnjstynt, John Porter, Thomas Howell, 

and Mother West, do sell ther ale and beare w th pottes unsyzed and sealyd 

1 5 Eliz. c. 5, s. xxv. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 183 

and also they donot sell a quart of the best ale or beare for a half- 
penny (ob'). 

Also they do ffynde that the whight lether tawers viz. Vincent 
Tesmonde, Thomas Tesmonde, William Blewett, John Taillour, Symond 
Sallett, Water Sharpp and Water Bennett do tewe calveskynnes. 

CCCXXXVIL Court on Wednesday, 7 June [1564]. 

Wheareas there hathe bene complaynte made to M r Mayour and the 
Justices of the greate excessyve charges y' gentylmen, sarvingmen and 
other travilours be at when they have any occasion to resorte to this cittie 
aswell for ther dyettes at ther ostes howses or at other victualing howses, 
as for ther horsesmeate and gresse for ther horses. Therfor it is ordeyned 
for the reformacion therof that no inkepars nor victuler within this cittie 
shall from this daye tyll the ffeaste of the byrthe of our Lorde [25 Dec.] 
next commyng take any more mony for a dyner or a supper of any body 
then iiij d and to provyde for them porrage or sew 1 w th befe or mutton boyled 
and a stroke of summe kynde of roste and no more. And that from the 
sayde ffeast tyll Ester [22 April] then next followyng to take v d for a mele 
and no more and the dyett tobe as before ys declaryd savyng in Lente. 
And that no inkepar nor other y l use to take horse to grasse w th in 
this cittie from this daye tyll the byrth of our Lorde next comyng shall 
take aboue iij d the daye and nyght for a horse and yf he tarry but a 
nyght then to take ij d a nighte for a horse and no more. 

CCCXXXVIIL Court on Wednesday, 17 Sept. 9 Eliz. [1567]. 

M r Mayour [Thomas Whall] 2 callyd certeyne straungers beyng 
Duchemen before hym and other Justices and haue geven them in 
commaundement to bring in the names of thos ccc persons that shall 
so be lycensyd and named to dwell in this cittie betwyn this and 
Michelmas next at ther perilles, for y l dyverse and sundry tymes they 
have ben called and requyred therto and haue hitherto not accomplyshed 
e same but now thei promys that they will doit accordingly. 

CCCXXXIX. Court on Wednesday, 18 Feb. 10 Eliz. [1568]. 
Forsomochas the glovers and white tawers haue made complaynte 
that they can gett no shepes skynnys of the bochers of the cittie 
becawse the straungers do by them of the bochers, this daye the straungers 
beyng here present haue commaundement geven them that after Shrove 
Sondaye 3 [29 Feb.] next they nor none of them bye nor bargayne 
'V th any bocher eyther for shepe skyns, lambe skynnes nor calve skynnes 
t ther perilles and in payne of fforfyture of the same. 

1 Broth. 2 Introduction V. 4. 3 Quinquagesima. 

1 84 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CCCXL. Court on Saturday, 6 March [1568]. 

Vyncent Tesmonde, Symond Sallett and Thomas Tesmonde, white 
tawers, beyng sworne and deposyd do complayne and saye that on 
Tewesdaye beyng S' Mathies even 1 [23 Feb.] last paste they went to 
the howse of one Peter Byllett a straunger dwelling in the parisshe of 
S l Mary of Coslany to know and understande the manner and waye of 
pullyng the shepskynnes according to souche order as was taken before 
M r Mayour. And the sayde Peter Byllett very stowtely aunsweryd and 
sayde that he couldenot be in reste but moche disquyeted and trobled. 
And in talke betwyn them the sayde Byllett called the sayde Vyncent 
Tesmonde and Thomas Tesmonde bothe knaves, and that he wolde not 
teach neyther them nor none of ther servauntes to pelte woll onles 
they wilbe prentyses for iiij er or fyve yeares. And hereupon there ys 
commaundement geven that neyther the sayde Peter Byllett nor yet 
eny other straunger shall engrosse or by eny wolskyns in the market 
nor of eny bocher at eny tyme after. And hereupon he ys comyttyd 
to prison. 

CCCXLL Court on Wednesday, 10 March [1568]. 

Certeyne straungers, joyners, viz. Raynolde Louys, Robert Gosens, 
John Foos, Nicholas Vanbraband, Andrew Funnevex were called before 
M r Mayour and warned that y el shall speare 2 and shetupp the shoppes 
and worke w th Inglysshemen or elles to departe owte of the cittie 
w th in xiiij dayes next commyng. 

CCCXLII. Court on Saturday, 28 April 13 Eliz. [1571]. 

This daye before M r Mayour and his bretherne certeyn of the 
straungers of the Duche nacion cam before them and made requeste 
that they myght haue lybertye to sell ther bayes untill souch tyme 
as the order appoynted by the councell shall be receyved. This 
daye M r Mayour and his bretherne here present do agree that the sayde 
Duchemen shall sell ther bayes at the Sale Hall newly appoynte in 
souche order and sorte as ys appoynted by the book allredy agreid 
on by acte of assembly and not otherwyse untill the order that the 
Quenes Councell haue agreid upon shalbe receyved. 

CCCXLIII. Under the Court on Wednesday, 20 Oct. [1571]. 

A viewe of the Straungers taken the xxiiij th of October anno 1571 
viz. Men M 1 Ivj. Women M 1 iiij xx xv. Childerne M 1 viij c xlviij. [Total] 
iijM 1 ix c iiij xx xviij [3999 ?]. 

1 Tuesday was the Feast of St. Mathias, 24 Feb. 2 Close. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 185 

CCCXLIV. Court on Wednesday, 31 Oct. [1571]- 
This daye Aldrian Busfytt a Ducheman and a taillour for making 
of Inglysshe worke contrary to the order of ther boke haue forfyted 
xx s w ch was all remytted savyng ij s w ch was geven to the wardens 
and to M r Mayour. 

CCCXLV. --Court on Wednesday, 16 July 14 Eliz. [1572]. 
Jone Mason for skolding and other misbehavyour was sett on the 
cokingstole at Jackes Pitt and there duckyd. 

CCCXLVL Court on Saturday, 2 July 17 Eliz. [1575]. 

William Butfelde and William Hemewaye, bowers, were called before 
M r Mayor and his brethern and were here charged that they showlde haue 
regard and care aswell to the workemanshipp in makyng ther bowes, so as 
the Quenes subiectes maye well and honestly [be] served of that bowes 
that shall be good and reasonably prised, at ther perilles. 

By the hole concent of this howse it is agreed that the Aldermen of 
euery warde w th the Mynister of the Duche and Wallon nacons shall call 
before them thos Duche and Wallon people as well men as women as ar 
remaynyng in the cittie w ch arnot of the congregacion nor of the churche, 
and so to examyne them and to do ther endevour to bring them to 
reformacion and tobe of the churche, and incase they shall fynde ene one of 
them that shalnot be conformable, that then thos Aldermen to declare the 
matter to M r Mayour and other the Justices so as therupon order may be 
taken utterly to banish them w th out further delaye. 

CCCXLVIL Court on Wednesday, i Feb. 18 Eliz. [1576]. 

Richard Whittell of Ringsale in the Countie of Norffolk, taillour, here 

open courte ys contente that Robert Whittell his sonne of the age of xvj 
yeres shalbe and remayne w th Charles Droghbroot, bayweuer, for the space 
of vj yeares after the daye of this courte to lerne the occupacion of 
bayweuyng and souche other trades and sciences as the same Charles 
Droghbroot dothe or shall occupye duryng the sayde terme of vj yeares 
wanting a quarter. And the sayde Charles dothe not only promys to teache 
the sayde Robert souche sciences as he dothe or shall use and to fynde hym 
sufficient meate, drynke, lynnen and wollen aswell in syckenes as in helthe 
during all the sayde tyme but also at thende of thos yeares to geve and 
delyuer to the same Robert Whittell his servaunt xx s in mony and doble 
apparrell tor his body bothe lynnen and wollen according to the custome of 

e cittie. 

The same Richarde Whittell is content that his sonne Ewstas of the 
age of xiiij yeares shalbe and remayne with Nicholas Vanbuston, pynner, 
for the space of viij yeres to lerne the occupacion of pynnars crafte etc. (on 
similar conditions). 

1 86 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Robert Vance, singleman, of the age of xvij yeres is content to put 
hym selfe to seruece to one John Vance, a Duche man, for the space of three 
yeares and x monethes to lerne his occupacion of turnars craft, (on similar 

CCCXLVIIL Court on Saturday, 4 Feb. [1576]. 

The hole company of the waytes of this cittie did come here into this 
courte and craved that they myght haue leve to playe commodies and upon 
interlutes and souch other places 1 and tragedes w ch shall seme to them 
mete ; w ch peticion by the hole concent of this courte is graunted to them 
so farre as they do not playe in the tyme of devine service and sermonnes. 

CCCXLIX. Court on Saturday, 30 Aug 20 Eliz. [1578]. 

VVheareas M r Henry Sackeforde, Esquyer, one of the Quenes majesties 
previe chamber delyuered to the handes of M r Thomas Layour the summe 
of xxx 11 w ch her majestic ded geue towardes the relyffe of the poore 
straungers that ar remaynyng and dwelling in the Citie of Norwich. This 
daye the sayd Thomas Layour brought into this courte the sayde xxx u w ch is 
payed ouer and delyuered in the presnce of Harmanus Modert, Minister of 
the Duche congregacion, and Leodowycus Maupin, Minister of the Wallon 
congregacion, to the handes of the iiij deacons viz. Anthony Desolenne, 2 
Zegor Wittewronghele of the Douche congregacion, Jan Debraban, and 
Thomas Delatombe of the Wallon congregacion. The poore of the Duche 
to haue xix 11 , and the poore of the Wallons to haue xj 1 '. 3 

CCCL. Court on Saturday, 24 Jan. 21 Eliz. [1579]. 

M r Wulter Haw and Richard Farrour brought into this court six 
seueral bondes and obligacions wherin Richard Godfry of Grayes In in 
the Countie of Middlesex, gentleman, to gether with one John Hollonde of 
Southrepps in the County of Norffolk, gentleman, stand joyntely and 
seuerally bounden for the payment of iiij c li. to and emonges Elizabeth, 
Anne and Elizabeth Haugh, daughters of Robert Hawgh decessed, at 
certeyne ages and tymes in the condicions of the sayde obligacions 
specefyed, w ch sayd bondes are lefte here w th M r Mayour tobe delyuered 
and kepte in the treasory of this citte to the use of the sayde childerne 
untyll the seuerall dayes of payment seuerally lymitted and declared in 
the same. 

CCCLI. Court on Saturday, 4 April [1579]. 

By the hole concent of this howse it is agred that the wardens of the 

1 Pla>s. 2 Anthony de Solen, the printer. See No. CCXLI. 

1 Introduction V. 4. 



Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 187 

bochers shall geve warning aswell to our cittie bochers as to the cuntry 
bochers that they kill no fflesshe w th in the walles of this cittie upon payne of 
the penaltie of the statute 1 in that case made and prouided, during the tyme 
the plage w th in this cittie. 

CCCLII. Court on 26 June [1579]. 

Thomas Ussher of Norwich, raffeman is sworne to searche and certyfie 
the names of suche persons as do wiekely departe this lief w th in this Cytie 
of Norwich. 2 

CCCLIII. Court on Wednesday, i July [1579]. 

Forasmoche as in the tyme of this greate contagion and syckenesse 
diuerse and sondry poor persons visited w th the same sycknes 3 are in so 
greate pouertye as theye are not liable of theim sellfes to relieve their 
necessitie ; this daie therefore M r Maior and Alldermen here present do 
aggree that euery Allderman shall give presently toward relief of the same 
visited and sycke persons xx s w ch shalbe put into a chyste remaynyng in this 
chambre for that onely purpose. And that euery Allderman shall name 
and appoincte one sufficient person in his seuerall warde to be distributor of 
the same contribucion, w ch shall in this Courte from tyme to tyme receyue 
suche sommes as shalbe deliuered hym in this Courte, and then faithefully 
truely and charitably distribute and give the same moneye to suche poore 
persons as be visited w th syckenesse w th in their seuerall wardes wherof theye 
are appoincted distributers. And the Shreves that nowe be, and eche one 
that hathe ben Shrive to paie xiij s iiij d . And the paiment of the comons to 
be diuided into iij partes, viz. the beste sorte to paie x s , the seconde sorte 
v s and the thridde sorte ij s vj d w ch comons shalbe asseised by the discretion 
of the Alldermen of their wardes. And lykewise suche widowes as shalbe 
thought meete by the Alldermen to be asseised thereto by the Alldermen at 
their discretion. W ch said sommes to be distributed as is abouesaid and 
this to contynue for one moneth. 

It is agreed by M r Maior and his brethren y' euery person whose 
house is visited w th syckenes of y e plague and where any person hathe or 
dothe die therowte do not goe abrode by the space of vj wekes. And that 
the pore whose houses are or shalbe so visited shalbe prouided for in suche 
maner as they shall haue no iuste cause to goe abrode at all. And that 
none y l hathe any sores abowte theim do goe abroade at all, in paine that 
euery offender shalbe set in the stockes by the constable or constables of 
euery warde. 4 

1 4 H. VII. c. 3. 2 Introduction VII. i. 3 The Plague. 

4 Introduction VII. I. 

1 88 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

CCCLIV. Court on Wednesday, 22 July [1579]- 

Certeyne of the Duchemen came before this Court and are aggreed to. 
paie to thuse of this cytie the somme of Ixx 11 w ch M r Gostlynge and 
M r Gleane haue paied at London for the saide Duchemen to the Alnegers. 1 
And for that they have allready paied xxiij" yt is aggreed the same shalbe 
accepted as parte of the said Ixx". And for the residue, beyng the somme of 
xlvij", it is aggreed that they shall paie the same in iij monethes viz. euery 
moneth xv" xiij* iiij d And wheras there is vij u xv s to be paied to the saide 
Alnegers for the saye tree, 2 yt is aggreed that the said straungers shall 
lykewise paie into this Courte the said vij 11 xv s w ch if the cytie do not paie to 
the saide Allnegers, then the same vij" xv s shalbe repaied theim againe. 

CCCLV. Under the Court on Saturday, 5 Sept. [1579]. 

Memorandum on 8 Sept. M r Maior and his brethren according to the 
tenor of the late proclamacion have and do appuincte the place called 
Chapell in Field crofte to be a meete place w th in this cytie to cheardge 
w th shotte and pouldre and for the exercysyng of shotyng and for the 
learnyng to shoote in any maner of handegonnes, harquebuzes, callivers, or 
suche lyke. And allso for triall of suche pieces either for the satisfaction of 
theim selves, or of any that shall desire to buie the same, and at none other, 
as in the saide proclamacion is more at large conteyned. 

CCCLVI. Court on Wednesday, 21 Oct. [1579]. 

Leonard Foxe, aliant, lately commytted to prison for that he wolde not 
departe frome this cytie when he was commaunded therunto, is sent w th 
Robert Stevenson gaoler to be placed in a boate and so to be conveighed 
from this cytie into the parties beyond the seas. And if he be founde 
againe in this cytie, then it is ordered by M r Maiour and this courte that the 
saide Foxe shalbe whipped after a carte abowte the Market Steade and 
againe comytted to prison untyll he put in sureties to be of good behaviour. 

CCCLVII. Court on Saturday, 5 March 22 Eliz. [1580]. 

Leonard Foxe, aliant, returnyng againe into this cytie contrary to ordre 
in this courte sette upon hym, accordyng to the said ordres is commanded to 
be whipped after a carte and to be comytted to prison againe untyll further 
ordre be taken with him. 3 

John Gyrlynge of Kynges Lynne callyng him sellfe a musition and 
beyng founde in this cytie exercysyng the ydle trade of mynstralsy is 
commaunded not herafter to use the same w th in this cytie under paine to be 
punished according to the tenour of the statute 4 against such roagyng 
mynstralsy lately made and prouided. 

1 Introduction v. 4. 2 The say manufacture. See Introduction V. 4. 

3 Introduction v. 4. 4 14 Eliz. c. 5. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 1 89 

CCCLVIII. Court on Wednesday, 16 March [1580]. 

This house understanding of viij straungers newe commers w ch by 
[ r Maior and this howse are commaunded that they shalbe sent owte of this 
cytie, savyng one yonge maide and ij chieldren of x or xij yeares olde a 
pece, newe comers, who by consente of this howse are permitted to remayne 
here. And is is aggreed by this howse that Robert Thacker, water baylif of 
this cytie, and iiij of the elders of the straungers congregation shalbe 
assigned to see the said newe comers conveighed to the towne of Create 
Jernemuthe by water w th all spede, 

fcCCLIX. Court on 19 March [1580]. 
M r Maiour and his bretheren considerynge the contynuaunce of the 
sickenes of the plague in this cytie are aggreed that a certeyne wrightinge 
shalbe publyshed in the paroche churches of this cytie in the name of 
M r Maiour. The contentes of w ch wrightynge are perused and aggreed unto 
by the alldremanie of this house twoo Courte dayes nowe laste passed. And 
the said alldremen w th one consente doe promise to saue harmeles M r Maiour 

tand for the publishinge and exequution of the same and of euery article 
clause therein conteyned the tenor of w ch saide wrightinge hereafter 
ensueth viz. 

By the Maior. 

For avoydynge the encrease and spredinge of the infection of the 
plague w th in this cytie soe moche as by good pollycie maie be done, yt is 
comaunded by M r Maiour and his bretheren that none of anye house soe 
enfected w th in this cytie or the suburbes of the same w th in one moneth laste 
passed or w ch shall hereafter be infected shall come abroade into anye streete, 
market, shoppe, or open place of resorte w th in the cytie or the liberties or 
suburbes of the same at anye tyme here after untyll the plague be ceased in 
the same house by the space of xx" dayes at the leaste, but that euerye of 
theim shall haue and beare in his or theire hande or handes openlye, one 
whighte smalle wande of the lengthe of twoo foote w th owte hydinge or 
caryenge the same close from open sighte. And suche as carye wandes not 
to come at the Guilde Halle nor at any comon lectures or sermons, upon 
payne of euerye suche offender sene by anye Alldreman or constable, or 
beinge convented before anye alldreman, to be sette in the stockes by anye 
Alldreman or constable or constables, from the tyme of his apprihension and 
conventynge untyll eighte of the clocke in the after none of the same daye. 
And soe from tyme to tyme to be punyshed as often as anye offence is in 
that maner comytted or ellse to paie for everye tyme offendynge ffyve 
shillinges to the use of the poore. 

Allso that the clerke or sexteine of everye paroche or one of theim doe 
w th all convenient speede sette upon the dores of everye house soe visited w tk 
ickenes of the plague one paper w th theise woourdes written therin ; Lorde 

190 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

haue mercye upon us. And to se that the same be not pulled downe untylle 
the plague be ceased in the same house by the space of one moneth. And 
yf it be pulled downe then to cause an other lyke bylle to be sette in the 
same place by the clerke or sextein of euerye parishe where suche visited 
house is, the same clerke or sextein taken for doynge thereof ij ' for euerye 
tyme to be paied by the church wardeyns of euerye paroche upon payne to 
lose x s . And euerye person pullinge downe or causinge to be pulled downe 
anye suche paper to lose x s or to be otherwaie.s punished at the discreations 
of the maiestrates of this cytie. 

Allso that noe person \v th in this cytie, the liberties or suburbes of the 
same, nowe havinge or that shall haue anye plague sore upon them shall 
come abroade into anye streete, market, shoppe, or open place of resorte 
aforesaide untyll xx li dayes after the saide sore be fullye whole upon payne of 
euerye one soe offendynge to be sette in the stockes by M r Maiour or anye 
alldreman or constables comaundement of this cytie. 

Allso that noe dweller in this cytie selle anye househoulde stuffe whereby 
anye perill of infention maie growe or arise before the firste daye of the 
moneth of Maie nowe next ensuenge, and then onely at and by the 
discretion of M r Maior and his bretheren. 1 

CCCLX. Court on Wednesday, 29 March [1580]. 

M r Maiour and this house undrestandynge of eleven straungers newe 
commers to this cytie, they are commaunded by the courte that they shull 
departe frome this cytie over the seas ; Savinge one Maund, his wief and iij 
chieldren w ch came from Sandewich ar by consente of this house permitted 
to remayne w th in this cytie brynggynge testimoniall under the seal of the 
Maiour of Sandewich for their good behaviour. 

CCCLXI. Court on Saturday, 2 April [1580]. 

Robert Felle of this cytie being called before M r Maiour and his 
bretheren, and beynge demaunded by what trade or exercise he doth 
maynteyne hym sellfe and his famulie, coulde not receyte anye one lawfulle 
trade or occupacion w ch he hath exercised by the space of one moneth nowe 
laste passed wherebye he hathe gayned the value of towardes his 

livinge and sustentacion of his saide famulye. It is aggreed by M r Maiour 
and the Justices here present that he shalbe bounde to the good abearinge 
and shall goe to prison untyll he putte in sureties accordyngelye. 

CCCLXII. Court on Wednesday, 31 Aug. [1580]. 
Robert Thacker is commaunded to buye a rack of mutton for George 
Cannold, a pore lame boye w ch is putt to William Fever, Surgeon, to bee 

1 Introduction VII. i. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 191 

cured. And it is agreed that euery Saterdaie and Wednesdaie for a moneth 
next to coom shalbe bought for the dyett of the seid George a rack 1 of 
mutton or vealle w ch shalbe payed for owt of the hamper. 2 

CCCLXIII. Court on Saturday, 12 Nov. [1580]. 

Commaundement is given to Thomas Corye to paie this daie to Agnes 
Smyth a pore woman (whoo lyeth in childebedd and exhibited a bill of 
compleynt for soom relieff) ij s and so weekely ij s untill he haue further 
commaundement to the contrary w ch monye shalbe payed owt of sutche 
monye as he hath received of the late collectours for the poore. 

CCCLXIV. Court on Saturday, 6 May 23 Eliz. [1581]. 

The Pynner Duicheman M r Bowde, M r Thomas Layer, and M r 
Thomas Pettus, Aldermen, are appointed to appoynt a hows at thospitall 3 
for Nicholas Beoscom, and to take som further order w th hym for teaching 
of children his science of makyng pynnes. 

CCCLXV. Court on Wednesday, 27 Sept. [1581]. 
Graunted to John Felbrygg, clerk, that he shall haue lycence to gather 
e benevolence of his friendes in Norwich and shall haue pasport to depart 
from this citie, so that he be gone before Hallowmas [i Nov.] next. And if 
he remayne in this citie after Hallowmas he is contented to be whipped. 

CCCLXVI. Court on Saturday, 4 Aug. 24 Eliz. [1582]. 

Richard Burgys, mynyster, hath daye gyven hym untill this daye 
sevenight to make answer here when he w th his wyfe and ffamylye will depart 
owt of this citie or else he to be bound for his good behavyour. 



CCCLXVIL Court on Wednesday, 6 March 25 Eliz. [1583]. 
This daye M r Maiour caused a presentment of wursteadweuers 
entred as followeth ; 

Item, wee fynde that this bille as followeth to bee our verdict. 
Item, in the yere of our Lord god 1582 the xix daie of September, a 
serche was made by the viij wardeins belongyng to the mistery of wursted- 
r euers. 

Item, wee fynde that thear bee certeyn offenders w ch hath more 
apprentices 4 by the ordynaunces and lawes provided then they ought to haue, 
is confessed by the journymen and apprentices. 

Walter Marcell hath vij apprentices as the apprentices confeess. 
,dmond Allen hath vij apprentices by their owne confessyon and the 

1 Neck. 2 Introduction VI. I. 

3 St. Giles', The Great Hospital. See Introduction V. 4 

4 The number allowed them was four. See No. CCCCI-II. 

192 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

journymen lykewyse. Henry Bemond hath v apprentyces by their owne 
confessyon. Sylvester Foxe hath v apprentyces by their owne confessyon. 
Robert Baker hath vj apprentices by their owne confessyon. Robert 
Felbrygg hath v apprentyces as by them is confessed. William Blome hath 
v apprentices by their owne confessyon. Gregory Newhowse hath v 
apprentices by their own confessyon. John Asshewell hath v apprentices. 
William Bell hath v apprentices. This is our verdit. 

CCCLXVIII. Court on Wednesday, 22 May [1583]. 

Whear this court is credably infourmed and gyven to understond that 
Adam Kynot, alien, and Jamys Wallwyn, alien of this citie, and other aliens 
dwelling in the same citie doo use the buyeng of great quantitee of come 
w th in the Countie of Norffolk and nere this citie to the great rayse and 
inhauncyng of the pryces of come and generall grudge and myslykyng of 
pore people, the same beyng by the seid straungers transported over the seas. 
This daye commandement is especyally gyven by this court to the seid 
Adam and so sett downe generally for order that fromhencefurth no alien or 
straunger dwelling in this citie by themselves, servaunts, factours 1 or deputes 
buye or cause to bee bought any corne or grayne whatso euer other then for 
the provysyon of their owne housholdes, upon payne that thoffendours 
lawfully proved shalbe utterly banisshed this citie for euer, and to bee 
reputed men unmeete to contynue in this common welth." 

CCCLXIX. Court on Saturday, 9 Nov. [1583]. 

This daye was brought in the certificat of the whoall nomber of 
straungers now beeyng w th in this cittye w ch bee in nomber, all MMMMvj* 
Ixxix, wherof wer men Mcxxviij, women Mccclviij, children straungers 
viij c xv, children Englissheborne Mccclxxviij. 

CCCLXX. Court on Saturday, 28 March 26 Eliz. [1584]. 

Whereas a bill of complaint was exhibited to M r Maiour and his 
breethren by certayn citizens of this cittie for y l dyvers straungers aliens 
with in this cittie do buy Norwich commodities for other men and with 
other mens mony aswell of London as other places within this realme to 
y e great decay of the citizens of this citty trading the sayd commodities to 
London and other places. The Satturday the xiiij th of this instant Marche 
M r Mayour and his brethren called before them Jacob Buskins, Segar 
Wretewroughen, George de Roe, John Bagler, John Billet, Lewes Quinten 
and Mallert Rickworthe, aliens, and have declared unto them the tenor and 
effect of the same complaynt, and there uppon have prohibited the same 
straungers aliens that they or any of them shall not after the Feast of 
Easter [19 April] next ensueng this present xxviij th day of Marche use any 

1 Agents. - Introduction V. 4. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 193 

ffactorship or buy any commodities called Norwich commodities as factours 
for any person within this realme. But yet nevertheles ar contented that 
they shall or may use all suche liberties as her maiestie hathe graunted 
unto them using the same accordyng to the trew intent and meaning of her 
maiesties licence and the letters of the lordes of her honorable privie 
counsell. The sayd parties dyd desier tyme of respit for their answeres, 
w ch was graunted them, ij severall dayes for their answer. This present day 
the sayd Jacob Buskins [and the others] beyng requiered to make answere 
whether they will obay y s commaundement or no, they all doo thereto 
assent and promyse that after the sayd tyme lymyted they will not use 
factorship or buy any of the sayd commodities for any other person but 
onely buy and sell the same comodities for themselves simplie without 
fraud or collucion. 1 

CCCLXXI. Court on Saturday, 14 Nov. [1584]. 

It is agreed and orderyd by this court, and M r Symon Bowd and 
M r Cristofer Layer, Aldermen, are appoincted and auctorized to deall and 
conclude w th the Lord Treasourour 2 and any other for obteyneng of the 
Aulnage 3 and Subsidie for this citie. 

CCCLXXII. Court on Saturday, 6 March 27 Eliz. [1585]. 

The Bailive and politique men 4 of the Wallown Congregacion presented 
John Kentyng, John Porryn and Mary Valdyr, alyens, to bee leawd persons 
and therfor doo desyre that they maye bee banisshed this citie. Wherupon 
the seid Bailive and politique men are commaunded to see euery of the seid 
persons to bee shipped and sent euery one to the placys from whence they 
cam. And it is ordered yf they shall hereafter retourne to this citie they 
shalbe whipped abowt the markett. 

CCCLXXIII. Court on Saturday, 27 March [1585]. 

Henry Fond and Thomas Weauers are specially commaunded by 
M r Maiour and this hows that from hence furth they shall not bryng any 
straungers or alyens into this citie but sutche as doo inhabitt and dwell 
therin allready, upon payne of ymprisonment and sutche other payne as 
shalbe inflycted upon them by M r Maiour and his brethren. 

CCCLXXI V. Convocation of Aldermen, 10 May [1585]. 

Whereas the politique men and others of the Duche congregacion 
brought into this court the names and surnames of dy vers straungers in ther 
contrye borne, whose lyfe and conversacion hathe been of long tyme and 
11 is so wicked and ungodlye, that for their lewd and wicked lyveng the 

1 Introduction Y. 4. 2 William Cecil, Lord Burleigh 

:! Introduction V. 4. 4 >b. 


194 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

best of them ar by the sayd governours and all honest of the same 
congregacion thought altogether unmeet to dwell or hereafter to remaine in 
this city or libertyes of the same but for these causes to be utterly and 
presently bannysshed the same citye as by the said bill subscribed with the 
names of the sayd pollitique men appeareth. And where M r Maiour and 
his breethren here assembled have sent for many of the sayd persons, 
somme whereof or their present dwellynges cannot be found, somme of 
them ar from home, and cannot be spoken with, and somme of them 
commeng in the great chamber in manyfest contempt went away without 
appeareng in this court so that they cannot be talked with nor warned to 
depart as M r Maiour and his breethren fully purposed to doo. This 
day it is therefore ordered and agreeyd that the breefe here under wrytten 
shalbee directed to the mynyster of the sayd congregacion to be publysshed 
in their open church and meetyng the next Sabbaothe daye as followeth 
whiche this court fully agree uppon to be put in execucon with all strictenes 
accordyng to the tenor of the same in these wordes viz. 

To the Mynyster of the Duche Congregacion w th in the sayd City. 

These ar to will and straitly to chardge yow that yow sygnyfye and 
declare in your full and open congregation the next Sabbaoth day as 
followeth ; That whereas wee certainly understand that Joys de Rick [and 
43 others], aliens borne, ar at this tyme comorant and dwellyng w th in the 
sayd citye whose lyveng and conversacion is found to be so wicked and so 
ungodlye that they nor anie of them nor their families (uppon payne of 
whippeng owt of the same citye) shall remaine, dwell, contynue or abyde 
within the sayd citye or libertyes thereof, but that they and everie of them 
within [ ] dayes now next followeng shall utterly depart and goe owt 

of the same city and libertyes of the same, uppon payne aforesayd, and 
never at any tyme hereafter doo retorne or comme to the same againe, 
uppon lyke paine and suche other punysshement as M r Maiour and his 
breethren for the tyme beyng shall inflict uppon euery offender herein. And 
y l euery person whiche shall after the sayd tyme lett any hows to anie of the 
sayd persons, or after the tyme aforesayd receive or willyngly permyt any 
of the sayd persons to come into any of their howses shall forfeyt for euery 
night receiveng, or willyngly permyttyng, or suffereng them or any of them 
fyve shillinges accordyng to thorder heretofore in that case made. But 
shall uppon first sight or knowledge of the presence or commeng againe of 
them or any of them, or any other new comer beyng a straunger borne 
(whoe hathe not bene before allowed to dwell in the said city) present their 
names to M r Maiour to be delt w th and sent awaye as the sayd Maiour shall 
think meet, uppon paine that euery offender making default in the sayd 
presentment shall forfeyt and lose as afore sayd, yf the same come to 
M r Maiours knowledge by any other meanes then by them whoe shall so 
harbor or receive anie of the sayd persons or new commers. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 195 

CCCLXXV. Court on Wednesday, 6 Dec. 30 Eliz. [1587]. 

This daye cam the Elders of the Duiche Congregacton and compleyned 
that dyuers of their countrymen beeyng assessed to paye to the relieff of 
their poore now this hard tyme of wynter doo refuse the same. Wherupon 
they wer called and doo allege that their occupyeng is so farre decayed and 
they becoom so poore and the pore so greatly increasyd as they are not 
hable to susteyne the chardge. And herupon this hows consideryng the 
necessytee of the tyme and wayeng the great decaye of occupyeng among 
them and the great nomber of their poore, doo agree that the Chamberleyn 
shall paye to George Fenne and the rest of the elders owt of the monye 
collected for the seallyng of their commodities the summe of tenne poundes, 
and for this purpose he hath a warrant. 1 

CCCLXXVI. Court on Saturday, 25 Jan. 31 Eliz. [1589]. 

This daye was redd in the court a letter sent to M r Maiour and 
his brethren from S r Frauncys Drake wherby he desyreth that the waytes 
of this citie may bee sent to hym to go the new intendid voyage, 2 
wherunto the waytes beeyng here called doo all assent. Wherupon it 
is agreed that they shall haue vj cloakes of stamell cloath made them 
redy before they go. And that a wagon shalbe provided to carry 
them and their instrumentes, and that they shall haue iiij 1 ' to buye 
them three new howboyes and one treble recordour and x 11 to beare 
their chardgys. And that the citie shall hyer the wagon and paye for 
it. Also that the Chamberleyn shall paye Peter Spratt x s for a saquebutt 
case, and the waytes to delyuer to the Chamberleyn before they go the 
cities cheanes. 

CCCLXXVII. Court on Saturday, 15 Nov. [1589]. 
Forasmocheas the Wallownes in this citie are growne into great 
powertie by reason their trades and occupacions are greatly decayed 
wherby they are not hable to maynteyne their chardges and to relieve 
their pore. M r More and M r Nutt ij preachers of this citie wer appointed 
to collect the benevolence of well affected persons w th in this citie for 
relieff of the seid pore Wallownes whoo this daye cam into this 
urt and brought in the summe of xxviij 11 by them collected. And 
now by this court it is agreed that x" shalbe gyven them out of the 
treasurey of this citie. So the ij Mynysters of the Wallownes w th som 
of the elders of the same congregacion beeyng here present receyved 
e seid monye. 3 

CCCLXXVIII. -Court on Saturday, 22 Aug. 32 Eliz. [1590]. 

It is agreed that euery Alderman in his ward shall presently take 

1 Introduction V. 4. 2 The Portuguese Voy:ige. :! Introduction V. 4. 

196 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

order that no schooles w th in this cytie shalbee kept but broken upp 
untyll Mychaellmas next. 1 

CCCLXXIX. Court on Saturday, 5 Sept. [1590]. 

Furmyn Vanwater, alien, for keping schoole contrary to order and 
being commaunded to appear before M r Mayour by the Conestable and 
refusing to come is therefore for his disobediens sett in the stocks 
w th a paper on his hed For Disobedycnce. And also he is comaunded 
to appere on Wednesdaye next and to bring the mynister of the Duche 
congregacion to knowe what manner of person he is. 

CCCLXXX. Court on Monday, 10 March [37 Eliz. 1595]. 

The straungers aliens weauers being before M r Maiour and the 
Justices uppon a compleynt made by the englishe weauers for buyeng of 
smale uffe yarne reeled w th a shorte reele and false tolde, 2 the said 
straungers doe here promise that they will presently give warning to all 
ther spynsters and such as they use to buy yarne of, aswell for the 
reforming of the length of ther reeles (according to the ancient custome) 
as also for the true telling and deliuering of the nomber of thriddes 
conteyned in euery lea 3 of yarne, so as those abuses and falshoodes 
may be generally reformed before the Feast of the Annunciacion of our 
Ladye [25 March] next. And that afterward yf eny yarne be fownd 
defectiue, due searche shalbe made as the lawe requireth. 4 

CCCLXXXI. Court on Saturday, 17 May [1595]. 

Yt is ordered that one Thomas Barney nowe prisoner in the Guilde- 
hall shall goe and travell w th Barnaby Langdon the whipper in euery 
parishe w th in this cytty w th the baskett to gather and collect the devotion 
and releife of the inhabitantes to be given and distributed amongest the 
pore prisoners in the same gaole. 

CCCLXXXII. Court on Saturday, 4 Dec. 39 Eliz. [1596]. 

This daye were brought into this courte the persons hereundernamed 
who were suspected to enter into a close sowen w l rotes 5 of one 
Vertngose w th out S* Stephen's Gates. And they and euery of them 
seuerally for him self and one for an other did knowledge to owe to 
our soueraigne Ladie the Quene v u viz. Roger Watson junior, Robert 
Browne, cobler, Thomas Norton junior, mason, Thomas Bowman and 

1 Schools of writing, reading and knitting were again closed owing to sickness, 
2 9 July, 34 Eliz. 1592. 

2 The yarn was coarser than specified, and thus a given weight of it contained fewer 
yards than were declared. 

3 Hank. ' Compare No. CLXXI. '' Roots. 

a^%4'.%\i ^.IR CWT f^ ^JK,,. ^-WWid 

A Page from the Book of Customs. 

The fifth line reads, " Incipiunt Capitula de Ponderibus.'' (Here begin the Chapters 
concerning Weights.) At the end of the paragrapli is, "Explicit Capi((u)Ia de 
Ponderibus (sic) Incipit Assisa Panis et Cervisie. " (The end of the Chapters 
concerning Weights. The Assize of Bread and Ale begins.) 

Spaces were left for the initial capital letters of the paragraphs but they were never 
filled in. They are denoted by small letters in the margin. 

The Book of Customs after being lost for many years, perhaps upwards of a 
century, was restored to the City Muniments in 1905. It was discovered by 
Mr. Rve ii -ssion of a small tradesman in Norwich. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 197 

John Gryffyn w th condicion to make there personall appearance here in 
this Courte att all tymes upon warninge gyven them or to any of them 
and not to departe w'out lycence of this courte. 1 

CCCLXXXIIL Court on 19 May 1686. 

Proclamacion to be made at Whitson Fair and Trinity Fair next 
that y e Fair formerly kept upon Good Friday for the future shall be 
kept upon y e Thursday before calld Maundy Thursday. 2 


Extracts from the Book of Customs. 

CCCLXXXIV. Mandate to the Bailiffs of Yarmouth ordering 
them not to interfere with Merchants passing to the Staple at 
Norwich. 1333. (fol. 2). 

Rex dilectis suis Balliuis ville sue Mangne Jernemuthe salutem. 
Cum per nos prelates Comites Barones et totain communitatem 
regni nostri in parleatnento nostro apud Westmonasterium nuper 
conuocatos ordinatum fuisset quod Stapule lanarum coriarum et 
pellium lanutarum apud Norwycuin et alia certa loca infra regnum 
nostrum et non alibi tenerentur, et quod mercatores tarn indigene 
quam aliengene huiusmodi lanas coria et pelles lanutas in stapulis 
predictis emerent et ea absque impedimento extra stapulas illas 
ad partes exteras pro voluntate sua solutis nobis custumis inde 
debitis cariare possent. Ac iam ex relatu accepimus plurimorum 

The King to his beloved, the Bailiffs of his town of Great Yarmouth, 
greeting. Whereas by us, the prelates, earls, barons and the whole 
community of our realm lately assembled in our parliament at Westminster, 
it was ordained that the staples of wools, hides and wool-fells should be 
held at Norwich and other fixed places within our realm and not else- 
where, 8 and that merchants both native and alien might buy such wools, 
hides and wool-fells in the said staples and might carry them without 
impediment out from those staples to foreign parts at their will, the 
customs due thereon having been paid to us. And now from the report 
of very many we learn that you in many ways now recently hinder the 

1 Introduction V. 4 ' 2 Introduction VII. 3. 3 Introduction IV. I. 

198 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

quod vos mercatores et alios quominus ipsi naues et batellos suos 
usque ad dictam ciuitatem de Norwico per portum nostrum dicte 
ville nostre Mangne Jernemuthe ad lanas coria pelles lanutas in 
dicta stapula de Norwico empta in eisdem nauibus batellis cariand' 
ducere et eadem lanas coria et pelles lanutas ad partes exteras de 
stapula predicta cariare possint impeditis multipliciter iam de nouo 
et per quod mercatores et alii de stapula predicta cum mercandisis 
suis indies se retraxherunt in nostri dampnum et preiudicium et 
contra ordinacionem predictam de quo miramur plurimum et 
monemur. Nos volentes ordinacionem illam in singulis suis articulis 
firmiter obseruari et indempnitati nostre in hac parte prospicere ut 
tenemur, vobis mandamus sub forisfactura omnium que forisfacere 
poteritis firmiter iniungentes quod ab huiusmodi impedimentis de 
cetero penitus desistatis et mercatores et alios naues et batellos suos 
ad dictam stapulam de Norwyco per portum predictum ducere et 
lanas coria et pelles lanutas in dicta stapula cariata ad partes 
exteras pro voluntate sua cariare libere permittatis. Proclamari etiam 
facietis in eadem villa vestra et ex parte nostra firmiter inhiberi ne 
quis sub graui forisfactura nostra lanas coria seu pelles lanutas alibi 
in portu predicto quam in stapula predicta ad ea extra regnum 

merchants and others so that they cannot bring their ships and boats up 
to the said City of Norwich by our port of our said town of Great 
Yarmouth, for carrying away the wools, hides and wool-fells, bought in the 
said staple of Norwich, in the same ships and boats, and [so that they 
cannot] carry the same wools, hides and wool-fells to foreign parts from 
the staple aforesaid. And through that the merchants and others withdraw 
themselves from day to day from the said staple with their merchandise 
to our loss and prejudice and contrary to the said ordinance, whereat we 
marvel very much and are warned. We wishing that that ordinance may 
be observed in all its points and to provide for our security in this behalf 
as we are bound, command you, under the forfeiture of all things which 
you can forfeit, firmly enjoining that you entirely desist from such impedi- 
ments in future, and that you freely permit the said merchants and others 
to bring their ships and boats to the said staple of Norwich by the port 
aforesaid, and to carry away the wools, hides and wool-fells, brought to the 
said staple, to foreign parts at their will. You shall also cause it to be 
proclaimed in your same town, and on our behalf to be firmly prohibited, 
that no one may presume under heavy forfeiture to carry our wools, hides 
and wool -fells elsewhere in the said port than in the said staple, for 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 199 

nostrum ducenda quouis colore quesito cariare presumat nee 
mercatores seu alios cum nauibus seu batellis suis per portum 
predictum ad stapulam venire seu ex inde ad partes exteras redire 
et huiusmodi lanas coria et pelles lanutas cariare aliqualiter 
impediatis. Dum tamem iidem mercatores de custuma nobis inde 
debita warantum sub sigillo nostro de coket se habeant pro ut 
decet. Teste rege apud Donnolm x die Aprilis anno regni nostri 

taking them out of our realm, by any assumed pretext, nor shall you 
hinder the merchants or others in coming to the staple with their ships 
and boats by the said port, or in returning thence to foreign parts, and 
in carrying away such wools, hides and wool-fells. Provided however that 
the same merchants shall have a warrant of the custom thereon due to us 
under our seal of coket 1 as is fit. Witness the king at Durham loth 
day of April in the seventh year of our reign. 2 [1333]- 

CCCLXXXV. The Tolls paid upon goods coming to the City, 
(fol. 6.) 

Le Custom de la Citee de 

Custuma 4 omnium mer- 
cium provenientium ad 
Ciuitatem tam per ter- 
ram quam per aquam. 

De j miler de harang 
coment il passe par tere 
ou par ewe, j d 

D'qank 5 qe passe iiij d o' 

q' 6 homme deit, o' 

D' le lest de harang, 
D' le c de Muluel, 
D' le charett, 

The Custom 3 of the City of 

The Custom of all mer- 
chandise coming to the 
City as well by land as 
by water. 

Of I thousand of herring 
whether it passes by 
land or by water, id. 

whatever amount of 
herring which passes 
4*/, besides what the 
man should pay, \d. 

the last of herring, lod. 

the hundred of cod, 2d. 

the cartload, 2d. 

1 Seal of the Custom House. 2 See Vol. I. pp. 62-3-4. 

3 Tolls. 4 In the margin. 

5 Quanke, an indefinite great quantity. Quiconque? ti Outre que? 

200 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

D' le c de Makerel par 

terre et par ewe, 
D' le c de Merlyng, 
D' le way de suy 1 , 
D' oynt, 

D' xvj darre 3 de oynt, 
D' v torches de fyl de fez, 
D' x torches, 
D' quir tanne, 

Et sil soit taille le fez 

dun homme, 
D' le trossel de rere un 

D' le fez en sele dun 

D' le charett de fers a 

D' chescun charett qe 

custume doit al entre si 

il ne donne Ble, 
D' le trossel saunz corde, 
D' le trossel corde, 
D' le saak de Leyne, 
D' le xij de Cordewan, 

D' le carke de Alom, 

D' le saak de Alomn, 

D' le c de Alum, 

D' le c de peyuer, 

D' le c de Comyn, 

D' le c de syre, 

D' le c de Brasyl, 

D' le pere de Cyre, 

D' buckes tynes cordez al 

isser vers Jenemutu' 

chescun de eux, 

J d 

j d 

q a 



j d 

Of the hundred of mack- 

ob' erel by land or by water, \d. 

ob' the hundred of whiting \d. 

iiij d the wey 2 of tallow, ^d. 

iiij d ., lard, ^d. 

the 1 6 darre of lard, id. 

5 coils of iron wire, 4 \d. 

10 coils, id. 

tanned leather, \d. 
And if it be cut, the 

load of a man, \d. 
the pack [of leather] 

on a man's back, \d. 
the pack on the saddle 

of a horse, i d. 
the cartload of horse- 

ij d shoes, 2d. 

Of each cartload which 
owes custom on entry if 

ij d it does not give corn, 2d. 

ij d the bundle, not corded, 2d. 

iiij d ,, corded, ^d. 

!iij d the sack 5 of wool, ^d. 
iiij d the dozen [skins] of 

cordwain, 6 4^. 

iiij d the cark 7 of alum, ^d. 

iiij d the sack ,, ^d. 

iiij d the cwt. ^d. 

liij d pepper, $d. 

iiij d ,, cummin, 4</. 

iiij d wax, 4^. 

iiij d ,, brasil, 8 4$. 

ob' the stone of wax, \d. 

buck tines tied for 

going out towards Yar- 

ob' mouth, each of them, \d. 

8 Kelham has darres, two pennyworths. 

1 Suif. 2 14 stone. 

4 Or pack-thread. 

5 364 Ibs. K Shoe-leather. 7 3 or 4 cwt. 

8 Ccesalpinia Sappan, a wood from India, used for its red dye. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 201 


D' le mole, 

D' le couple de meyne 

D' le pere a forge, 

Et si il soit percee, 
D' le charett de panieres, j panier 




D' le snek, 
D' le hulch, 

Et si il porte blee, 
Del Neef q' porte seel 

D' le Busse, 

D' le Nief pecheress, 

D' le Bate, 

D' le Cog, 

D' le saak de p[om 3 ]mys 

de noiz v de farine ches- 

D' chescun charett q' 

vient premerement oue 

seel puis la fest seint 


Et puis en Ian chescun 
foitz q' il vent, 

Del Neef q' vent charg' 
de Noiz poiz v feuez*. 
Et auxi de ble si il ne 
donne ble, 

D' le summe de aux, 5 

D' le feez de aux, 

D' le dakere de quirs, 

D' le ffilling dakere, 

viij d 

j fat 



J d 



4 bz 

i fat 2 



Of the millstone, 
the couple of hand-mill 

the stone for a forge, 1 

And if it be pierced, 
the cartload of baskets, 

I basket 

the smack, Sd. 

the hulk, 4<af. 

And if it carries corn, 
the ship which carries 


the busse, 
the fishing vessel, 
the boat, 
the cog, 4.d. 

the sack of apples, of 

nuts, or of meal, each 

one, \d. 

Of each cart which first 

comes with salt after the 

feast of S l Michael, i bz 

And afterwards in the 
year each time that it 
comes, 2.d. 

the ship which comes 
laden with nuts, peas or 
beans. And also with 
corn if it does not give 
corn, ^d. 

the load, in addition, id. 

the fees, 6 in addition, \d. 

the dicker 7 of skins of 
leather, %d. 

the filling 8 dicker, \d. 

1 Either an anvil or a grindstone. 2 9 bz. 

3 The letters are defaced, and the word might be prunys, plums. 

* Or/enes, hay. 5 Auxi, or perhaps au/x, garlics. 6 Or pack. 

~ Ten skins. 8 Meaning uncertain, perhaps connected with \\oo\-fells 

2O2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

D' le feez dun homme de 
mercery de soulers v 
de ffeutr, 
D le feez de un homme 

de sux de coiure ou de 

feez oueree, 
D' le garke de aster, 
D' le last de Bakun, 
D' le hurs, 
D' le synge, 
D' le cable, 
D' le hoberionk, 
D' le spedrop 3 
D' le Nedrop, 3 
D' le baril de Aster, 
D' le blume a ferun, 
D' le hauberk, 
D' le hauberioun, 
D' le carke de plom, 
D' le fotmal, 
D' chescun chef de par- 

D' le c de peaux de 


D' le peu de Beuer, 
D' le sabelyn, 
D' le tymbre de sabelyns, 
D' le Bynd de peaux de 

D' le c de peaux, 

D' le M 1 de arnement, 

D 1 le fez dun homme de 
cordes de bast, 


iiij d 

xlij d 

xl d 

viij d 



J d 
xl d 




Of the fees 1 of a man of 
mercery, of shoes or of 

felt, \d. 

the fees 1 of a man, of 

sugar, of copper, or 

of worked iron, \d. 

the garbe 2 of steel, \d. 

the last of bacon, ^d. 

the bear, 42^. 

the ape, 40^. 

the cable, 8d. 

the hawser, ^d. 

[one kind of] rope, 2d. 

[another kind of] rope, \d. 

the barrel of steel, ^d. 

the bloom 4 of iron, ^d. 

the hauberk, ^d. 

the haubergeon, 2d. 

the carke 5 of lead, ^d. 

Of the fotmal, 6 \d. 

each cheef 7 of tailors' 

work, \d. 
the hundred of rabbit 

skins, 40?. 

the skin of a beaver, ^d. 

the sable, \d. 

the timber 8 of sables, 40^. 
the bynd 9 of sheep 

skins, \d. 
the hundred [sheep] 

skins, ^d. 
the thousand of arne- 
ment, 10 \d. 
the pack of a man of 

bast ropes, \d. 

1 Orthe/a^. 2 A sheaf of 30 pieces. Stat. Tmip. Incert. 

8 Two sorts of rope, of which the modern equivalents are not discoverable. 

4 The ingot, perhaps I cwt. 5 Perhaps the carrect=l fother=i3 fotmals. 

6 57-6 Ibs. 7 14 ells. Stat. Temp. Incert. 8 40 skins. 

a 32 skins. 10 Murray, New Eng. L>tU. " Ink, or one of its ingredients." 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

D' le charett de cordes de 

D' le Miler de grosses 

Eymes, 1 
D' Monne Eymes, 

D' le c de seyses de 
cordes ou les eymes 




Of the cartload of bast 

the thousand of large 

weights, \d. 

,, [the thousand] of money 

weights, \d. 

the hundred of scales (?) 

with cords or the 

weights hanging, 4^. 

[The following are on the back of the folio, and were possibly added 
after an interval of time.] 

Del charett de Motes, 

D' v barils de wad, 
D' un quarter de wad, 
Del tonel de Muluel seym 
ou haryng al isser, 

Del charett de oystres, 
Del feez a chiual, 
Del c de fyl a Rey, 

Del timbre de Martirins 
Del tymbre de Rostelyns, 
Del Milier de gros ouere, 

Del tymbre de chaatz, 
Del c de Conere, 

Del c de Esteyn, 

Del tonel de vyn al 


Et auxint al issir, 
Del tonel de Meel, 
Del tonel de coudres, 

J d 


viij d 



viij d 
viij d 
viij d 

Of the cartload of skeins 

of wool, 2 2d. 

5 barrels of woad, id. 

a quarter of woad, id. 

the tun of cod oil or 

herring [oil] at the going 

out, &/. 

Of the cartload of oysters, 2d. 
the horseload \d. 

,, the cwt. of yarn for 

raye [cloth], 3 \d. 

the timber of marten 

skins, 4<af. 

the timber of squirrel 

skins, 2d. 

" the thousand of grey 

work, 4 id. 

the timber of cat skins, id. 
the hundred of rabbit 

skins, 2d. 

the cwt. of tin, ^d. 

the tun of wine at com- 

ming in, 8d. 

And also at going out, 8d. 
the tun of honey, 8d. 

the tun of nuts, 2d. 

1 Esmes. 2 Or float wood. 3 Striped cloth. 

4 Badger Skins? See Riley. Lib. Cust. Lon. II., p. 806, "griseum. " 

2O4 Selected Records of the City of Nortvick. 

Del braqe de bucke tynes, 
Del charge de chiual de 


De le charett, 
De x parnez, 

De le bracee de serueyse, 

De firma quond Ball' 

De les Messetres de Nor- 
wici a la Natiuet' notre 
seignour pour lour ben- 

De les pestour a iiij termes 



iiij d 

xxx s 

iiij 1 '' 

D' le lyndraperie, xl s 

D' le hayres pour la trone, xxx s 

D' le Marche de pessoun, xx s 
D' le Marche de Galines 

ouwes furmag' et de pos, xliij 5 
D' le March de blank quir, 

xij d 

D' le March beefes vach 

et chiuals, iiij s 

Les folonners deuient 
paiuer a la feste notre 
dame en quarennu et la 
Natiuet' notre dame, xlv s 

De les pellipers, iiij s 

D' le ferme de Ewe, xl s 

Harang' doit' deux estal- 

lag' un freez et autre de 

harang' seer. 
Lestallag' de sur chescun 

le iour seint Thomas le 



2 Benevolence. 

Of the brace of buck tines, id. 
the horseload of glass, \d. 

the cartload zd. 

ten [pieces] of wood 
work, id. 

the brewing of ale, ^d. 

Of the former farm of the 

Bailiffs of Norwich. 
Of the misteries 1 of Nor- 
wich at the Nativity of 
our Lord for their bene- 
gafol, 2 30*. 

the bakers at the four 
terms [quarter days] 
equally, 3 4 

the linen drapery, 40^. 

the farmer, for the trone, 30^. 

the Fish-market, 2Os. 

Of the Market for fowls, 

eggs, cheese, and peas, 43^. 

,, the market for white 
leather, i2d. 

the market for oxen, 

cows and horses, 4^. 

The fullers are bound to 
pay at the feast of our 
Lady in Lent [25 
March] and the Na- 
tivity of our Lady [8 
Sept.], 45 s. 

Of the skinners, 4^. 

the farm of the water, 40^. 

Herring owes two tallages, 
one from fresh the other 
from salt herring. 
The tallages on each [are 
due] on the day of S l 
Thomas the Apostle 
[21 Dec.]. 

3 See No. CXLVI., p. 87. 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 205 

Leyn doit deux estallag' Wool owes two tallages 

des hommes foreigns from foreigners, the one 

lun denaunt la Pente- before Pentecost, the 

cost lautre apres. other after. 

I. Orders for Swine and Dogs. 1354. (fol. 22d.) 
Purceq' grantz damag et perils si ount souent auenuz auant ces 
heures en la Citee de Norwiz et uncore auenent de iour en autr' de 
ceo q' senglers, troyes et porks auaunt ces heures ount ales et uncore 
ailent wakeraunt de iour et nuyt santz garde en la dite Citee par qoi 
diuerses gent et enfantz si ount este naufrez par senglers enfauntz 
occis et deuorrez et autr' enseuelitz exhumat' et autres maignez et 
plusours gentz de la dite Cite resceur' grantz damage com debrisur 
des mesons destruction des chardyns a diuerses gentz par tel maner 
des porks sur quoy grant pleinte souent est auenu a les dit Bailliffs 
et commune enpreaunt a eux de remedie sur les meschiefs perils et 
damages qe a eux furent faits. A la semble tenue en Norwiz le 
sabbati en la veille seint Andrew li apostr' en Ian du regne li Roi 
Edward tiercz puis le conquest vint et utisme pur les ditz perils et 
meschiefs'eschur' et honestement la dite Citee garder, par assent de 
les Bailliffs et tut la commune de la dite Citee a la dite assemblee 
esteaunz ordine est et establi q' chescun homme ou femrr.e de quel 
estat ou condicion qil soit q' eit sengler, troye ou autr' pork de denz 

Whereas great injuries and dangers so often have happened before this 
time in the City of Norwich and still happen from day to day in as much as 
boars, sows and pigs before this time have gone and still go vagrant by day 
and night without a keeper in the said city, whereby divers persons and 
children have thus been hurt by boars, children killed and eaten, and others 
[when] buried exhumed, and others maimed, and many persons of the said 
city have received great injuries as wrecking of houses, destruction of 
gardens of divers persons by such kind of pigs upon which great complaint 
is often brought before the said Bailiffs and Community imploring them for 
remedy on the misfortunes, dangers and injuries which have been done to 
them. At the assembly held in Norwich, the Saturday on the eve of St. 
Andrew the Apostle in the twenty-eighth year of reign of King Edward the 
third after the conquest, [19 Nov. 1354] for avoiding the said dangers and 
misfortunes and becomingly keeping the said city ; By the assent of 
the Bailiffs and all the Community of the said city present at the said 
assembly ; It is ordained and established that each man or woman of 
whatsoever estate or condition he may be, who has boar, sow or other pig 

2o6 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

la elite Citee q' ils les gardent de denz lour cloos auxsi bien de iour 
com de nuit issint q' si nul maner de pork soit troue alaunt alarge 
hors de garde qe il soit greuousement amercie par les baillifs de la 
citee ; et ausint q' quicunqe q' les puisse issint trouer aler alarge 
hors de garde de iour ou nuyt qe les dit porks soient tues par 
quicunqe q' les voudra tuer sanz estr' chalange greue ou damage pur 
le tuer de tiels pork alantz en countr' cest ordinaunce. Estr' ceo q' 
chescun homme ou femme eiaunt porks q' il les puisse aler sanz 
chalang chescun iour de samadi de hour de nonne tanq' vespr' de 
dens quel temps chescun si face netter ses porcher' et de dens quel 
temps q' chescun homme face garder ces ditz porks hors de chescuny 
damage sur peril de gref amerciment deuers les baillifs de la Citee. 
Etaqulestost q' les les porcheries sount nettes q' les ditz porks soient 
rechatos en leur porcheries illuqes a demurrer come auant est dist. 

Ensement purceq' grant damage et debats ount souent auenuz 
en la dite Citee pour chiens q' aillent alarge, si est ordinee par assent 
de la communalte de la Citee q' ount chiens en la Citee q' ils les 
gardent en lieu ou en autre manere de denz lour cloos issint q' ils ne 
aillent wakeraunt a large hors en rues ne par iour ne par nuit. Et si 
nul chien soit troue wakeraunt en rues contre cest ordinaunce q' ils 

within the said city, that they keep them within their enclosure as well by 
day as by night, so that if any kind of pig be found going about at large 
without a keeper that he be heavily amerced by the bailiffs of the city, and 
also that anyone who may find them thus going about at large without 
a keeper by day or night that the said pigs may be killed by anyone who 
shall be willing to kill them without being interfered with, troubled or 
injured for the killing of such pigs going about contrary to this ordinance. 
Provided that each man or woman having pigs can [permit] them to go out 
without interference every Saturday from the hour of noon till evening, 
within which time each one shall cause his pigsties to be cleaned, and 
within which time every man shall cause the said pigs to be kept without 
injury to anyone on pain of heavy amercement towards the bailiffs of 
the city. And as soon as the pigsties are cleaned that the said 
pigs be received into their pigsties there to remain as is above said. 
Likewise whereas great injury and contentions have often happened in the 
said city for dogs which go at large, it is thus ordained by assent of the 
commonalty of the city, [that those] who have dogs in the city that they 
keep them tied up or in other way within their enclosures so that they do 
not go vagrant at large outside in the streets neither by day nor by night. 
And if any dogs be found vagrant in the streets contrary to this ordinance 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 207 

sount tues par quicummqz q' les puit trouer issint alaunt hors en 
rues. Mes cest ordinaunce ne se estent pas a leuerers, spaynels ou 
petit kenitz, ou chiens q' sount de deduit, ne a chiens q' venent oue 
leur Mestres en la Citee et repeirent mesme le iour hors oue lour 
Mestres q' sount gentz estraung et vient de la Citee. Et q' la crie 
de cest chose soit feat quatre foits par an en la Citee ala fest seint 
Michel, Nativite notre seignor, La Pasch' et le Goule de Auguste, 
issint q' nul homme se puisse escuser q' il soit mesconisaunz de cest 

let them be killed by anyone who may find them thus going about outside 
in the streets. But this ordinance shall not extend to greyhounds, spaniels 
or little kennets, 1 or to dogs which are for sport, nor to dogs which come 
with their masters in the city and go back the same day outside with their 
masters who are strangers and come from the city. And let the proclama- 
tion of this matter be made four times in the year in the city, at the feast of 
St. Michael, the Nativity of our Lord, Easter and the first of August, so 
that no man may excuse himself that he is ignorant of this ordinance. 

CCCLXXXV1L The Assize of Measures, (fol. 30.) 

Una mensura vini sit per totum regnum nostrum et una 

mensura ceruisie, et una mensura bladi scilicet quarterium London. 

Et una latitude pannorum tinctorum, russettorum, haubergiatorum, 

scilicet due ulne inter listas. 2 

There shall be one measure of wine throughout our whole realm, and 
one measure of ale, and one measure of corn, namely, the London quarter. 
And one width of dyed cloths, russetts [and] haberjets, 3 namely two ells 
within the lists. 4 

CCCLXXXVI II. The Recipe for the Herring Pies sent to the 
King and the customs associated therewith, {fol. 53</.). 

[De] deliberacione xxiiij pastillorum halecium parcelle feodi 
firme Ciuitatis Norwici. 5 

Puluis ad Pastellos domini Regis, Dimidium libre Gingiberis, 
Dimidium libre Piperis, I quart' Canelle, I uncia Claui Gariophili, 
I uncia Piperis longi, Dimidium uncie granorum Paradisi, Dimidium 
uncie Galeng. 

1 Small dogs used in hunting. Perhaps beagles. 

a This is an extract from Magna Charta as confirmed by Stat. 9 H. III., which 
is given in full in this book. 

3 See Ryley. Lib. Alb. Lou. III., p. 326, "hapettas." 4 Introduction IV. 2. 

5 From the Norwich Liber Albtts, fol. 180. 

208 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

Et sciendum estquod dominus Rex percipiet de Ciuibus Norwicii 
vj xx allecia in xxiiij or pastellis scilicet in quolibet pastello v allecia. 
Et Hugo Curson de Carleton ducet domino Regi dictos pastellos. 
Et habebit de dictis ciuibus pro duccione dictos pastellos iiij d et 
unum pastellum. 

Memorandum quod dominus Rex percipiet annuatim de 
Balliuis Ciuitatis Norwici j in xxiiij pastellis de primis allecibus 
recentibus venientibus in dicta Ciuitate. Puluis ad pastellos ut 
supra. Et predict! Balliui dabunt ductori ad dominum Regem de 
certo iiij d et j pastellum. Et sciendum est quod Hugo de Curson 
tenetur ducere dicta allecia pro tern's et tenementis suis ad dominum 
Regem. Et dictus Hugo vel ductor nomine suo percipiet ad curiam 
domini Regis subscripta, videlicet, vj panes, vj fercula de coquina, 
j lagenam vini, j lagenam seruicie, ij nacta feni, j buschellum auene, 
j priket' cere et vj candelas de sepo. 1 


[Concerning] the delivery of 24 Herring Pies parcel of the fee farm of 
the City of Norwich. 

Powder for the lord King's pies Half a pound of ginger, Ib. of 
pepper, a quarter of cinnamon, i oz. of cloves, i oz. of long pepper, 2 -i- oz. 
of grains of Paradise, 3 \ oz. of galingale. 4 

And be it known that the Lord King shall receive of the citizens of 
Norwich six score herrings in 24 pies, that is to say 5 herrings in each pie. 
And Hugh Curson of Carleton 5 shall carry the said pies to the Lord King. 
And he shall have A,d from the said citizens for the carriage of the said pies, 
and one pie. 

Be it remembered that the Lord King shall receive annually of the 
Bailiffs of the City of Norwich one hundred of the first fresh herrings coming 
to the city in 24 pies. Powder for the pies as above. And the said Bailiffs 
shall give to the carrier to the Lord King of a certain" ^d. and i pie. And 
be it known that Hugh de Curson" is bound for his lands and tenements to 
carry the said pies to the Lord King. And the said Hugh, or the carrier in 

1 This is also found in the Lib. Alb. Norw. fol. 185. See Introduction I. 6. e. 

2 Piper officinarnm. 3 Guinea grains, amomtim melegneta. 
4 A kind of ginger, rhizoma galangce. 

8 East Carleton, a village about four miles from Norwich. See Testa de Xevill, 
pp. 2830, 2990, etc. 

6 By fixed custom. 

7 One of the same name is found in The Book of Pleas, fol. 78, under the date 
1350; also in Norw. Kec. I. pp. 391, 394. (1355.) 

Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 209 

iis name, shall receive at the court of the Lord King as below written, that 
is to say, 6 loaves, 6 dishes from the kitchen, i gallon of wine, i gallon of 
;er, 2 trusses of hay, i bushel of oats, i pricket of wax and 6 tallow- 

CCCLXXXIX. Agreement bet^veen the Citizens of Norwich 
ind the Woad Merchants of Amiens and Corbie, (fol. 6od) 

Cum nuper orta erat contentio inter Nicholaum le Mouner, 
Petrum Cokerel, Johannem Feuyerter, Firminum Cokerel, Petrum 
le Mouner et Radulphum le Mouner, Mercatores Ambianenses et 
Corbienses, querentes ex una parte, et Adam de Toftes, Rogerum de 
Morleye, Willelmum But et Galfridum de Bungeye, Ballivos 
Norwici, et alios Ciues eiusdem Ciuitatis defendentes ex parte 
altera ; eo quod dicti Ballivi et ceteri Ciues petierunt ab eisdem 
Mercatoribus Ambianensibus, et Corbiensibus pro quolibet granario 1 
suo weyde quatuor denarios, pro quolibet doleo weyde quatuor 
denarios, pro fraello weyde quatuor denarios, pro quolibet barillo 
cinerum duos denarios, et pro qualibet mensura sua quatuor solidos. 
Et eo quod vendiderunt weydam suam per cumbam et per busselum, 
et cineres per barillos, et woldam suam per petras. Ista vero 

Since of late a dispute had arisen between Nicholas le Mouner, Peter 
Cokerel, John Fruyter, Firmin Cokerel, Peter le Mouner and Ralph le 
Mouner, merchants of Amiens and Corby, complainants on the one part ; 
and Adam de Toftes, Roger de Morleye, William But and Geoffrey de 
Bungeye, Bailiffs of Norwich and other citizens of the same city, defendants 
on the other part ; because the said Bailiffs and the other citizens required 
from the same merchants of Amiens and Corby for every bale 2 of woad 
four pence, for every cask of woad four pence, for a frael 3 of woad four 
pence, for every barrel of ashes 4 two pence, and for every measure 
four shillings. And because they sold their woad by the coomb and by 
the bushel and ashes by the barrel, and their wold 5 by the stone. 6 This 

1 Sic, but perhaps graverio is meant. 

2 See Murray, New Eng, Diet, "graner." 

3 See No. CCCCI. note. 

4 Probably barilla, an impure carbonate of soda used as the alkali in dyeing. 

5 Or weld, resida Intiola, formerly cultivated for its brilliant yellow dye. 

'' Ihe procedure seems to have been considered equivalent to retail trading. See 
Introduction II. 5. 


2io Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

contentio die Sabbati in festo Apostolorum Petri et Pauli Anno 
Domini M CC mo LXXX mo sexto, et regni Regis Edwardi, dei gratia 
Regis Anglic, filii Regis Henrici xiiij mo quieuit in hunc modum ; 
Videlicet quod Ballivi Norwici et alii Ciues eiusdem Ciuitatis pro 
eis et pro heredibus suis concesserunt prefatis raercatoribus Ambia- 
nensibus et Corbiensibus et omnibus aliis mercatoribus de villis 
predictis venientibus ad Ciuitatem Norwici cum mercandisis suis 
prenominatis, quod libere liceat eis granaria sua weyde ibidem 
facere, reddendo pro quolibet granario weyde Ballivis Ciuitatis 
predicte quatuor denarios tantum, pro quolibet barillo cinerum duos 
denarios tantum. Et si weydam adduxerint in fraellis reddent 
Ballivis Norwici pro quolibet fraello quatuor denarios tantum. 
Concesserunt etiam eisdem mercatoribus quod liceat eis vendere 
weydam suam per cumbam et per bussellum, et cineres per unum 
barillum integrum, et woldam suam per petras cuicumque voluerint 
siue forinsecis siue intrinsecis, si ilia mercimonia in ciuitatem 
predictam adduxerint ; ita quod predicti Ballivi pro mensuris suis 
weyde, seu pro venditione predicta, nichil ab eisdem mercatoribus 
possint exigere. Et etiam concesserunt eisdem mercatoribus quod 
possint antedicta mercimonia sua sic adducta pro voluntate sua 

dispute however was settled on Saturday the feast of the Apostles Peter 
and Paul [29* June] A.D. 1286 and in the 14 th [year] of the reign of 
King Edward, the son of King Henry, by the grace of God King of 
England, in this manner. Viz. that the aforesaid Bailiffs of Norwich 
and the other citizens of the same city, for them and for their heirs, 
granted to the aforesaid merchants of Amiens and Corby and to all other 
merchants coming from the said towns to the City of Norwich with their 
merchandise named above, that it be freely permitted to them to make 
their bales of woad there by rendering to the Bailiffs of the said city 
for every bale of woad four pence only, for every barrel of ashes two 
pence only. And if they shall have brought the woad in fraels, they 
shall render to the Bailiffs of Norwich for every frael four pence only. 
They also granted to the same merchants that, if they shall have brought 
the same merchandise into the said city, it is permitted to them to sell 
their woad by the coomb and by the bushel, and ashes by the whole 
barrel, and their wold by the stone, to whomsoever they will, whether 
foreigners or natives, so that the said Bailiffs may exact nothing from 
the same merchants for their measures of woad or for the said sale. 
And also they granted to the same merchants that they may carry 
away their said merchandise thus brought in at their will, and sell it to 


Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 2 1 1 

abducere et ea vendere cuicumque alteri voluerint, ita quod nullus 
eorum ab alio emat eadem mercimonia sic adducta, nisi eadem extra 
ciuitatem et in partibus longinquis per decem leucas a Ciuitate 
Norwici distantibus per granarium integrum abducere voluerint, 
faciendo Ballivis predicte Ciuitatis rectas et debitas inde consuetu- 
dines. Et quod possint infra eandem ciuitatem commorari quam 
diu eis placuerit. Et predicti Mercatores obligant se et omnes 
alios Mercatores Ambianenses et Corbienses mercimonia prefata 
in Ciuitatem Norwici ducentes, dare Ballivis euisdem Ciuitatis, qui 
pro tempore fuerint quadraginta solidos per annum ad Natale 
Domini, et Communitati Norwici vel suo certo atornato quadra- 
ginta solidos per annum ad Natiuitatem sancti Johannis Baptistoe 
subiciendo eos districtionibus predictorum Ballivorum si contingat 
eos in dicta solucione dictis terminis deficere. Concesserunt etiam 
quod si predicti Mercatores omnes seu plures ad Ciuitatem 
predictam cum mercandisis antedictis non venerint et unus de 
villis predictis veniat, ad solutionem predictarum quatuor librarum 
in forma supradicta faciendam per predictos Ballivos compellatur 
vel ad consuetudines pro quibus prius orta erat contentio plenarie 
faciendas, quas ipsos de iure facere conficentur prout iidem Ballivi 

any one else they will, provided that no one of them buys the same 
merchandise so brought in from another, unless they are willing to take 
away the same by the whole bale without the city, and to places distant 
further than ten leagues from the City of Norwich, by giving to the 
Bailiffs of the aforesaid city the customs right and due therefrom. And 
that they might dwell within the same city so long as they please. 
And the aforesaid merchants oblige themselves and all other merchants 
of Amiens and Corby, bringing the aforesaid merchandise to the City of 
Norwich, to give to the Bailiffs of the same city, who stand for the 
time being, 40^. per annum at the Nativity of the Lord [25 Dec.], and 
to the community of Norwich, or to their certain attorney, 40^. per annum 
at the nativity of S l John the Baptist [24 June], submitting themselves 

I to the distraints of the aforesaid Bailiffs if it happens that they make 
default in the said payment at the said terms. They also granted 
that if the said merchants, all or more, may not come to the said city 
with the aforesaid merchandise, and one from the said towns shall come, 
he shall be compelled to make payment of the said four pounds in the 
manner abovesaid by the said Bailiffs or to fully perform the customs, 
concerning; which the dispute first arose, which they confess themselves 
to perform by right, as the same Bailiffs and citizens of Norwich think 

2 1 2 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

et Ciues Norwici sibi viderint melius expedire. In cuius rei 
testimonium sigilla predictorum Mercatorum Ambianensum et 
Corbiensum et sigillum Communitatis Norwici huic scripto in 
modo cyrographi confecto alternatim sunt appensa. Actum die 
supradicto ; Temporibus domini Salomonis de Roffensis, domini 
Ricardi de Boylund, domini Walteri de Sterchesle, magistri Thome 
de Sodinton, domini Roberti Fulton et domini Walteri de Hobeton 
tune apud Norwicum, Justiciariorum domini Regis Itinerantium, 
Testibus dominis Willelmo de Kerdeston, Johanne le Verdun, 
Willelmo de Redham, Ricardo de Belhus, Willelmo de Gyneye, 
Radulfo Malherbe et Willelmo de Cringelthorp, Militibus, et multis 
aliis. Ely. 1 

it more advantageous to themselves. In witness of which thing the seals 
of the aforesaid merchants of Amiens and Corby, and the seal of the 
community of Norwich are alternately appended to this writing composed 
in the form of an indenture. Dated on the day aforesaid in the time 
of Sir Salomon de Rochester, Sir Richard de Boyland, Sir Walter de 
Sterchesle, Master Thomas de Sodinton, Sir Robert de Fulton and Sir 
Walter de Hoberton, Justices Itinerant of the Lord King then at Norwich. 
Witnesses, Sir William de Kerdeston, Sir John de Verdun, Sir William de 
Redham, Sir Richard de Belhus, Sir William de Gyneye, Sir Ralph Malherby, 
and Sir William de Cringelthorpe, Knights, and many others. 2 

CCCXC. A Fine levied between the Prior and the Citizens 
touching Common Pasture in Eaton and Lakenham in 1205. 
(fol. 66^.) 3 

Hec est finalis concordia facta in Curia domini Regis apud 
Wudestok die Jouis post octabas Purificacionis beate Marie anno 
regni Regis Johannis sexto coram Willelmo Hiwere, Magistro 

This is the final agreement made in the court of the Lord King at 
Woodstock on Thursday after the octaves of the Purification of the blessed 
Mary in the sixth year of the reign of King John [10 Feb. 1205], before 

1 The original deed is extant, and bears six seals which are fairly perfect, viz. : i. 
Decayed and illegible ; device, a mill-rine round. 2. " S' Pietre de Cokerel " ; device, a 
merchant's mark round. 3. " S' Johan (le ?) Fruitier"; device, a bird (spread eagle?) 
hexagonal. 4 Broken ; " . . . . n de Cokere . . " ; device, a bust facing the 
sinister side hexagonal. 5. A poor impression and illegible ; device, a merchant's mark ? 
caduceus? mill-rine? round. 6. Legend reversed, "R . ... Maunier"; device, a 
mill-rine on ;i shield round. Other copies occur in the Court Rolls and Lib. Alb. Norw. 
fol. lid." 

- Introduction II. 2. > Also Lib. Alh. Norw. fol. iad. 



Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 213 

Joscelino de Well', Jacobo de Boterna, Justiciariis domini Regis et 
aliis fidelibus domini Regis ibidem tune presentibus, Inter Willelmum 
Priorem de Norwico petentem, et Ciues Norwici tenentes, de 
communia tocius pasture in suburbio Norwici que se extendit versus 
Lakenham et versus Pontem de Hertford et usque Eton de feodo 
Prioris Norwici, Unde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia scilicet 
quod predictus Prior recognouit predictam communiam tocius 
predicte pasture esse jus predictorum Ciuium. Habendam et 
tenendam ipsis et heredibus suis de predicto Priore et successoribus 
suis, Prioribus Norwici, reddendo per annum de singulis bobus et 
vaccis si pascant in pastura unius predictarum villarum de Lakenham 
et de Etone unum denarium, et si pascant in pastura predictarum 
duarum villarum duos denarios. Et similiter de singulis quinque 
ovibus si pascant in pastura unius predictarum villarum unum 
denarium, et si in pastura ambarum duos denarios, scilicet unum 
denarium ad aulam de Lakenham et unum denarium ad aulam de 
Eton imperpetuum pro omni seruicio et exaccione. Salua communia 
eiusdem pasture hominibus predicti prioris de Lakenham et de Eton. 
Et pro hac recognicione, fine et concordia predicti Ciues concesserunt 
redicto Priori et successoribus suis quadraginta acras in eadem 

William Hriwere, Jocelin de Wells, James de Botern Justices of the Lord 
King and other faithful [subjects] of the Lord King there, then present. 
Between William, Prior of Norwich, demandant, and the citizens of Norwich 
tenants, concerning the common of the whole pasture in the suburb of 
Norwich which extends towards Lakenham and towards Hertford Bridge as 

ar as Eton, of the fee of the Prior of Norwich. Whereof there was a plea 
between them in the aforesaid court, to wit, that the said Prior acknowledged 
the said common of all the aforesaid pasture to be the right of the aforesaid 
citizens ; To have and to hold to them and their heirs of the said Prior and 
his successors, being Priors of Norwich, by rendering yearly for every ox and 
, if they feed in the pasture of one of the said towns of Lakenham and 

f Eton one penny, and if they feed in the pasture of the said two towns two 
r ence, and similarly for every five sheep if they feed in the pasture of one of 
the said towns one penny, and if in the pasture of both two pence, to wit, 
one penny at the Hall of Lakenham and one penny at the Hall of Eton for 
ever for all service and exaction, saving to the men of the said Prior of 
Lakenham and Eton common of the same pasture. And for this acknow- 
ledgement, fine, and agreement the said Citizens granted to the said Prior 
and his successors forty acres in the same pasture to cultivate, to wit seven 
acres stretching from the upper head of Driemere towards the south towards 

214 Selected Records of the City of Norwich. 

pastura ad excolendas, scilicet septem acras in latitudine a superior! 
capite de Driemere versus meridiem extensas versus Norwicum. Et 
in longitudine a via regali versus Lakenham, Et alibi triginta et 
tres acras, scilicet in latitudine de Hildeberdesdele versus Norwicum, 
et in longitudine de Lamsete versus Pontem de Hertford. Et 
sciendum quod licebit predicto Priori et successoribus suis capere in 
eadem pastura brueriam et genestum et ianum et fulgeriam et fodere 
turbas sine vasto pasture. 

Norwich in breadth, and in length from the king's highway towards 
Lakenham. And elsewhere thirty-three acres, to wit from Hildeberdesdele 
towards Norwich in breadth and from Lamsete towards Hertford Bridge in 
length. And it is to be known that it shall be lawful for the said Prior and 
his successors to take in the same pasture heather and broom and gorse and 
fern, and to dig turves without waste 1 of the pasture. 2 

CCCXCI. Order of H. III. for the Prior to permit the Citizens 
to have a Free Fishery in the River, (fol. 66</.) 3 

Henricus dei gratia etc. Precipe Symoni, Priori de Norwico, 
quod iuste et sine dilacione permittat ciues de Norwico habere 
communiam piscarie in Ripa de Norwico quam in ea habere debent 
et solent ut dicunt. Et nisi fecerit et predicti Ciues fecerint te 
securum de clamio suo prosequendo per tres vel quatuor ex ipsis, 
tune summoni per bonos summonitores (sum',) predictum Priorem 
quod sit coram Justiciariis nostris apud Westmonasterium a die 
sancti Johannis Baptiste in xv dies ostensurum quare non fecerit. 
Et habeas ibi summonitores (sum') et hoc breve. Teste etc. 

Henry by the grace of God etc. Give order to Syrnon, Prior of 
Norwich, that justly and without delay he permit the citizens of Norwich to 
have a common of fishery in the river of Norwich which they ought and were 
accustomed to have in it, as they say. And unless he does, and the said 
citizens make you sure concerning the prosecution of their claim by three or 
four of them, then summon the said Prior by good men being summoned 
that he appear before our justices at Westminster within fifteen days from 
the feast of St. John the Baptist to show why he has not done it. And 
have there those summoned and this writ. Witness etc. 

1 Meaning that he should not be held liable for waste by such actions. 

2 Introduction I. 6. f. 

3 Also Lib. Alb. Norw. fol. 12. 

Selected Records of the City of Norvjich. 2 i 5 

Extracts from The Old Free Book. 1 
CCCXCII. An Examination of the City's Liabilities in 1344. 

(fol. 2.)' 


View at Michaelmas 18 E. III. [1344] State of the debts of the men 
of the City of Norwich viewed by John de Hedersete their attorney for 
money received by them of the King's dues (deb') both within the liberty 
of the said city and elsewhere. They charge themselves with 9 ijs. 8d. 
which they acknowledge they have levied of divers estreats of divers places 
of the King. Also they owe ^126 is. ^d? of the farm of the said city of 
the 17 th year of this King, the items of which farm are more fully explained 
in the great roll of the i6 th year of the present King, under Norff' et Suff'. 
And ;ioi 13*. gd. of several debts as are contained in the great roll of the 
said i7 th year under Norff' et Suff' Sum altogether ^237 i2s, gd. 

Of which they have paid ^100 of their farm by i tally levied 30 May 
in the said 17 th year. And [they have paid] ^93 8.?., concerning which 
they are charged within the said sum of ;ioi 135. yd. viz. of the subsidy 
of a ninth as is contained in the said roll of the i6 th year under item Norff' 
et Suff\ by i tally levied 2 May in the 14 th year towards the^ioo to be 
paid in respect of the said ninth. And they have paid 335. gd. by i tally 
levied 14 June in the 17 th year. And 8s. 2d. by i tally levied 8 June in 
the said i7 th year. And they have paid to John de Monte Gomery 4 ^26 
for the term of S l Michael in the 17 th year of that